Mr. President, please allow me to congratulate you upon the well-earned and well-deserved unanimity with which you have been elected to preside over our deliberations during the present session of the General Assembly. May we all succeed together in steering safely the ship of the Assembly through the agitated seas in which it will have to sail.
108. The world has been tense and grim while living with the haunting anxieties of recent events. At a moment when a glimmer of hope for disarmament and the stability of peace was looming before our eyes, happenings in Berlin and in several other spheres were almost suddenly made, or allowed, to take a bad turn and lead to a steeper and more ominous arms race.
109. To the accompaniment of an angry exchange of recriminations and of threats between the principal countries involved and of the poisons and the callousness of nuclear tests, this arms race goes on in disconcerting parallelism with word-eloquent professions, from all quarters, of love for peace and for all humanity. My Government does not challenge the sincerity of most of those professions of goodwill. Yet it can but draw the inevitable conclusions from the painfully awkward contradiction between them and the realities of action and of fact.
110. We can derive no comfort, no consolation, from the eloquence of words, while nuclear arms tests are carried out with utter contempt for human values and human life, and while the day is rapidly approaching when the choice will have to be made between the continuance of the human race and the continuance of the arms race.
111. We all know and believe that it would not be just or fair to accuse any responsible leader of wanting war. But it should be permissible, nay, it is an inescapable duty, to warn against errors, miscalculations or false moves which could lead to war.
112. It is true that no one can validly visualize war as the proper1 answer to the problems of the world.
Yet no one can realistically discard war from among the hazards of present day to life.
113. Throughout the ages and until today, morality and reason have not always been, though they have often been, the guiding stars of human behaviour; and there is no warrant for any assertion that man's fallibility and the blind spot in man's otherwise brilliant mind have not grown along with his over-all growth. This has been particularly discernible during the last few months; and we have, therefore, still to vanquish the beast of war, to make war against war, against poverty, disease, ignorance and tyranny.
114. But if we are to succeed, if we are to be victorious, the world community of nations will have to learn, far better than it has done until today, how to work hand, in hand, and this Organization of ours must cease to be in actual fact the Divided, and become indeed the United, Nations, united in upholding the principles of the Charter and in faith in fundamental human rights, the dignity and worth of the human person and. the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small. For, if principles do not govern the policies and actions of nations, and if the rule of law does not prevail in international relations, the prospect for peace and for a really civilized world society would indeed be very dim. This is but a truism which has proved itself whenever and wherever peace between nations is threatened or disturbed.
115. I have mentioned the crisis of Berlin. Calling it so is an over-simplification and is almost a euphemism. There is of course a crisis which can be considered as relating to Berlin as such and having a direct impact on it. But the range, the substance and the implications of the present crisis in connexion with that city are, as we all know, incomparably wider and deeper than that. Unless this is taken into consideration, the search for a solution would be constantly doomed to failure. Keeping this in mind would help to give us a measure of how serious this crisis is and how much of a challenge it is to all those who endeavour to find a way out of it.
116. At the Conference of Non-Aligned Countries held in Belgrade, the following Declaration was adopted on 6 September of this year:
"The countries participating in the Conference consider that the German problem is not merely a regional problem but liable to exercise a decisive influence on the course of future developments in international relations.
"Concerned at the developments which have led to the present acute aggravation of the situation in regard to Germany and Berlin, the participating countries call upon all parties concerned not to resort to or threaten the use of force to solve the German question or the problem of Berlin, in accordance with the appeal made by the heads of state or Government on 5 September 1961."
117. I have already referred to the arms race, which is now at its worst, and to the raging continuance of nuclear arms tests. The contenders in these tests and in that arms race are, to quote from an old play, acting as if they were "seeking the bubble reputation even in the cannon's mouth".
