152. As we meet year after year and continue our search for ways and means to assure peace in the world, two truths stand out above everything else:
153. First, all the peoples of the world want peace and not war. There are many fears in our world, but above all others is the all-embracing fear of war.
154. Secondly , from year to year, despite innumerable sessions on disarmament, and although everybody agrees that in our times fighting can solve no problem and its only result would be the destruction of civilization—this monster of war is drawing closer and the cold breath of death is felt by us all. The human mind is beset by an agonizing conflict. On the one hand, we now have almost unlimited possibilities of probing into the mysteries of the universe; there is man's scientific capability to reach out to other planets and to harness nature to his will. On the other hand, there is the spectre of disaster which is being augmented by these very achievements. Is it not a sad commentary on our times that, as soon as a new scientific achievement is announced, it is immediately translated into its capacity for destruction? Is it a wonder that one sometimes ponders over the question whether this thirst for more and more knowledge may not result in the drying up of the well of life itself?
155. Within the last fifty years the world has been plunged into two world wars. Most of us remember these wars as events in our own lifetimes. After both wars the victors realized that real victory would not be achieved until arrangements had been made to ensure that new wars would not break out in the future. It was this realization that brought about the creation of the two world organizations: the League of Nations after the first World War and the United Nations after the Second World War.
156. The generation that fought in the Second World War is justified in pointing an accusing finger at its elders for allowing the League of Nations to fail and allowing the world to slide into war again. Was that failure due to a lack of high principles in the Preamble to the Covenant of that body? No. The fault lay not in the lack of principles in the Covenant but in the lack of determination to put them into practice. This failure made it possible for the Hitler regime to plunge the world into the Second World War.
157. Between the two wars humanity progressed. Science made great strides, with the result that the second war was yet more ghastly and destructive than the first. And again, with even greater solemnity,
and with the ghost of many more millions of war victims looking over their shoulders, the victors sat down to build a world Organization to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war.
158. The Charter was drawn up. Are the high principles in the Preamble of our Charter lacking in any way? No.
"We the peoples of the United Nations determined ... to practise tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbours, and to unite our strength to maintain international peace and security..
All the principles are there and they are spelt out in detail.
159. It was accepted in San Francisco that this is a world divided by conflicts and that clashes of interests among nations would continue to arise. Ways and means were therefore devised in the Charter as to how the organized family of nations should maintain the peace.
160. There is no doubt that the concept that stands out in bold relief in the very centre of the quest for peace and amity between nations is negotiation-negotiation as the only alternative to war as a method of settling international disputes.
161. When this means for solving international problems is thrown overboard, the ship is in danger of sinking with everybody on it. Negotiation need not mean compromising with principles and convictions. It does mean a real desire for coexistence—to live and let live despite different points of view. It negates war and the threat of war, hot and cold.
162. If there is a ray of hope in the present tense situation, it arises from the fact that the major Powers which are involved in the most dangerous of the international conflicts are engaged in direct talks. We fervently hope that even though the basic differences remain and the dangers to peace are still serious, the major Powers will not interrupt these talks.
163. However, it is not for us, the smaller countries, merely to exhort the major Powers to negotiate, while we ourselves sit back and do nothing. More is expected of us by way of a practical contribution to international peace.
164. The major conflicts are not the only ones besetting the international scene. In various parts of the world there are disputes between neighbours, unresolved problems, lack of peaceful relations, fears of aggression and competitive rearmament. We must recall that in our age both peace and war are even more indivisible than they were when this phrase was first coined.^ None of us can feel certain that local conflicts anywhere will not spread or bring about the involvement of the major Powers.
165. We have a duty, therefore, to practise ourselves what we say to the larger countries. It is up to us to enlarge the areas of peace, tranquillity and international amity, by dedicating ourselves to the mitigation of local tensions, to the halting of local arms build-up and to the solution, through direct and patient negotiations, of any conflicts in which we, the smaller nations, may be involved, Of this type of local conflicts there exist quite a few, and some of them have been mentioned by representatives in this debate. Perhaps we can show an example to the larger Powers.
