Meeting in these troubled and uncertain times of international crisis and tensions, the General Assembly should consider itself highly fortunate and privileged to have for its President a man of outstanding personality and qualifications. Mr. Slim's responsibilities as President are exceptionally heavy and the task ahead of him is no less difficult. I feel confident, however, that with his sterling qualities of statesmanship and patience, impartiality and integrity, and devotion to the cause of peace and humanity, for which he has earned a much deserved reputation, he will effectively guide and steer the deliberations of the Assembly to a fruitful conclusion. Nothing can speak more of the high esteem and deep confidence in which he is held by Members of the Organization than the unanimous vote by which he was elected to the highest office of the Assembly.
67. Conscious of the historic and crucial test which the United Nations is now facing and mindful of our obligations to uphold the Organization and the lofty principles and purposes for which it stands, the delegation of the Federation of Malaya, while extending to the President our warmest and sincerest congratulations, pledges our wholehearted support for the Assembly's collective endeavour to weather the crisis and tension that are now threatening man and his civilization with total annihilation.
68. I should like to say a few words of appreciation for Mr. Boland, President of the General Assembly at its fifteenth session. Mr. Boland had the distinction of presiding over what one might term the most historic and exacting session of the General Assembly, when so many Heads of State and Government personally took part in its proceedings. We owe much to him for the skill, courage and leadership with which he successfully steered the arduous proceedings of that session. On behalf of my delegation, I should like to express our sincerest congratulations to Mr. Boland for his most successful term of office, as well as our most heartfelt gratitude for the valuable services which he as President had rendered to the cause of the United Nations.
69. The statements that have been made in the Assembly in the last three weeks by leaders and statesmen from all corners of the globe, representing various shades of political and ideological convictions, have all underscored the collective concern of mankind at the gravity of the world situation and the dangers inherent in it.
70. The Berlin crisis is blowing up into dangerous proportions with both protagonists slinging threats and counter-threats. In the field of disarmament, instead of reducing their armies, both sides in the power struggle are stepping up their military preparations with increasing number and variety of potent weapons of mass destruction. The three-year moratorium on the testing of nuclear weapons has been broken and the world is now threatened not only with an acceleration of the armaments race but also with the danger of pollution of its atmosphere by nuclear fall-out.
71. The major military Powers are assuming alarmingly grave responsibilities for the future of mankind, for increasingly they are holding the world hostage to their will. Yet, while recognizing the special position of these Powers in any efforts towards achieving a safer world to live in, we recognize at the same time that the dangers resulting from their failure to reach agreement will affect all nations alike, be they big or small, guilty or innocent, aggressor or victim. We have now come to a point in history where peace or war is indivisible. By the same token the responsibility of maintaining peace and avoiding war has also become indivisible. All nations big and small have the same stake and therefore the same responsibility. In short, we are all part of the enormous struggle of humanity itself to avert its own self-destruction.
72. Admittedly the medium and small Powers have neither the specialized knowledge nor the capacity to contribute directly to the lessening of tension. It nevertheless remains their responsibility individually, and more especially collectively, both by moral persuasion and by wise counsels, to help find ways and means of replacing mutual distrust and hostile rivalry with friendly relations and brotherly cooperation.
73. We have the means to do this, and that is why we are meeting here in the Assembly. The United Nations provides the forum for earnest discussion on the urgent problems besetting the world. The lofty principles enshrined in its Charter provide the guiding light for international conduct and propriety and, if faithfully adhered to, should ensure for humanity a peaceful world in freedom and justice. Whatever shortcomings and setbacks it may have suffered, the United Nations remains the only international body representing the collective will of mankind and therefore Its collective wisdom. More than ever before, we the Members of the Organization are shouldering the heavy burden that has been entrusted to us which is, as set forth in the preamble of the Charter, to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, to establish conditions under which justice and respect for treaties and international law can be maintained, and to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom.