118. Had the principles of the Charter been upheld in deeds and not merely in words, had there been actual and proven faith in these principles, the human race would not be facing today the danger of annihilation and utter shame. Had principles, faith in them and loyalty to them prevailed, we would not be facing the threats to world peace, the contempt for human worth and the negation of right which are taking place in Algeria, Palestine, Oman, Bureimi, the Southern Yemen, Bizerta, Angola, West Irian, the Congo, South Africa and in many other parts of the world. Nor would the rapacity, indignities and humiliations of colonialism and other forms of foreign domination have continued to survive.
119. It is clear at the same time that merely to talk and moralize about these matters would be of little or no avail. Finding solutions and taking action should be foremost in the positiveness and daring of our thoughts. Yet, to do that successfully, we have to be fully informed and aware of at least the principal elements of appreciation regarding the various pending problems.
•120. To begin with, one can take as an illustration the problem of armaments and nuclear tests of which
I have just made mention. Behind this problem, too, and intimately, vitally, practically and mentally linked with it, are such basic and real elements as the balance of power, security, suspicion and fear. Unless and until we take into full consideration these and related elements of appreciation when dealing with the armaments race and with nuclear tests, we shall be groping in the dark and getting nowhere.
121. We should all welcome and wish success for the talks which the Governments of the Soviet Union and the United States are having in an endeavour to reach an agreement regarding this problem. We have welcomed equally the joint statement of agreed principles for disarmament negotiations argued by the two Governments on 20 September 1961 [A/4879]. But the world is still kept waiting for even a beginning of the formally accepted disarmament, and the cessation of nuclear tests.
122. The Assembly, which, as has been often said, is the common forum of the world, should further concretise and express and give concrete form to its views as to the objectives and the immediate1 steps to be taken in this regard. It cannot and it has no right to sit silent and indifferent while, year after year, the nuclear Powers indulge in barren negotiations regarding disarmament and the cessation of nuclear tests, and while these tests grow in frequency, dimensions and lethal effect. The voice of this Assembly must rise high and above the rumblings of those explosions. It must make known the fears, the resentments and the hopes of all humanity.
123. At present it seems to be agreed theoretically everywhere that there should be a cessation of the production and the testing of nuclear arms and the accomplishment of general and complete disarmament. But theoretical agreement is obviously worthless, as long as it does not step into the sphere of actual deeds and become a tangible reality of life.
124. We understand and respect the legitimate concern of any country for its own security and for the safety and happiness of its people. But we do not fail to realize that this concern has been strained and stretched to extremes which are making it self- defeating. Indeed, the more arms there are, the more precarious World peace becomes and the more formidable and threatening will be the Sword of Damocles which hangs over this universe and over all who live in it. There has never been, in the long history of the human race, less secure security than that which has been brought about by the current armaments race; and humanity has never needed as direly as it does today to get out of a dangerous impasse.
125. From countries which do not belong to one or the other of the two big contending blocs, and which indeed do not form or intend to form a third bloc, assistance may be required in this connexion, considering the fact that the problems involved are of universal implication and world-wide concern, and in the hope that these non-aligned countries can make a more detached appraisal of the international situation and that they might be able to contribute at least a needed little towards the finding of ways out of the present deadlock and leading to the vitally necessary solutions.
126. The presence of countries which do not belong to any of the two big blocs has been felt increasingly during the last few years as a result of their growth and self-assertion and of the widening cleavage between the two big blocs with, at their head, the permanent members of the Security Council, whose unanimity ft as one of the basic assumptions of the Charter in relation to the preservation of international peace.
127. Alignment and non-alignment grew, in fact, together after having been born almost on the same day. Besides being two parallel growths, they represent two parallel departures, a real departure by the members of the two blocs from the precept of unanimity between the permanent members of the Security Council, and an apparent departure by the non-aligned countries from the precept that all Members of the United Nations must be aligned formally as allies, through the Charter, in safeguarding world peace and Security, and in realizing the purposes which they have agreed to serve,
128. It is obvious that non-alignment, as intended, refers only to antagonistic blocs, and is a counterbalance to their disagreements which seriously endanger world peace and security. It is not intended to be a passive attitude of indifference to what is going on in the world, or a mere protest against the upsurge of antagonistic blocs whose cold war quarrels and rivalries shake the foundations of peace.