166. At any rate, let no one of us preach the duty of negotiation to others whilst at the same time refusing
"to apply it to conflicts in which he himself is involved. The specific contribution of the smaller countries to the improvement of the international situation lies in the proper conduct of these smaller countries toward each other. Unhappily, there is in many cases a wide gap between the code of behaviour laid down in the Charter and the actual behaviour of States towards each other. In an effort to fortify observance of the provisions of the Charter, the General Assembly has, during the years, adopted a number of resolutions relating to the principles of peaceful coexistence and international co-operation between States. There were such resolutions, for instance, in 1947, 1949, 1950, 1957, 1958 and 1960.
167. There is no need for me to quote the texts. It is sufficient to say that they have solemnly reaffirmed over and over again certain basic principles for maintaining and strengthening peaceful and harmonious relations among States in conformity with the Charter-more specifically, respect for each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-aggression, non-interference in one another's internal affairs, the settlement of disputes by peaceful means, and the condemnation of all forms of propaganda or incitement which might provoke a threat to or breach of the peace.
168. We all know that not all these resolutions have been translated into practice by all the Governments who voted for them. Surely the time has come for these principles to be reaffirmed and revitalized in a manner which would have binding force upon Member States. If we genuinely believe in the need to observe these principles, we should incorporate them into a formally binding instrument by which each Government would unreservedly pledge itself to implement the principles in the practical conduct of its relations with other States. Such an act would, in our opinion,0 have a far-reaching political and psychological impact. I hope that this idea will be earnestly explored.
169. Before I leave this subject there is another point I should like to mention which touches upon behaviour in accordance with the spirit of the Charter within this very building and in the course of the session of the General Assembly. I think we ought to make it a definite rule and practice to abstain from using bellicose and abusive language about other States, and to conduct our proceedings in accordance with accepted parliamentary standards, as behoves the dignity of this Organization. Criticism of each other's policies is certainly legitimate, though even there we should all practise the utmost restraint. But it appears to me that the vilification of another State and the incitement to war and the destruction of another Member country are definitely a transgression of the Charter and a contradiction of everything that the Organization stands for.
170. If the Assembly will succeed in rededicating itself to the universal and total implementation of the principle of negotiation, then indeed it will be an historic session.
171. Discussions and conferences on disarmament have been a permanent feature of the international landscape for more than thirty years. Discussions held in Geneva for many years under the auspices of the League of Nations were interrupted by the Second World War. They were resumed in 1945 under the auspices of the United Nations.
172. A further fifteen years have since passed. Conferences have been convened and adjourned. Innumerable resolutions have been adopted by the Assembly year in, year out. Yet, the arms race is in full swing, gaining more deadly momentum from year to year.
173. The idea of general and complete disarmament is as old as are man's Messianic longings for universal peace. The words of the Prophet Isaiah: "They shall beat their swords into ploughshares... nation shall not lift up sword against nation..." are as meaningful for us today as they weirs 2,600 years ago. They are not only engraved in stone at the entrance of our United Nations compound, but enshrined in the hearts of all peace-loving mankind.
174. Israel supports complete disarmament under a system of effective control and inspection. The motive that causes nations to arm is the very reason why oils cannot speak of disarmament without emphasizing the need for effective control. Nations would /not arm if they did not fear each other, if there were, not a lack of confidence.
175. This lack of mutual trust can, therefore, only be allayed by perfecting the means of inspection and control to ensure the implementation of a disarmament agreement. One is often amazed at the ability to invent more and more complicated means of destruction, on the one hand, and the lack of ingenuity in setting up machinery for control, on the other.
176. We welcome the set of agreed principles on disarmament [A/4879] presented to this Assembly jointly by the United States and the Soviet Union. We regard this as a step forward. We concur With the authors of these principles when they stress the necessity to accompany measures of disarmament with the strengthening of means for the pacific settlement of disputes. The two processes must move forward together.
