It is a 'source of great pleasure, on behalf of the Liberian delegation and myself, to extend heartiest congratulations to Mr. Slim on his election as President of the sixteenth General Assembly. It is indeed significant that this is the first time in the history of the United Nations that an African has been elected President of the General Assembly. We are happy and proud that this honour has come to him. We are aware that he realizes that it imposes a serious and great responsibility upon him at a most critical period. We have no doubt, however, that with his experience, his wisdom and his sense of justice and fair play, he will be able to conduct the work of this session in an orderly and impartial manner and reflect credit not only on him and on his nation, but also on the peoples of Africa and the world.
2. We meet at this session -conscious of the many problems which confront us but convinced that satisfactory solutions can and will be found if all of us keep clearly in mind the purposes for which we have met.
3. This is indeed a crucial point in history. The people of the world are in a state of tension. The
international situation is fraught with portentous danger Everywhere people are wondering whether man will approach his problems with reason and calm, or whether he will allow his animal instincts to propel him into the hazardous position of unleashing the powers of war once again on our planet.
4. Two world wars have been fought in this century. Millions of innocent men, Women and children have been slain and the world has been deprived of some of its finest material and spiritual possessions. Despite these facts, it is unfortunate that even as we assemble here the international situation continues to worsen.
5. A serious situation exists in Berlin. On the other hand, it appears that the critical state of affairs in Laos has eased. The weapons of destruction now at man's disposal make it perilous and hazardous for the world to be pulled into any situation in which the possibility of a clash of arms becomes imminent. We
cannot afford a third world war. Both East and West having accepted the principle of negotiation over Berlin, the peoples of the world are demanding that such negotiations begin at once to ease the tension and remote the threat of war inherent in such a dangerous situation.
6. Consequently, as Members of the United Nations, we must take such attitudes and pursue such actions as will pull Eastern and Western statesmen off the limb on which they seem to be frequently finding themselves. For should a conflict of arms occur, no one will succeed in localizing it. We shall all be victims of any folly which, because of national prestige or othor factors, may lead to war. It is, therefore, in our best interests to ensure that means, either within or without the United Nations, are available to the principal Powers to foster negotiations on all matters. We would also like to remind the big Powers of their obligations to settle disputes by peaceful means, so that international peace, security and justice are not endangered. Meanwhile, they should refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, no matter how small.
7. We are also faced with the fact that the moratorium on nuclear teats has been lifted and mankind is confronted with the dangers of radio-active fall -out in spite of his fears and contrary to Ms own best interests.
8. The resumption of! nuclear explosions immediately following its announcement, and at a time when the three nuclear Powers were discussing a possible test ban, has seriously raised the question of good faith in negotiations either on the banning of tests or on the question of disarmament. I do not think it is necessary to emphasize the importance of good faith in matters of this kind, for each country seeks to the utmost to protect its security and must, of necessity, depend on the good faith of other parties if disarmament is to be achieved.
9. The de-colonization of dependent territories has continued, and we hope that its pace will be accelerated so that all nations can be free and independent and can co-operate in equality and human dignity. Nevertheless, there are &till colonial tentacles widely spread which must be eliminated, and some countries have got to realize that in this mid-twentieth century a new day is dawning and nineteenth century practices of humiliation, oppression, barbarity and even death can no longer be tolerated without foreboding dangers to mankind as a whole.
10. Difficulties have arisen which have brought the United Nations to an important crossroad. The sad death of Dag Hammarskjold, which we all regret, has created a serious problem in this Organization. There is now no administrative head of the Secretariat, and
there are many United Nations activities which require proper direction. We therefore urge that prompt attention be given to the solution of this problem.
11. At the last session of the Assembly an attack was made on the office of Secretary-General. The report of the Committee of Experts appointed under General Assembly resolution 1446 (XIV), which reviews the activities and organization of the Secretariat, will be discussed at this session. It is unfortunate that the deterioration in the international atmosphere will make it difficult to discuss these questions objectively without introducing highly controversial political issues.