129. It should be understood, therefore, that non- alignment is not a passive mood or a posture of indifference or brooding or of merely telling the world what the non-aligned countries are not, without saying what they are. Having this in mind, some have called it positive neutrality. But this has evoked the thought that neutrality is a war-time attitude and, unlike non- alignment, not applicable in times of peace. Consequently, and although a not-quite-cold cold war is going on, the term "non-alignment" is currently more often used.
130. The Asian-African Conference held at Bandung, Indonesia, in April 1955, ten years after the signing of the United Nations Charter in San Francisco, was attended mostly by non-aligned countries, and the general trend of the Conference was, essentially, one of non-alignment. Although the Conference was African-Asian and was not attended exclusively by non-aligned countries, attendance at the conferences which were held in the following years at Accra, Addis Ababa, Casablanca and, this year, in Belgrade was completely non-aligned. From each of these conferences came a strong reminder that there exist in this universe other countries and other ideas besides those of the two big antagonistic blocs, and that these blocs have not, either by their .agreement or by their disagreement, any monopoly on deciding humanity's destiny.
131. At the beginning and in the heat of the so-called cold war, the two big blocs were antagonistic not only to each other but to the very thought and attitude of non-alignment. At a later stage they began to tolerate non-alignment, though reluctantly, and to outgrow and overcome, to a degree, their resentment of it. But this feeling has, nevertheless, been showing symptoms not unlike those of recurrent fever, and the non-aligned are occasionally reminded of this in no equivocal terms. Even when, as in recent years, the leaders of the big blocs say a generous word for non-alignment they do not usually fail to show at the same time a lingering impatience with it.
132. Be that as it may, one should find a good deal of satisfaction and of hopefulness in the growing companionship and the closer consultations between the
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various groups of the two blocs and the non-aligned, This new relationship can become the greatest alliance against war and for the realization of the peaceful, constructive purposes of the United Nations.
133. At the same time the new awakening in Asia, Africa and Latin America, and the enthusiasm with which those continents; in their immensity and great potential and in their determination to meet the challenges of modern times, give promise of a much brighter and richer world in the years to come, a world where human and material resources are fully and properly activated and where economic or other co-operation is neither a veil for domination nor a means of exploitation. It will then be discovered that there is in this world quite enough for all and that the magic wand of freedom can produce undreamt-of wonders.
1*34. Beside the overhauling of the economy and of the ways of life in Asia and Latin America in the direction of more positiveness and a more expressive vitality, Africa's awakening and its growing independence are among the most decisive and most impressive events in all history. There is no doubt left today that Africa is determined to complete and consolidate its freedom and to foster relations in all respects between its countries and the rest of the world. The efforts made and the; results accomplished in this regard are already quite satisfactory, although we shall in Africa work and look for infinitely more. These efforts and results relate in great part to the fields of economy, health and culture and-will be outlined and commented upon in detail by my delegation, for its part, in due course.
135. My Government has expressed, clearly and at large, its policy and its position regarding the various other problems which I have mentioned in my present submission. I shall not, therefore, waste the time or tax the patience of this Assembly by going beyond the bounds of utmost brevity in dealing further today with some of these problems.
136. My Government and my country maintain their position with regard to the Algerian question. We maintain our positive and unstilted support to the Algerian people in its struggle for its political and human rights and for its country's independence and territorial integrity. We are confident that the valiant people of Algeria will finally attain its worthy objectives and take an honourable place in the United Nations and among the independent States of the world; and we wish to trust that wisdom and foresight will finally prevail and that the time for Algeria's—all Algeria' self independence will not be far away.
137. From the point of view of the United Arab Republic the people of Algeria has, since long ago, earned its right to independence and has, furthermore, in a sublime plebiscite of struggle, sacrifice and blood, unequivocally expressed its determination to be free.