74. The ^Government and people of the Federation of Malaya steadfastly reaffirm their abiding faith in the United Nations. We believe that in order to be effective the United Nations must remain strong, and we would oppose any attempt, from whatever quarter, at reducing its efficiency. Like other newly-independent and emerging countries, particularly those of Asia and Africa, the Federation of Malaya regards the United Nations as a protector of its independence. We would regard any attempt to destroy the Organization or to reduce its effectiveness as indirectly an attempt to destroy or to jeopardize our own independence. Without the United Nations the peoples of the world will once again find themselves lost in a wilderness where the weak have no defence against the bullying and exploitation of the strong.
75. My. delegation deeply regrets that there has been a growing tendency on the part of some big Powers to render the Organization subservient to their interests. We fear that if this tendency is not arrested the United Nations will cease to function as the instrument to implement the collective will of mankind.
76. We recognize that there exists some imbalance in the composition of the major policy-making organs of the United Nations. We subscribe to the view held by a great majority of Members that in order to reflect the expanded membership of the Organization and to achieve a greater degree of geographical representation, the composition of these organs must be enlarged. This, we believe, is a necessary change, for it is a change not only toward greater efficiency but towards a higher degree of justice. The Federation of Malaya has been and is now ready to support any effort towards a revision of the Charter or an amendment to it in order to rectify this imbalance.
77. Unfortunately, however, owing to the attitude of some Members, the United Nations has not yet been able to find itself in that elusive propitious climate under which discussions on this very important matter can prove fruitful.
78. In considering the need for a change in the Charter it is the submission of my Government that we should be guided by the principle that a change is desirable only if it is deemed to improve and strengthen the Organization. A change that would have the effect of paralysing the activities of the Organization not only is undesirable, but also must be resisted at all costs.
79. In the light of these considerations the Government of the Federation of Malaya is categorically opposed to any proposal for the introduction of a "troika" panel of Secretaries-General, to replace the present office of a single Secretary-General. It is our conviction that only a single chief executive, completely impartial and taking no instructions from any quarter external to the Organization, can faithfully and effectively implement the collective will of the General Assembly and the Security Council.
80. The United Nations is not an Organization of three blocs. Rather it is an Organization of 100 Members—and soon, we hope, there will be more— with equal sovereign status and each with a right to exercise its vote freely on all issues.
81. The organs of the United Nations provide a forum for discussion and exchanges of views, for proposals and counter-proposals; but, once a decision has been reached in these organs through parliamentary and democratic procedure, that decision becomes the collective will of the United Nations and should not be subject to a renewal of controversy, nor should its implementation be paralysed because of the objection of some Power or bloc, as would be the case if the chief executive organ of the United Nations were composed of a "troika" panel, each member having the right of veto. To accept a "troika" of Secretaries-General is tantamount to accepting the subordination of the collective will of the Organization to the whims and fancies of bloc power politics.
82. We are not blind to the reality of bloc power politics; nor are we blind, on the other hand, to the fact that this reality reflects an unhealthy situation in international relations. Rather than passively capitulate to this reality the United Nations should, on the contrary, strive to harmonize international relations in order that the present conflict of power blocs may eventually give way to co-operation among nations. That is the ideal enshrined in the Charter, and were we to jeopardize the aspirations of the United Nations towards, achieving this ideal we would be untrue to the Charter and guilty of betraying the hopes of mankind.
83. I am comforted to note from statements that we have so far heard in the Assembly the manifestation of a distinct awareness of the dangers inherent in the introduction and perpetuation of bloc Power-politics in the Organization.
84. The tragic and untimely death of the late Secretary-General, Mr. Dag Hammarskjold, is a sad loss to the Organization. His memory still remains fresh in our minds, and his dedication to the ideals of universal peace and justice must remain a source of inspiration to all of us.
35. With the United Nations holding so much responsibility in these critical times, it is imperative that no time be wasted in searching for a man of outstanding calibre and personality to carry out the functions of Secretary-General.