12. Let me recall that in the course of the general debate at the last session I stated the following on behalf of my delegation:
"The Liberian delegation feels that any revision of the Charter which abolishes the position of Secretary-General in favour of an executive triumvirate operating of the basis of unanimity or predicated on regional alignments or blocs would only contribute to the total and complete destruction of the United Nations and would travesty the principles on which the Organization was founded. Instead of creating new blocs, my delegation feels that we should strive to do away with all blocs and seek to create one brotherhood among men." [878th meeting, para. 273.]
My delegation's position on this question has not changed, but I should like to add a few other points.
13. Article 100 of the Charter of the United Nations, whose obligations all Members have agreed to fulfil in good faith — and according to Article 2, paragraph 6 of which the Organization is to ensure that States which are not Members of the United Nations act in accordance with its principles so far as may be necessary for the maintenance of international peace and security — provides that "in the performance of their duties, the Secretary-General and the staff shall not seek or receive instructions from any Government or from any other authority external to the Organization". They are to refrain from any action which might reflect on their international status, and all Members have agreed to respect the international character of their responsibilities and not to seek to influence them in the discharge of these responsibilities.
14. There can be no doubt that the administrative and political responsibilities of the Secretary-General and the staff have increased, and Members of the United Nations have quite reasonably centred their attention on the organization and staffing of the Secretariat in order to determine whether there have been faults in the execution of decisions made by the Security Council and the General Assembly.
15. Quite recently there have been complaints about the manner in which some decisions have been executed. It would have been impossible for this to have been otherwise, because many of the resolutions of the Security Council and of the General Assembly represent compromises and do not always adequately indicate the original positions of the individual Members. Under no circumstances, then, can the execution of such compromises clearly reflect the intentions of individual Members. Hence, neither the Secretary-General nor his staff is to be blamed for this.
16. Distrust of a particular personality who may occupy the position of Secretary-General or disagreement with the manner in which a Secretary-' General may implement a resolution should not constitute a motive to destroy or undermine the office of Secretary-General.
17. Indeed, should this attitude persist, it could conceivably reach a stage of absurdity in which each year, as our national policies change and as we desire to use the instruments of the United Nations to pursue our national objectives, we would find ourselves demanding not merely a change in the person of the Secretary-General but also in the institution. The office of Secretary-General should not be used to further the policy or interest of any particular country.
18. My Government will not support any proposal designed to emasculate the position of the Secretary- General by introducing three persons representing socialist States, neutralist States and Western States, nor any proposal for three deputy Secretaries-General representing such blocs, who are to be concerned with political, diplomatic and ad hoc functions.
19. In the first instance, apart from the fact that there are some Members of the United Nations which will continue to pursue an independent policy without being connected with any one of the three blocs mentioned, we do not and will not approv3 a permanent division of the Members of the United Nations into blocs, which would hava the effect of rigidifying a division not only not contemplated by the Charter but alsc absolutely contrary to its provisions.
20. Only amendment of the Charter could change the position of the Secretary-General; but such a change is undesirable because it would paralyse the Organization and set up criteria of such a transient and evanescent nature that it would be impossible of exactness, and this would be contrary to the principles and purposes of the Organization.
21. This does not mean, of course, that some reorganization of the Secretariat in the interest of efficiency and economy may not be necessary in the light of its responsibility, or that wider geographical representation on the Secretariat is undesirable. But it is felt that this should be achieved in a reasonable manner and with the clear understanding of the provision, in Article 101 of the Charter, that the staff should be recruited with a view to "securing the highest standards of efficiency, competence and integrity.
22. A proposed reorganization on this basis will he supported by the Liberian delegation. I wish to emphasize that the Liberian Government has no intention of weakening the United Nations. It wisher to strengthen it. Most of the big Powers probably are able to take care of themselves so far as power itself is concerned — or so they think — but it must be admitted that the United Nations has been an important bulwark for small countries, and we believe it to be important to all nations. In a speech last May, when referring to the United Nations, the President of Liberia said:
"While we do not underwrite every item of its activities in the fifteen years of its existence, we feel that it is entitled to our support and the affirmation of its fundamental tenets. Everything must be done to ensure continuity, and nothing must be done by any State or group of States to undermine its great objectives."