138. My Government and my country equally maintain their support to the Arabs of Palestine, and continue to stand firmly by them until their rights are fully and actually recognized.
139. The immorality, the injustice and the danger to peace in the Middle East which Israel represents cannot rightly be denied, nor can there be any cavil about Israel's being a spearhead of imperialism and neo-colonialism. It will be recalled, and it is on record, that Israel has constantly taken the side of colonialism each time an important position had to be taken concerning vital problems about Africa—notably Algeria, the Congo, the French nuclear tests and Bizerta.
140. None of this has, however, deterred the Israel spokesmen from repeating to the Assembly, one year after another, the same refrain of claimed Israel innocence, immaculate record and deep love for peace. This was repeated here as recently as two days ago, but it cannot possibly deceive the fair minded or the well informed. From this very rostrum Israel has been asked, again and again, whether it was ready to recognize actually and fully the rights of the Arabs of Palestine, as is their natural heritage and as the United Nations has recognized them in its resolutions. The question has been asked so many times here in very clear language. The answer by Israel and its spokesmen has steadily and consistently been either a complete silence which meant "No", or a deviationary argumentation which equally meant "No". Included in this has been Israel's reference to navigation in the Suez Canal.
141. Since this and related tactics are not new, I beg leave to refer to a speech made in the Assembly on 5 October 1959 by the representative of the United Arab Republic in which the following was stated:
"the original sin"—he was referring to the so-called difficulty with navigation in the Suez Canal—"is in the plunder of Palestine from the Arabs ...its lawful owners, which was followed in close succession by "the very long list of United Nations resolutions, warnings, rebukes and agreements, which Israel has ignored completely until today, including the General Armistice Agreement between Egypt and Israel, which is violated systematically and even pronounced dead by Israel, and on which was based the Security Council resolution of 1 September 1951 that Israel tries, nevertheless, to separate from its context and to single out for implementation. ...
"[Israel] ... would rather hasten to accuse others of imaginary aggressive intentions before others array again, for the Assembly to remember, the many real aggressions committed by Israel and recognized and deplored as such by the United Nations. And they [Israel spokesmen] would include in their accusation a synthetic problem exclusively made in Israel and presented as a problem of the freedom of navigation through the Suez Canal. I shall submit facts and figures demonstrating, at least in part, the immense contribution of the Canal, under Arab management, to international navigation and trade, a contribution far greater than any previously made... . The traffic and progress they represent are not imaginary, but are as real as anything can be. Navigation in the Suez Canal is in perfect health. Let not world political Zionism fool anybody away from this reality; let it not sell to us, out of a clear sky, an artificial storm which does not exist. There are, God knows, enough storms in the world beyond the little cups with which world political Zionism and Israel are playing." [820thmeeting, paras.51 and 52.]
142. Furthermore, while the Arab refugees are victimized and humiliated and are living and having their children grow up in ghastly camps, motley groups of Jewish immigrants continue to pour into Palestine to join the more than a million Jews who have gone there in recent years. While this continues, some people say that it is no more realistic to maintain that the Arab refugees should go back to their homes and lands, and that they should find outside their own Palestine some other land of refuge and of hope.
143. These people forget, or choose to forget, that their own Governments have approved,, and claim still to approve, the United Nations resolutions recognizing the rights of the Arabs of Palestine, including the right of these Arabs to return to their country, to their homes and their lands. Those people wish to forget the United Nations resolutions which their own Governments still claim to approve, until today. They might try also to forget or to cavil about Israel's endless violations of the Armistice Agreements, frequent disturbances to peace and security and its taking part in the attack against Egypt in 1956. But all these are registered in the records of both history and the United Nations.
144. Israel, nevertheless, and in spite of all that, receives yearly contributions amounting to hundreds of millions of mostly tax-free dollars as donations from abroad. This is every year— hundreds of millions of dollars. Had the Arab countries received proportionate help, it would have amounted to $10,000 million every year—I repeat, $10,000 million every year. The Arabs are, of course, neither given such help nor are they asking for such help. What they ask, what they insist upon, is that morality, justice and fair play be the basis of all our dealings with the question of Palestine.