86. While urgent efforts must be made for the selection of a chief executive, even on an interim basis, to carry out the functions of Secretary-General, we have to be mindful at the same time of the necessity of maintaining the integrity, effectiveness and impartiality of that office. Any solution that has the effect of reducing the capacity of the chief executive to implement impartially and effectively the collective will of the Organization has to be rejected if the Organization is to remain the effective international instrument for peace and justice envisaged by the authors of the Charter and hoped for by peoples all over the world.
87. Items concerning disarmament and other related questions once again figure prominently on the agenda of the Assembly. To the list of items which have figured on the agenda of previous sessions of the Assembly has now been added a new item which appropriately puts in sharp focus the extreme urgency of concluding a treaty on a nuclear test ban under effective international control.
88. Despite the lull in disarmament talks since the break-up of the negotiations in the Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament a year ago, the world had at least entertained some hope, however slender, of a successful outcome of the Geneva negotiations on a nuclear test ban.-^ But even this hope was shattered by the unilateral decision of the Soviet Union, followed by that of the United States, to resume nuclear testing, thus ending our short-lived honeymoon with the three-year moratorium. The renewal of nuclear testing is not only a serious set-back in our quest for disarmament, not only a major cause of further aggravation in international tension and of further acceleration in the armaments race, but also a grave threat to the health and lives of the world's population.
89. In the interest of all mankind, of this and future generations, we would earnestly urge that the nuclear
Powers immediately exert all efforts towards reaching an effective ban on nuclear testing. The record of the Geneva talks does reveal some areas of agreement, and, if these negotiations are pursued with vigour and sincerity, it should not be beyond the wisdom of man to overcome technical and procedural difficulties. The Federation of Malaya, therefore, welcomes the initiative of the United States and the United Kingdom [see A/4799] in utilizing the forum of the Assembly to urge the resumption of negotiations aimed at achieving a solution on banning nuclear testing under effective international control and inspection.
90. While recognising that the problem of banning nuclear tests is closely linked with the whole disarmament question, we believe, nevertheless, that in the circumstances of the present-day world a permanent banning of nuclear testing under effective inter • national control is a first logical step towards the gradual approach to the ultimate goal of general and complete disarmament.
91. The Federation of Malaya fully endorses the view that a treaty on a nuclear test ban need not await, in fact it should not await, general and complete disarmament. Disarmament is a highly complex and intricate problem, and experience has shown how difficult it is even to reach agreement on general principles. To make the conclusion of a treaty on a nuclear test ban conditional upon the successful conclusion of a treaty on general and complete disarmament would be to take unnecessarily grave risks; for, if nuclear testing is not halted, and halted soon, the world's population may be subject to untold hazards of atomic radiation resulting from a continued series of nuclear blasts. Although it is unquestionably our ultimate objective, general and complete disarmament must necessarily take considerable time and laborious negotiations before it can be attained. To the millions of the world's^ population, general and complete disarmament would become meaningless if, in the meantime and while it is being negotiated, the atmosphere of the world continued to be contaminated
with the deadly particles of nuclear fall-out.
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92. In the larger field of disarmament, my delegation welcomes with relief the joint statement'{A/4879] of the United States and the Soviet Union, issued on 20 September 1961, on agreed principles to guide future negotiations on disarmament. We welcome particularly the appeal of President Kennedy to the Soviet Union to proceed henceforth beyond mere agreements in principle towards agreement on plans of action [1013th meeting, para. 54]. It is our profound hope that the current series of high-level talks between the United States and the Soviet Union will result in the relaxation of tension, the restoration of a larger degree of mutual trust and confidence, and the early resumption of negotiations on general and complete disarmament.