177. My country is prepared to apply these principles in practice in the sphere of its own responsibilities and concern. As 1 have said earlier, we, the small countries, should not content ourselves with exhorting the great Powers to practise policies in conformity with the Charter. We can and should make our own contributions. There are areas of international tension in the world on the fringe of the great Power conflict, where a dangerous arms race imperils international peace. The countries involved are mostly poor ones, facing enormous problems of social and economic development. The arms race impoverishes them even more. Instead of lifting themselves up, they are sinking deeper under burden of armaments.
178. We propose that, simultaneously with the search for a general agreement on disarmament, we should seek to reach agreement also on disarmament with mutual inspection and control for specific zones or situations of international tension. Such a scheme could serve as a pilot project for the solution of the over-all problem. Israel is prepared to elaborate a programme to that end, and we call upon the Arab States to cooperate with us in this venture.
179. For nearly three years humanity was spared the nightmare of nuclear explosions,. The day the Soviet Union ended the moratorium and resumed nuclear testing was a sombre and grievous one. It opened a new period in the nuclear armaments race: it removed us further from agreement to end the atomic threat:
in fact it brought us nearer to the perfection of nuclear horror weapons of a destructive power beyond human imagination. If testing continues the radiation effect will maim our generation and endanger the very future of mankind on this planet. This world of ours was not created to be the testing ground for the perfection of weapons to wipe us out.
180. My delegation will vigorously support effective measures which will put an end to nuclear tests and which will guarantee that the cessation will be a lasting one, not to be abandoned at will.
1,81. Our age has been replete with struggles, sufferings and war, but humanity has also recorded great progress and achievements in many fields. Yet we believe that future generations, studying the history of this, will be struck above all by the greatest of all revolutions of our times: I refer to the revolution which has taken place in the consciousness of man and has brought about the recognition of the principle that no nation has the right to rule over another. This has led to the great process of decolonization.
182. To my mind this is the practical application in international life of the basic human concept that all men are created equal, that the classification of mankind into superior and inferior races is evil and ungodly. The assumption that colour, race or religion can be a reason for discrimination is immoral. It has been the unique privilege of our generation to see the liberation of hundreds of millions of people.
183. The independence of peoples is more than a political concept. Subjugated people, entering upon their sovereignty, feel as though a haze that has hung over their heads obscuring the skies has been removed. From then on the sun shines for them as it does for others.
184. May I here offer my heartiest congratulations to the people of Sierra Leone on being seated in the United Nations. It has been my privilege to visit their country before independence, to make acquaintance with them, to know and admire their leaders, to learn something about their problems and to witness how capable they are of solving them. It is good that they have achieved their independence peacefully. Israel is happy to enjoy the most friendly relations with Sierra Leone.
185. I have spoken about our joy at seeing the greater part of the African continent free and independent. We sincerely hope that very soon we will welcome into the United Nations all the peoples of that continent. Some of the countries, such as Tanganyika, have already set the date for their independence. We hope that the others will join them soon.
186. In Angola a fierce struggle is raging, with much tragic loss of life. Our sympathies are in favour of speedy self-determination for the Angolan people. We cannot see any feasible alternative policy. Wherever subjugated people are struggling today for their freedom and independence, they are bound to win, and all humanity should support their aspiration. Wherever colonial Powers have recognized this process as historically inevitable and have not resisted it, they too have gained. It is imperative that independence should come to Angola too, without further bloodshed.
187. Regarding Western New Guinea, we hope that the Assembly will give its serious attention to the proposal which was put forward by the distinguished Foreign Minister of the Netherlands [1016th meeting].
It suggests a novel and far-reaching method for the decolonization of this Territory, by transferring sovereignty to its people with the direct help of the United Nations. The claims of any other country to this Territory should rightly be deferred until its people are independent and can decide their fixture for themselves. What is suggested at this stage is that a United Nations commission should investigate and report, and we shall support that suggestion.