23. In spite of our obligations as loyal Members of the Organization, created to maintain international peace
and security — a great and important ideal and objective — we are confronted with situations in which some Members of the United Nations — some of them even permanent members of the Security Council — either deliberately ignore decisions of this Organization themselves or encourage other States to do so.
24. When a matter is decided in the Security Council by a majority vote and a permanent member abstains, it is unfair for such a member to refuse to carry out the decision of the Council, since it had the opportunity both of preventing the decision of the Security Council and of having the matter referred to the General Assembly.
25. If the United Nations is to become an effective Organization, it is the Member States which must make it so; for it is the Member States which constitute the Organization and the acts of the institution are merely reflections of the acts of its individual Members taken in a collective manner. The attitude of States Members of the United Nations is therefore very important.
26. In any municipal situation, where an individual is free to do as he pleases and can flout decisions taken by the majority simply because the decisions are not to his liking, society is in a precarious position, for sooner or later law and order will surely break down. What is good for the goose should be good for the gander. There cannot be a double standard. The yardstick by which the measurement is taken must be the same for all Members of the United Nations.
27. But what has been even more shocking is the apparent desire of some States — some of which again are permanent members of the Security Council — to attempt to wreck the Organization through financial strangulation by refusing to contribute to its peacekeeping activities.
28. Under the Charter, States Members of the United Nations conferred on the Security Council primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, and they agreed that in executing such duties the* Security Council acts on behalf of all Members of the United Nations. It is quite obvious then, that when decisions are made by the Security Council bearing on the maintenance of peace and security — or if the Security Council is unable to make a decision and the matter is referred to the General Assembly where the decision is made — if any financial involvement of the Organization becomes necessary it is the obligation of each Member of the United Nations to contribute its share, once that has been determined, in meeting the expenses which are to be incurred,
29. It AS wrong for any Member of the United Nations to refuse to make its contribution on any ground whatsoever; from when either the Security Council or the General Assembly takes an action it does so on behalf of each Member, and we are all obligated because we have conferred on these institutions the power to take action on our behalf. To put it more pointedly, if I conferred upon my agent the right to carry out an act on my behalf and he acted clearly within the scope of his authority, I am certain that you would tell me I was presenting an absurd argument if I did not recognize, as the principal, that I was bound by the act of my agent.
30. But the problem becomes even worse when one or more permanent members of the Security Council refuse to contribute to the peace-keeping activities of the United Nations, for they demonstrate thereby a shameful disregard of the solemn obligations which
they have undertaken in the discharge of their duties. One wonders whether a country which acts in such a manner is really worthy of permanent membership of the Security Council. It may well be that the whole concept on which the Security Council of the United Nations was created should be re-examined, for we cannot be sure that important duties should be entrusted to such members.
31. My delegation feels that peace-keeping operations of the United Nations is an obligation of Members and, therefore, the expenses thereof should be apportioned by the General Assembly in keeping - with Article 17 (2) of the Charter.
32. When the United Nations was established in 1945 there were fifty States Members. Today there are ninety-nine. This has been due mainly to the increase in the number of independent African States.
i)3. The various councils and other organs Of the United Nations have usually been established by elections under some arrangements in which seats were allocated to certain geographical areas. Under the present arrangements, Africa has not generally been included in these geographical allocations. No one needs to be told that it is unfair to constitute these organs in a manner which excludes representation of approximately 25 per cent of the entire membership of the Organization. We have urged repeatedly that these organs should be enlarged to permit the election and participation of African States. Unfortunately, this has not been done because no agreement could, be reached. The only legitimate alternative is a rearrangement of the existing seats so that Africa can be represented in each of these organs. It is fervently hoped, therefore, that other Members of the United Nations will support one or other of these alternatives in order to give greater participation to African States.