145. Concerning the Tunisian city of Bizerta and the crisis relating to it between Tunisia and France, I wish to recall General Assembly resolution 1622 (S-III), which was adopted on 25 August 1960 without any dissenting vote, during the third special session. The operative paragraphs read as follows:
"1. Reaffirms the Security Council's interim resolution and urges the Government of France to implement fully the provisions of operative paragraph 1 thereof;
2. Recognizes the sovereign right of Tunisia to call for the withdrawal of all French armed forces present on its territory without its consent;
3. Calls upon the Governments of France and Tunisia to enter into immediate negotiations to devise peaceful and agreed measures in accordance with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations for the withdrawal of all French armed forces from Tunisian territory."
146. It is common knowledge that this resolution, as well as the earlier resolution of the Security Council has not been implemented by France as of today. The Government and the people of the United Arab Republic maintain and will continue to maintain their insistence on the implementation of that resolution and the previous ones without delay and on the redeeming by Tunisia and the Tunisian people of all their rights.
147. Turning to the Congo, the position of my Government, in conformity with the resolutions of the United Nations, remains one of full, unequivocal and positive support to the Congolese nation in its endeavour to secure and safeguard its country's complete and real independence, unity and territorial integrity.
148. The question of the Congo and the implementation of the United Nations resolutions regarding it
should be among the principal considerations to prompt efforts for a speedy solution of the current problem of the Secretariat. We hope that the United Nations Will, without any further delay, have a responsible head for its Secretariat so that this organ can fully, efficiently and speedily contribute to the activation and the implementation of the policies and the resolutions of our Organization.
149. In this connexion we are duty bound to recall with deep respect and admiration the sacrifice, in the service of the United Nations, borne by the great sister State Sweden and by the Swedish people who, on 17 September il961, had to mourn, as all of us did, a distinguished son of Sweden, Dig Hammarskjold, and other worthy compatriots of his and, on the parallel date, 17 September 1948, another distinguished son, Folke Bernadotte.
150. My Government also maintains its previously expressed position of support regarding the eradication of race discrimination and of apartheid. I feel impelled to register here the resentment and indignation felt by my delegation on noting the deplorable and provocative way in which the representative of South Africa dealt with these matters.
151. We equally maintain our position concerning the immediate elimination of colonialism and other forms of foreign domination. In this connexion, we are neither overwhelmed nor particularly impressed by any assertion that there remains at present very little of colonialism or of foreign domination. No such assertion will have us relax our efforts for the independence of all nations. We are fully aware, and we shall remain fully aware, of the fact that colonialism and other forms of foreign domination still persist in many parts of the world, that a great number of so- called independent countries are independent only in name and not actually in fact, and that colonialism and other forms of foreign domination are entrenching themselves in their remaining positions, are trying to recapture much of the ground they have lost, and, under many guises, are extending the range and affirming the hold of their sway.
152. The day when all nations will realize and, in their actions, prove to have realized the futility and hopelessness of all forms of foreign domination, that day, unfortunately, has not come yet. We cannot, therefore, afford to relent in our efforts to accomplish, as prescribed by the Charter itself, a world community of independent nations, which has cooperation as its password, and which will banish finally all foreign domination.
153. Here, as in some other fields, there exists a wide gap between the logic of thought and the reality of fact. Many think rightly of the wisdom and foresight of superseding the blunders of the past which creep destructively into the present with wise actions of the present which creep constructively into the future. Yet some continue to abide by the old erroneous ways and attitudes and the blundering outmoded approach to international relationships.