188. I now wish to say a few words about the Congo. Speaking before the Assembly last year I summed up the position of our government in one phrase, "the Congo for the Congolese [897th meeting, para. 139]. Since then, Congo, national leaders have demonstrated their statesmanlike ability to bring about the resumption of the constitutional process, resulting in the reconvening of Parliament and the setting up of a Central Government in Leopoldville. This striking achievement leads us to hope that the chapter of secession will be ended and that every part of the Congo will be peacefully brought into the framework of a single and unified sovereign State, in which all its human and material resources should serve all its people.
189. I know nothing more objectionable and more dangerous than the desire of any country to see in the continents of liberated Africa and Asia a hunting ground for its own interests. Have these peoples achieved sovereignty only to have it undermined? Their natural right is not only to formal independence. It is equally their right to establish their social order, their economy, their way of life according to their own will, without the interference of others.
190. In this connexion I wish to reaffirm that Israel, in common with many countries represented here, favours the enlargement of the Security Council, and the Economic and Social Council, in order to have the membership of these important bodies reflect more accurately the composition of the United Nations as a whole, to enable representatives of the newly independent States to make their contribution to the task of these Councils.
191. Different organs of the United Nations and of the specialized agencies have devoted much thought to the requirements of speedy economic development in the newly emerging States. The crying need is for capital and for skills. The world has sufficient of both, and more of our resources of capital and "know-how" must be brought to the new States. They need international co-operation for the practical application of scientific achievements, for the rapid development of their natural resources, and for the promotion of extensive and dynamic programmes of academic and vocational training.
192. At the fifteenth session of the General Assembly we reported that a Conference on the Role of Science in the Advancement of New States had been held in Rehovoth in Israel, called by the Institute of Science, named after Dr. Weizmann, the first President of Israel. The Conference was attended by outstanding scientists and by leading statesmen from African and Asian nations. The contribution that science can make to newly emerging States was discussed in detail, and I believe that the participants found the deliberations enlightening and important statement on principles and on lines of action was adopted, and committees have since been dealing further with various subjects raised at the Conference. We welcome the proposal that a conference on this same subject should be called by the United Nations
193, We have long been convinced that in the field of assistance for development and the transmission of skills, the developing countries themselves can play an important role. We have been trying, to the best of our ability, to put this principle into practice. Ours is a small country, poor in natural resources. But we are willing to share the two assets which have been of most decisive importance in our own development: our experience in building a progressive modern society and our resources of trained manpower.
194. In the past year our ties of co-operation with other developing countries have expanded and today fifty-two countries have joined with Israel in a wide range of activities in the economic, social and scientific fields.
195. Since, on account of the Jewish Day of Atonement, my delegation was absent from the Assembly [1010th meeting] when tribute was being paid to the late Secretary-General, I wish to take this opportunity to express the sentiments of Israel regarding the human tragedy, and the great loss to the world, in his untimely death. The impact of this blow has been felt not only by our Organization, but in the hearts and minds of people everywhere who saw in him the personal symbol of their hopes for a secure and decent world. In the course of the years we had a close association with him on many matters with which the United Nations, our region, and my country were vitally concerned. He was an exceptional man, wholly dedicated to the United Nations and to the search for peace, which is the major objective of the Organization.
196. Our deep sympathy also goes out to the bereaved families of the devoted men who were Mr. Hammarskjold's companions on his ill-fated journey, and who with him gave their lives in the cause of peace.
197. We should recognize the outstanding loyalty and ability of the Secretariat officials, who have continued to operate the many and complex activities of the Organization under such trying circumstances.
198. We should recognize the outstanding loyalty and ability of the Secretariat officials, who have continued to operate the many and complex activities of the Organization under such trying circumstances.
198. The unrelenting call of life makes it necessary that while we mourn the passing of Mr. Hammarskjold, we deal with the problem of filling the void. The state of the world and the issues facing the Organization make it essential that we act forthwith. In this regard Israel's position in principle can be briefly stated.