93. To our world, which has suffered two global wars in half a century and which is now facing a constant threat of another and infinitely more terrible war, the attainment of general and complete disarmament is of paramount importance—indeed, it is a matter of life and death. But it is a highly complex and intricate problem. The disarmament problem is closely tied to the problem of maintaining national and international security. Nations have armed themselves to the teeth in the interest of national security, and indeed the peace of the post-war years has been maintained by the balance of terror of the nuclear deterrent. Thus disarmament, if not effective supervised and controlled, can constitute a national and international risk. The Federation of Malaya, therefore, deems it quite indispensable, if disarmament is to be consistent with the security of all nations, and if disarmament is really , bring peace to earth, that any programme of disarmament should be carried out under effective international control and inspection. With this same consideration in mind, it is also our view that a disarmament programme must be so planned and phased that at any point of its execution no nation or group of nations will gain a military advantage to the detriment of another nation or group of nations.
94. The Federation of Malaya believes in the objective of general and complete disarmament, but we do not believe that it can be achieved in one stroke, Disarmament has to proceed step by step, stage by stage, until it is general and complete. We believe that a start, however modest, must be made and we would urge the Powers principally concerned to initiate modest measures of disarmament in areas where agreement can be established. These will be followed by other measures, and in that process mutual suspicion and distrust is bound to give way to a greater degree of mutual confidence and faith, so that the more difficult measures of disarmament can be planned and carried out in more favourable conditions.
95. The acute international tension of our day, of which the armaments race is both a cause as well as a manifestation, finds expression also in the Berlin crisis. Although the question does not appear on the agenda of the Assembly, there is no escaping the conclusion that it is a grave threat to the peace not only of Europe but of the whole world. The Federation of Malaya, like all other peace-loving countries, is gravely concerned at the turn of events in Berlin. The problem must be settled by peaceful negotiations. The Powers principally involved have a grave responsibility, Any mishandling of the situation may bring the tension to flash point. Any unilateral act on the part of one side in violation of obligations arising from treaties and agreements freely concluded will unavoidably produce reactions with harmful consequences to world peace. We believe that the German people are as closely involved in the whole question as the other Powers and, therefore, any solution should have due regard not only to the sanctity of treaties and agreements, but also to the freely expressed wishes of the German people themselves. We welcome the assurances of President Kennedy that the United States Government will spare no efforts exploring ail possibilities of negotiations in regard to this question.
96. Another problem over which the Federation of Malaya is gravely concerned is the crisis still obtaining in the Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville). No doubt the situation has shown some considerable improvement. In this everlasting tribute is due to the efforts of the late Secretary-General and his collaborators, as well as to those Member States which have readily come to the support "of the United Nations operations. The reconvening of Parliament and the reconciliation of national leaders have helped to restore normality in most parts of the Republic and have made possible the establishment of a Central Government of national unity.
97. In the Katanga province, however, the problem remains largely unsolved. The Government of the federation of Malaya deep1y regrets the recent fighting in the province and strongly deplores the action of foreign mercenaries in the province in instigating the Katanga "gendarmerie" to resist the United Nations efforts at implementing the Security Council, resolution of 21 February 1961.There is no doubt in anyone's mind that the foreign mercenaries still constitute a major source of trouble in the Congo,, and it has become all the more urgent that their withdrawal, as required by the Security Council resolution, should be effected without delay.
98. My Government would appeal to all Member States either to give their continued support in material and men to the United Nations operations, or to abide faithfully by the Security Council resolution not to interfere, in whatever manner, in the affairs of the Republic. Only through such loyal and unselfish support can the Congo's territorial integrity be restored and the crisis in Katanga prevented from becoming another powder-keg.
99. It is an ironic twist of fate that the late Secretary-General, who in the last year gave so much of his time and energy to the Congo, had to pay the Ultimate price for that cause. We all mourn his sad and tragic loss. But his death is still surrounded by mysteries. In order that the whole story may be told, my delegation will lend its support to any proposal for the institution of a thorough investigation into the circumstances attending the death of the late Mr. Dag Hammarskjold and of those who perished with him.