34. The General Assembly, under the provisions of the Charter, is obliged to consider principles governing disarmament and the regulation of armaments, and it can make recommendations to the Security Council regarding such principles. These provisions are not as forceful as those included in the Covenant of the League of Nation^; but, unfortunately, nothing has yet been done to bring about either disarmament or the regulation of armaments. This, of course, has been due to the unhappy international situation which has been termed "the cold war".
35. Further complicating this situation has been the development of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons, as well as missiles, and the possibility that outer space might be used for military purposes. These horrible weapons pose an unusual threat to the very existence of civilization and bear in themselves the dangerous possibility of such massive and enormous destruction as is beyond our present comprehension.
36. Must our failure to seek and to find a solution of this perpetual problem be the cause of such dreadful and frightening possibilities? Are we going to make serious efforts to find a solution before we are overtaken by awesome consequences, or shall we permit our own self-destruction because of our unwillingness to solve what is a difficult question? We cannot continue to postpone these problems while tensions become more acute. It is necessary for us to throw our weight on the side of reason and in favour of negotiations, and to tax our resources to find a solution.
S7. But it will take more than disarmament to keep peace. We have to find some answers to the pressing problems that divide us and reduce the Sear and suspicion which bate beset us and which have become nightmares to the big Powers. War must cease to be a means of pursuing policy. New attitudes must be developed new means pursued, new criteria formed on the basis of right and justice, and a new atmosphere created wherein the perplexing problems of our times can be solved by peaceful means.
38. We believe that the United Nations — imperfect as it is, for nothing created by human beings will be perfect — still provides the best forum and the most suitable place for this new approach to be made. But, whether this is done through the United Nations or through other media, it is absolutely necessary that some solution be found to these problems. Negotiations are necessary, but the attitudes brought to the conference table must be changed if negotiations are to be successful. We cannot continue to undertake negotiations merely for the sake of negotiation. There must be a clearly determined desire to settle disputes by peaceful means. We therefore appeal to the principal Powers in this matter to remove the ominous threat which hangs over mankind. We appeal to all nations and to all men to turn over a new leaf in international affairs so as to dispel the grim horrors that now hover over us.
39. Less than one-third of the world s population lives in what are termed developed countries, while the remaining slightly more than two-thirds lives in under-developed countries. Yet the under-developed countries have only 10 per cent of the world's wealth and the developed countries have 90 per cent. The gap is becoming even wider. This great gap between the "haves" and the "have-nots" is itself a source of tension and may have frightening consequences if it is not bridged.
40. One of the purposes of the United Nations is to achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of economic, social, cultural or humanitarian character, and I submit that this is both a pressing and an explosive problem. A great cooperative movement or organization must be undertaken to help in developing much needed skills, providing capital and planning a massive assault on poverty, ignorance, hunger and disease. Bilateral and multilateral approaches are necessary because of the magnitude of the task.
41. It is here in the United Nations that the developed countries should increase their contributions to technical assistance, the Special Fund and like bodies to enable them to do more in finding an effective solution to this problem. Economic development is a key to the problem in all its ramifications, and it would be wiser to identify problems and find solutions before they reach such proportions that we are swamped by them. This is not a problem to be postponed. The sooner it is solved the better it will be for all of us.
42. Another situation to which I desire to draw attention is the situation in connexion with the continued existence of foreign domination in some parts of Africa and the world. While it is true that many countries have recently achieved independence there are still some places where the entrenched rulers are trying to put up strong rearguard resistance. We may as well face the facts and be realistic. Continued domination by an alien minority can no longer be tolerated in this age. It is no longer tenable, and the quicker we bring this obnoxious practice to an end the better off all of us will be. In the light of the resolution [1514 (XV)] passed at the last session we hope that it will be possible for the Assembly to discuss recommendations for the acceleration of de-colonization and thereby remove an important source of friction.
43. I desire not to turn to more specific African problems which have come before the United Nations,
44. During the last session of the Assembly, African and other States criticized the failure of Spain and Portugal to submit data on the development of their colonial territories in keeping with provisions of the Charter. They also urged that an end be brought to colonialism at an early date. Spain agreed to provide the requested information, but Portugal flatly refused.