199. First, as I stated at the fifteenth session of the General Assembly [897th meeting] we believe that in order to guarantee the effective functioning of the Organization, there should be one single Secretary-General, as called for by the Charter.
200. Secondly, the Secretary-General should not only possess the highest personal qualifications; he should, moreover, not be a national of a country involved in a serious conflict regarding which the Secretary-General is called upon to exercise responsibilities.
201. Thirdly, during his period of office, an Acting Secretary-General, who should be elected with due
regard to constitutional requirements, would have all the functions and responsibilities vested by the Charter in the Secretary-General.
202. Fourthly, while it. is .proper to take geographical distribution into account in the appointment by the Secretary-General of his deputies, they should not be representatives of blocs, but international civil servants within the meaning of Article 100 of the Charter, appointed for their personal qualifications, and owing their loyalty to the Organization as such,
203. It has been suggested that the office of Secretary-General, and the composition of the Secretariat, should be based on the concept that the world is divided into three blocs: capitalist, communist and neutralist. On this concept my delegation wishes to make certain observations.
204. Israel does not share the view that the world is divided into three blocs and that every country belongs to one or other of them. The majority of the States represented in this hall probably do not in fact belong to any such bloc at all, If the division into three blocs were to be the basis of international life, then it would suffice for each bloc to get together separately and elect its representatives to meet the representatives of the other two. But we are here one hundred Member States. Although, as I have said, most of us are not affiliated with any bloc, there is the strange phenomenon that representatives of a number of countries get together and decide what other countries are neutral or unaligned. In our view, here too the principle of self-determination should prevail. Should not each sovereign country decide for itself where it stands in world affairs ?
205. How is a country like Israel to be classified? It has a democratic parliamentary regime. It possesses a highly developed co-operative movement, with collective and co-operative agricultural villages. A major part of Israel's basic and secondary industry is owned either by the Government, by the Federation of Labour, or by co-operatives. Its railroads, water and electricity are owned by the State. Most of its land resources are nationally owned. At the same time, Israel invites and encourages private investment and enterprise. Is Israel, therefore, to be labelled as socialist or capitalist or neutralist, or should it be the kernel of a new bloc? Israel is not a member of any bloc. We strive to judge each international issue on its merits. Our policy is based on the belief that friendship should rule among all nations, irrespective of their social order or internal regime.
206. This does not mean that Israel does not have a philosophy with regard to the social order and type of government that are preferable to it. But we sincerely believe that one of the conditions for peace in the world is non-interference in the internal regime of any other country.
207. I must now turn to the situation of the Middle East, which, as recent events have reminded us, remains one of the tension areas of the world. To get the Middle East picture into focus, two aspects should be borne in mind.
208. First, it is not just an Arab area; indeed it has more non-Arab than Arab inhabitants, and Israel enjoys relations of friendship with all its peoples, except those belonging to the Arab League.
209. Secondly, the Israel-Arab conflict is only one source of: tension in the area. Disputes between Arab
and non-Arab countries, quarrels among the Arab countries themselves, and outside influences have caused recurrent crises which from time to time have come before the Security Council or the General Assembly, and in 1958 produced an emergency special session of the Assembly. Hostility to Israel is largely a means used by Arab leaders to divert the attention of their peoples from their own unsolved problems and hardships. For instance, when listening last week to the usual diatribe of the representative of Saudi Arabia, I could not help wondering why he did not worry less about other countries and worry more about the state of affairs in his own.
210,, As to the Arab population in Israel, we challenge any: Arab country to match the progress in universal, free* compulsory education, health services, economic welfare, rate of employment, standards of living, status of women, which are enjoyed by our Arab citizens, who comprise about 12 per cent of our population. If there are border incidents, which cause unfortunate loss of life, then this is another regrettable result of the border warfare which is part of the belligerence practised by the Arab States against Israel.