100. A depressing problem which requires our most serious attention is the defiant attitude of some Member States towards the resolutions of the Assembly, and their flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations and of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The intransigence of the Government of South Africa in maintaining its apartheid policy is a classic example. Not only has the South African Government shown complete disregard of every resolution that this Assembly has adopted on this question and utter contempt for public opinion all over the world, it has also intensified its apartheid practice, and has even tried, in a demonstration of sheer hypocrisy, to establish its justification. The Government and people of the Federation of Malaya cannot but express their abhorrence of this arrogant display of the flagrant flouting of the basic principles of the Charter and of the Declaration of Human Rights, especially when this is done by the Government of a country which, as a Member of the United Nations, professes to subscribe to the Charter.
101. South Africa cannot for ever turn its be ok on the mounting tide of resentment against the inhumanity and cruelty of its apartheid policy and practice. Even as a human problem, sir1 a problem involving large-scale violation of human rights and fundamental freedoms, apartheid cannot be shut off from public discussion in the General Assembly by closing the door of Article 2, paragraph 7 of the Charter. The Assembly has in many resolutions established its, competence to deal with the problem. The Federation delegation has this year, and will do so again in future years, if necessary, associated itself with a great number of other delegations in requesting the inclusion of the apartheid question on the Assembly's agenda [see A/4804 and Add.1-5].
102. Regarding the recommendation of the fifteenth session of the General Assembly, the Federation Government has passed legislation, in fact, it did so even prior to the adoption of the Assembly's resolution [1598 (XV)] prohibiting the importation of goods of South African origin into the Federation of Malaya. The Federation Government will maintain this policy and will give its support to any other measures consistent with the United Nations Charter aimed at bringing about a realization and a change of heart on the part of the South African Government.
103. Further up north on the continent of Africa, the Portuguese Government is putting up a desperate and stubborn resistance against the rising tide of Angolan nationalism. As in the case of South Africa, the Portuguese Government, hiding behind the shield of domestic jurisdiction, has disregarded the resolution [1603 (XV)] adopted at the fifteenth session of the General Assembly and the subsequent resolution of the Security Council. 21
104. It is unrealistic and an act of folly on the part of the Portuguese Government to cling to the outmoded contention that Angola is an integral part of Portugal and to deny the Angolans their right to self- determination. Angola is a colony of Portugal, no matter what the Portuguese Government may claim to the contrary. The sooner the Portuguese Government recognizes this fact of life and discharges its obligations to prepare the Angolan people for complete independence, the better it will be for future relations between Angola and Portugal, and the better it will serve the cause of the maintenance of peace and tranquillity in the African continent.
105. Algeria is another spot in Africa where colonialism is putting up a desperate and losing battle. After seven bitter years the senseless war in Algeria is still going on, The people of the Federation of Malaya, themselves a colonial people not too long ago, have full sympathy with the aspirations of the Algerians to attain independence. We recognize the difficulties attending the Algerian problem and the numerous impediments to be removed before a just and equitable solution is found. But at least the principal basis of a solution—namely the right of the Algerian people to self-determination—has been recognized both by the United Nations and by President de Gaulle. The recent assurances by President de Gaulle of his recognition of Algerian sovereignty over the Sahara leads us further to believe that renewed negotiations between France and the Algerian nationalists should finally pave the way for a solution based on the right of the Algerian people to self- determination and on the national and territorial integrity of Algeria.
106. Every human being is entitled to the free enjoyment of his basic rights and fundamental freedoms—but, he white, black or yellow. In dealing with the violation of human rights that occur in various parts of the world, the United Nations is thus under an obligation to examine these problems in their entirety. It would be an act of grave injustice, contrary to the principle of the universal application of the Declaration of Human Rights, were the organization for some reason or other to direct its attention
only to those instances in which the oppressed are the Coloured, and the oppressors the White. We who believe in the United Nations Charter as the basic law of human decency and justice and as the foundation for the evolution of a peaceful world order based on the rule of law should deem it our fundamental obligation under the Charter to speak out against violation of the basic rights of peoples wherever and by whomsoever that violation is perpetrated.