45. As the political situation in the Portuguese territories worsened and military build-ups began, the Liberian delegation was instructed to bring this serious state of affairs in Angola to the attention of the Security Council. Unfortunately the draft resolution did not receive the necessary majority. The General Assembly at its resumed fifteenth session passed a resolution [1603 (XV)] setting up a sub-committee to inquire into the situation in Angola, and the African- Asian group subsequently went back to the Security Council, which on 9 June 1961 approved a resolution 1/ calling on Portugal to cease its repressive measures against the Angolan peoples.
46. The Portuguese Government defiantly refused to permit the United Nations Sub-Committee on the Situation in Angola to enter the territory to make the necessary inquiry. Instead that Government launched military operations and employed severe repressive measures, causing untold damage to property and loss of life to the people of Angola, on the ground that Angola, is a province of Portugal.
47. I do not think that it is necessary to go into the details of whether the territory is indeed a province of Portugal or not, for the overwhelming majority of the Members of the United Nations have wisely rejected that contention. Until 28 August 1961, in the so-called "province of Angola", with a population of four and a half millions Africans, only about 30,000 had been assimilated, and this after 500 years of Portuguese civilization. But the announcement of 28 August 1961 by the Portuguese Minister of Overseas Provinces that the Angolans were then, full citizens of Portugal and "subject to a law which is the same for everyone, with no distinction of race, religion or culture" is, in our opinion, an admission that nothing other than a repressive colonial regime continues to exist in that territory.
48. A dangerous practice seems to be developing on the part of some countries of ignoring decisions taken by this Organization, and we have to be careful not to tolerate it or to permit it to go unchallenged. It is hoped that the Commission will make a full report. It is reported that arms allegedly supplied by NATO to Portugal are being used to carry out these repressive measures. NATO countries contend that arms supplied
for defence are not provided for such military purposes, but the fact remains that some of those selfsame arms are being used to repress the legitimate aspirations of the indigenous people. My delegation will therefore propose at this session that an arms embargo be imposed against Portugal.
49. The unhappy state of war in Algeria has been before the Assembly for several years. It had been hoped that negotiations started between the provisional government of the Algerian Republic and the Government of Prance would have led to complete self- determination and the cessation of hostilities. This has, unfortunately, not been the case. The situation there could further deteriorate and have an adverse effect on world peace,
50. The principle of self-determination is enshrined in the Charter and we certainly hope that this fact is remembered. My delegation will support any measures undertaken here which will bring the two parties back to the conference table so that the right of self- determination might be applied to Algeria as a whole without any further delay.
51. At the third special session of the Assembly the question of Bizerta was dealt with. The Assembly [resolution 1622 (S-III)] recognized the sovereign right of Tunisia to call for withdrawal of French forces. It also called upon France and Tunisia to enter into immediate negotiations to devise peaceful measures for the withdrawal of French armed forces..
52. This matter has serious implications for the United Nations, and we wonder whether the attitude of some big Powers in boycotting sessions of the United Nations is the kind of international order that is sought to be introduced.
53. It is indeed a sad commentary on any nation of grandeur and prestige that in this enlightened age such outright advantage should be taken of small Powers in direct contravention of the provisions of the Charter, and that some countries are content merely to wince at such action even1 though they fully realize that it is wrong. This was the same attitude taken towards the matter of Ethiopia in 1935, and no one needs to be reminded of what eventually happened it that time. My delegation strongly urges that a rapid solution to this problem be found.
54. The problem of the mandated Territory of South West Africa is one which has been before the General Assembly from the very beginning. Even though many resolutions have been passed, it is regrettable that nothing has been achieved in wrenching the mandated territory from the clutches of South Africa. Apart from the fact that the unjust and indecent practice of apartheid has been extended by the Mandatory Power of South West Africa, the mandate itself has been violated in several respects.