154. Many think in horror of the crushing burden and ominous explosiveness of armaments, but some continue, nevertheless, feverishly to arm. Many think of the ugly anachronism of foreign domination, but some continue, nevertheless, to dominate. Many think positively of the happiness, the dignity and the hope which are the good companions of economic, technical and cultural co-operation, in a world of independent nations, for developing, through modern science and enlightened planning, the material as well as the moral values that are our heritage. Yet some are still refusing or are reluctant to heed this call. It is time that a great campaign is made to rally us all around the standard of up-to-datedness and foresight. Prosperity and real glory are now, as never before, within humanity'?, reach. Responsibilities and duties in this regard are incumbent on all nations, whether affluent or poor, strong or weak. The attitude of waiting till the mighty rich extend a helping hand is no more pardonable, no longer to be condoned. From now on we shall all, rich or poor, strong or weak, have to organize far better than hitherto our relationships of constructive- ness and of mutual help, and to work hard and exert ourselves to the extreme, if we are to reap the moral and material splendours which are ahead of us and are within our sight and within our reach.
155. As virtually very other country represented here, the United Arab Republic has been doing its part and exerting itself to contribute to the process of economic development and social improvement. It has tried to do so by self-improvement and by mutual co-operation with other countries.
156. After the revolution of July 1952 in Egypt, the national income has as a result been redoubled in a few years; and, after the union, in February 1958, between Syria and Egypt, one of the foremost aims of the Government of the United Arab Republic has been to at least redouble the national income once again within no more than ten years.
157. It was natural that agriculture and other fields of production should, therefore, receive our utmost care. Through agricultural reform, co-operative societies, improved seeds and technology, selective cattle breeding, better regulation of irrigations harnessing of rivers and control of rain, better exploitation of sub-soil water, intense training of agricultural technicians and guiding of agricultural workers, the productivity of agriculture and the lot of all those who are engaged in it has been definitely and substantially improved. All over the countryside, in villages and in farms, every effort has been made to provide educational facilities, health care, potable water and better communications.
158. It was, furthermore, natural that, in order to regulate irrigation more efficiently and adequately and accomplish the much-needed extension of arable land, various projects should be undertaken and various others planned.
159. The Rastan Dam in Syria has been completed in the current year; work on the High Dam near Aswan in Egypt had already begun in January of last year and is expected to be completed in about ten years from that date; and plans and agreements have been made since July of this year for the construction in Syria of a dam on the Euphrates River. Parallel to this, several minor dams in Syria have been started or projected with a view to the control of rain-water which has hitherto been going to waste.
160. Industry in the United Arab Republic has at the same time been the object of careful planning in recent years, and has had behind it such a driving power and such positiveness and encouragement that it attained hitherto undreamt-of objectives.
161. The Suez Canal has been, as was to be expected, one of the principal fields of activity of the United Arab Republic. The services rendered through the
Suez Canal to international trade and good will can be demonstrated in part by, among other things, the fact that in 1955, the last complete year immediately before nationalization, the number of transits was 14,600 as compared to 18,700 in 1960, and the tonnage was 115.7 million in 1955 as compared to 185.3 million in 1960.
162. The Suez Canal Authority continues to improve and widen that waterway. Arrangements are being made for improving the Port Said Harbour, where the latest methods of loading and unloading are being adopted to save time and expense. Arrangements are also being made by the Canal Authority to put into operation the newly acquired floating dock, which can repair any ship.
163. The progress realized by the United Arab Republic in various fields of production and constructive work was accompanied and inspired mainly by the urge and the need to consolidate and safeguard the country's independence and to give substance and core to its freedom. It has been made possible through a determination to succeed, through a consciousness of the vital necessity, the imperativeness to succeed in the face of, and also because of, dangers ahead. These dangers have on several occasions proved to be real and almost fatal. The tripartite attack against Egypt in 1956 is a conspicuous example. It was followed, in 1957, as will be recalled, by the crisis of Syria, during which Syria's very existence hung most precariously in the balance. Oh those two occasions, Syria and Egypt gave strong expression to their unity and to the partnership between them in danger and in destiny.