107. So, to the Government and people of the Federation of Malaya, the repressive measures directed by the Chinese Communist authorities against the Tibetan people are no less a crime against the basic rights of peoples than is apartheid in South Africa or any other instance of large-scale violation of human rights.
108. In the case of the Tibetan people, with no means of effective defence against its powerful oppressors, only the United Nations and the moral force of world public opinion can save it from the forcible deprivation of its basic rights and liberties. The Organization would stand judged as having failed in its duty and responsibility were it to turn its back on the plight of the Tibetan people. Our endeavour to save succeeding generations from the evils of imperialism will be meaningless if we fail to make it doubly certain today that no new system of imperialism rears
° its ugly head to take the place of the old and dying one.
t
109. In reflecting upon the problem of decolonization, my delegation finds considerable satisfaction in noting that in many cases the process of decolonization has been carried out in a smooth manner. The General Assembly only a few days ago [1018th meeting unanimously approved the membership of Sierra Leone. Soon Sierra Leone will be followed by Tanganyika, and no doubt by many others. It is to the everlasting credit of the United Kingdom's enlightened policy of preparing its dependent peoples for independence that Sierra Leone—as in the case of many other territories under United Kingdom administration before that, including my own country—has enjoyed a peaceful transition from colonial status to sovereign independence. We profoundly hope that the birth of other new nations also will take place in similar harmonious and peaceful circumstances.
110. It is precisely in keeping with this ideal, as much as with our avowed opposition to colonialism generally in all its forms and manifestations, that my delegation became one of the original sponsors of last session's resolution [1514 (XV)] on the granting of independence to colonial peoples and countries. That resolution contains some of the loftiest ideals enshrined in the Charter, but more Shan that, in the practical sense, one of its principal objectives is to urge the Administering Authorities to take immediate steps to prepare subject peoples for sovereign status and to facilitate a peaceful transition towards the cherished goal of independence.
111. The Government of the Federation of Malaya attaches the greatest importance to the principles and objectives of the resolution. And we believe too that in its proper implementation, quite apart from the major role that Administering Authorities must naturally play in hastening the attainment of its objectives, there is sufficient scope in special circumstances for a contribution by others not directly connected with the administration of dependent territories.
112. It is in the light of this consideration, apart from geographical, ethnic and cultural ties, that our Prime Minister recently proposed the formulation of the Federation of Malaya. For many decades the eleven States now comprising the Federation of Malaysia, and our sister territory Singapore, an island located at the southernmost tip of the Malay Peninsula, and Sarawak, Brunei and North Borneo, all located on the island of Borneo, have been under British colonial administration. Through negotiation and the liberal understanding of the United Kingdom Government, as well as through the statesmanship of our leaders and the enthusiastic nationalism of our people, the eleven States of the Federation of Malaya have succeeded in achieving independence ahead of the other States.
113. We now feel that it is as much our responsibility as it is the United Kingdom's to help in bringing about a speedier end of colonial rule in these territories. In this connexion, the proposal for the Federation of Malaysia can, we believe, provide the framework within which this peaceful transition can be achieved. What is envisaged in this proposal is that the territories of Singapore, Sarawak, Brunei and North Borneo, as well as the eleven States now forming the Federation of Malaya, will each and every one come together as equal constituent partners in the Federation of Malaysia. They will owe a common allegiance to the one motherland and jointly work out its future destiny.
114. This leads me to the subject of my concluding remarks, the question of international co-operation and interdependence in the economic, social, educational and cultural fields.
115. One of the primary purposes of the United Nations is to achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural or humanitarian character, thus promoting social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom. Ever since the attainment of independence, the Federation of Malaya has worked unceasingly to promote the application of this basic principle, which, I need hardly reiterate, is one of the corner-stones of our foreign policy.