55. Worse still, in spite of the previous advisory opinions of the International Court of Justice, the South African Government has patently defied the authority of the United Nations and refused to permit even the United Nations Committee on South West Africa to enter the territory to make inquiries. The Committee's report will probably reveal the serious inhumane and repressive measures undertaken by the South African Government as well as the terrible conditions tinder which Africans in the territory are forced to live without much hope.
56. My Government has undertaken in co-operation with the Ethiopian Government to bring a contentious action against the Union in the International Court of Justice, but welcomes any further action that the General Assembly may take to accelerate the end of this unsatisfactory and painful situation. Meanwhile we will give appropriate study to the recommendations of the Committee and may make further recommendations during the present session, including the possibility of further economic sanctions against the Republic of South Africa.
57. The situation in South' Africa itself, where apartheid is being rigidly applied to such an extent that it led to the dreadful Sharpeville shootings in March 1960, has not improved in spite of the General Assembly's resolutions [1568 (XV) and 1596 (XV)]. This problem, which goes to the heart of proper relations among people on the basis of equality and infringes human dignity^ perhaps in its most insidious form, continues to threaten international peace. The powder-keg in that area will not remain hidden without an explosion which could have a serious effect in the world.
58. Upon authorization of the Security Council, the United Nations intervened in the Congo last year to try and retrieve a very serious and desperate situation. This intervention has been the source of Attacks on the Secretary-General, on the Secretariat and on the Organization itself. The Congo crisis has been most difficult and complex, and no one should minimize the magnitude of the task which the United Nations undertook when it intervened. The army had mutinied; law and order had broken down; and a grave economic crisis confronted the Government.
59. To add to these problems the mandate given to the Secretary-General was so vague fiat it was never very clear, and in many instances he was forced to make an interpretation and then request Security Council approval. Whilst in most instances this was given, individual Members seem to have made interpretations most favourable to their points of view and blamed every apparent wrong on the Secretary- General and his staff.
60. The resolution of 21 February 1961,2/ which was implemented, did considerably improve the situation. The recall of Parliament has fortunately led to the formation of a" broadly based Government which has Parliament's approval, and there were some hopeful signs that the worst had been passed. But then intransigence in Katanga led to a series of unfortunate incidents. Many resolutions have been passed by the United Nations on the Congo and all States were requested to refrain from any action which might undermine the territorial integrity and the political independence of the Republic of the Congo.
61. Whilst there were undoubtedly some errors and imperfections, no one could have expected that in undertaking such a complex task everything would have been perfect. On balance, however, the United Nations intervention did make a significant and valuable contribution to the solution of the problem in the Congo. It has perhaps prevented a cold war situation from becoming dangerous in that area and we hope it will eventually lead to a peaceful solution.
62. We appreciate the magnitude of the work accomplished by the Secretary-General and his staff under very difficult circumstances. We congratulate them for the success achieved so far, It certainly ia a tribute to the United Nations and an indication of what can 'be done if our approach to such problems is more Objective and Is based on the fairness? and justice of the cause,
63. There are very disturbing reports that mercenaries in Katanga .are directing Katangese troops against the United Nations troops. This disregard of resolutions passed by the United Nations cannot be condoned, and the Liberian delegation supports the action taken by the United Nations Command in trying to effeotuate the resolutions passed by the Organization. The Secretary-General and some of his associates and many United Nations troops have lost their lives in this cause. It is incumbent upon us to ensure that they have not died in vain.
64. A serious refugee problem is developing in Africa and my delegation hopes that there will be United Nations assistance for these refugees through the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.
65. Finally, as we stand on the brink of a precipice in international affairs, we need all caution, patience and reason in our every activity to prevent us from making a plunge, either by design or by miscalculation, which can destroy ourselves in what could be one of the greatest catastrophes of all times.
Let us, therefore, exercise virtue and bring to our deliberations on the urgent problems before us at this session, that sense of responsibility, that spirit of fair play, and that quality of justice which the seriousness of the time requires of us. It is our fervent and earnest hope that mankind, in these perilous times, will rise to the occasion imbued with a sense of realism, so that our world may be assured that international peace and security will never more be impaired or destroyed by our rashness. In that hope let us go forth with confidence and determination.