211. One must not minimize the dangers of Arab belligerence, and its implications not only for Israel, but for the United Nations and world peace. The origin of the conflict was the war launched against Israel by the Arab States, in violation both of the Charter and the United Nations partition resolution 181 (II) of 29 November 1947. The crux of the conflict today is that, still in violation of the Charter and the United Nations resolutions, the Arab Governments practise policies of active hostility, such as an economic boycott, a blockade against our shipping in an international waterway—the Suez Canal—in defiance of the Security Council, and above all, the planning of military action, the piling up of weapons, and the training of armies, and the publicly proclaimed aim of destroying Israel. This has been said over and over again by Arab representatives, even from this rostrum.
212. The Arab refugees are kept as a potential spearhead for another attack on Israel. On the substance of the refugee problem ,, shall state our view in the appropriate Committee. I would, however, say this. The number of Arabs who, upon the prompting of their leaders, left the area which is Israel today, is about equal to the number of Jewish refugees who came to Israel from Arab countries. We received these Jewish refugees as our brothers, took care of them and rehabilitated them. Had the Arab countries acted likewise, the Arab refugee problem would no longer be before us.
213. In the atmosphere of hostility which I have described, Israel lives and builds. We are thus compelled to spend far more than we would like on the preservation of our security. We admit that it is a heavy burden. We see no glory in deadly weapons. We find joy and satisfaction in irrigating deserts and planting forests on rocky hills. However, we will do everything within our power to be able to defend our country, if attacked. But we once more ask our neighbours—where is all this leading? We seek no military victories, all we want is peace. We want the development of our country and a decent life for our people. Is not this what the Arab masses need as well?
214. Surely we can find a more sensible and constructive way to settle our differences—a way in keeping with the needs of our peoples, and in the light of the common dangers which face our world. I have already
indicated our belief in negotiation, as the only alternative to war. No Israel-Arab issue can be solved without negotiation; every one of the issues can be solved by negotiation. The United Nations itself, in a series of resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, has called upon the parties to negotiate a settlement of all questions outstanding between them and those who clamour for the implementation of resolutions would be well advised to bear this in mind. For our part, we remain ready to negotiate at any time or place, with any Arab leader, and without prior conditions, in order to settle the differences between us.
215. Meanwhile, pending the willingness of the Arab Governments to conclude a final peace settlement, certain measures could be adopted which would relax tension and allay mutual fears, and pave the road to peace. These include:
216. First, there should be an Arab-Israel non-aggression pact, the parties to which would undertake to respect each other's territorial integrity and political independence, to refrain from all hostile acts of a military, economic or political character, to settle all existing and future differences by pacific means, and to cease incitement and inflammatory propaganda.
217. Secondly, a fresh effort should be made to bring about regional co-operation in development programmes , particularly with regard to water resources.
218. My delegation feels that all responsible and peace-loving nations will do their utmost to support the policies much I have indicated. We are not unaware of the difficulties. However, nothing will shake our belief that peace will eventually come.
219. We welcome the fact that an item on racial discrimination is on the agenda of this session. It is opportune that racial and religious discrimination in all its forms should be dealt with effectively by the General Assembly. The trial of Adolf Eichmann in Israel has poignantly reminded us of the depth of human degradation and suffering to which racial hatred can lead—the so-called "Final Solution" of the gas chambers and the death factories. From the surviving victims we heard again the story of mass murder retold in its full horror. We who have experienced this great holocaust know too well the dangers inherent in discrimination and hatred on grounds of race, religion or colour, wherever they manifest themselves. The Israel delegation will actively participate iii seeking measures designed to lead to effective action.
220. If we are convinced that the only result of modern warfare will be the annihilation of mankind, then we must accept the only decisive lesson that is left. This great Organization must have the strength to fulfil its supreme aim—the settlement of conflicts between nations in peace and for peace. For there is one fear that we all share—it is the awesome fear for the fate of the earth and of man upon it.