116. Thus the Federation of Malaya has extensively participated in fruitful co-operation in the Commonwealth of Nations and in the Colombo Plan. In the United Nation^ itself my delegation has given its whole-hearted support to all measures aimed at facilitating and hastening the development of underdeveloped countries—of which, of course, my country is one—through international co-operation under the aegis of this Organization and its specialized agencies.
117. A' country heavily dependent for its economic development and the social well-being of its peoples upon the export earnings of its primary commodities, the Federation of Malaya has joined in all international efforts to achieve a higher degree of commodity price stabilization. We note with satisfaction that the United Nations is undertaking extensive studies of this problem through the work of the Economic and Social Council and its fundamental commissions. Our keen participation in the work of the Commission on International Commodity Trade is a concrete evidence of our strong support for the efforts of the Organization in this sphere.
118. The genuine concern of the Federation of Malaya for international commodity price stabilization is further reflected by our participation in the International Tin Agreement of. 1953, and the leading role
. we played in the consideration and drafting of the second International Tin Agreement.!/ We have also done our utmost to contribute to the work of the International Rubber Study Group in its extensive studies of the causes of rubber price fluctuations.
119. Our special emphasis on rubber and tin is readily understood when it is realized that the Federation of Malaya is today the world's largest producer of these two commodities, and about 80 per cent of our export earnings, which are so vital to the development of our young nation, comes from the export of rubber and tin. But it is not only in the narrow sphere of rubber and tin that we seek price stabilization. We believe that efforts and studies towards price stabilization should cover all primary commodities. For this, in our opinion, is one of the most important spheres of international co-operation in helping developing countries to maintain a stable economy and to hasten their economic and social development.
120. In our efforts towards this goal of economic stabilization, we would place strong Emphasis on the co-operation of the industrially developed countries. Thus the Federation of Malaya reiterates its welcome to recent assurances made by the United States Government that it is willing to examine any reasonable proposal in respect of commodity trade. We hope that these assurances are the forerunner of a more positive approach on the part of the United States Government towards international commodity arrangements.
121. I would like, finally, to say a word on our recent decision to translate into a workable and practical programme the principle of international cooperation in the economic, social, educational, cultural and scientific spheres. Having learnt from our experience in the Colombo Plan and the Commonwealth of Nations of the mutual benefits accruing from international co-operation and convinced of the practicability of undertaking such co-operation on a regional level and of the immense potentialities arising there from, the Federation of Malaya, together with Thailand and the Philippines, has recently launched the Association of Southeast Asia. We hope through this Association to pool our joint and voluntary efforts for the increase of productivity in our respective countries and to help raise the standards of living of our people. Concerning itself only with matters of mutual interest, particularly in the economic, cultural and educational spheres, the Association is not to be a forerunner of a confederation of any kind, nor is it tied, or intended to be tied, to SEATO or any other military and defence arrangement, as has been alleged in certain quarters.
122. Thus isolated and divorced from any ideological or political considerations, the Association represents a new adventure in mutual co-operation in economic and social advancement among neighbouring countries; it represents a desire on the part of all the partners to promote a better understanding and appreciation of each other in a region where for so long, owing to the force of history, neighbourliness has only a geographical meaning.
Above all, the Association represents our sincere belief and hope that despite differences in culture, language and religion and despite other barriers, the nations of the world, particularly if they are neighbours in a common region, can and should live side by side, not in passive coexistence or wasteful competition, but in positive co-operation. Our venture may be a small beginning but it is our profound hope that in time, and with dedicated efforts on our part, it will bring gratifying rewards to our respective countries, promote stability in our region, and establish true and lasting friendships among our peoples. This should be a significant contribution to the stability and peace of the world in general. In choosing this happy note on which to conclude my statement, I only wish to express our optimism that in a world torn asunder by mistrust, suspicion and fear, it should still be possible for nations to initiate a movement, however modest in its beginning, towards co-operation and solidarity.