164. When Egypt was attacked in 1956, Syria rose immediately to its help, with unfettered enthusiasm and actual sacrifice. And when Syria was threatened in 1957, Egypt stood firmly by it and, furthermore, announced here in the Assembly, as elsewhere that:
"Syria is Egypt's ally, as well as Egypt's blood relation, and it is fully entitled to Egypt's help, as well as to help by the United Nations for the repelling
of any aggression which might be launched against it",
and that:
"Egypt, for its part, will not tolerate that even a fingertip of Syria be hurt, that a hair of the head of Syria be ruffled, by any aggressor, but will immediately rise to a man and stand four-square with its sister State of Syria". [699thmeeting, para. 107.]
165. It was not, therefore, surprising that in February 1958, by the union between Syria and Egypt, the United Arab Republic was established and became a bastion of constructiveness and peace.
166. If some events in Syria during the last few days have been discordant, the fact of our brotherhood and oneness of fate will nevertheless remain; and there is no real scope and no real hope for any illusions to the contrary or for any adventures in anybody's thoughts.
167. I ask leave at this point to quote from a speech which the President of the United Arab Republic made on the fifth of this month, in which he said:
"Brethren in all parts of the Arab homeland:
"I feel at this juncture that it is not imperative that Syria should continue to be part of the United Arab Republic. But it is imperative that Syria should continue to exist.
"I feel I am not at the moment occupied with being the President of the Arab people in Syria. What actually occupies my mind is that the Arab people is in Syria and that its existence is protected and preserved.
"I cannot imagine that I shall, under any condition, accept seeing the Syrian people threatened with intrigues, or exposed to danger, or worried by anything of a nature to affect adversely its ability to forge ahead with all its potentialities in order to safeguard the national benefits it realized during the union. I cannot accept seeing Syria find itself day after day despoiled of its possessions while occupied with a temporary problem of secondary importance, which will ultimately be governed by the inevitability of history leading to union. For all these considerations, I now announce within the hearing of all of you, the sons of the Arab nation, the following:
"First, I ask all popular forces who still abide by the United Arab Republic and by Arab unity to understand now that national unity within the Syrian homeland is the prime consideration. Syria's strength is strength for the Arab nation, and Syria's dignity is dignity for all the Arabs. Syria's national unity is a pillar of Arab unity.
"Second, the United Arab Republic will not stand in the way of Syria's application for membership in the United Nations. I do not wish to set up a political of diplomatic blockade around Syria because, in the end, it will be the Syrian people who will suffer from such a blockade.
"Third, the United Arab Republic will not stand in the way of Syria's membership in the Arab league."
Still addressing his brethren in all parts of the Arab homeland, President Gamal Abdel Nasser said, further, that he hoped they would all:
- "... agree on one final point, namely, that the Government of the United Arab Republic will never on its side recognize any government in Damascus, except after the crystallization of a free Syrian national will to decide the way it is to follow. I am confident, as I believe in God, that this experience of union between Syria and Egypt will not be the last but rather a forerunner. We have benefited a great deal from this experience, which shall constitute a great asset for the Arab future and for Arab unity, in which my faith grows firmer and stronger. There is still ahead a long history for the Arab nation. The struggle continues and gains more depth through experience.
"I have always tried with all my might to perform my duty as a soldier in the service of this Arab nation. I have also tried to allow no room for dissention. I have tried to leave no door open for intrigues. My enemy and the enemy of my nation is imperialism and the reactionary elements that are working in collaboration with it, and the base from which it is planning to strike at our aspirations, namely, Israel. My hope is the freedom of both the Arab nation and the Arab citizen. I have faith in the inevitability of unity between the peoples of the Arab nation, as I have faith in life and the break of dawn, no matter how long the night."
And President Gamal Abdel Nasser concluded by saying:
"May God help beloved Syria, guide its footsteps and bless its people. This United Arab Republic will remain, raising its flag high, singing its anthem and driving forward, with all its power, to build itself so that it may be a support for every Arab struggle, every Arab right and every Arab aspiration.
"God be with you."