Cyprus

This is the second general debate in which my delegation has participated, and our statement of policy cannot be unrelated to the line which we have followed since Cyprus first joined the United Nations. 75. In our statement on that occasion, we declared that Cyprus would not align itself, as a matter of routine, with any Power blocs and that it would follow an independent line based on respect for principle and the Charter of the United Nations . 76. The policy of Cyprus in the United Nations has been consistent with that line, and our stand on various issues has been guided by a spirit of objectivity. We have actively supported all causes of freedom and human rights under the Charter. On the question of Algeria, Bizerta, Angola, the Congo and others, we firmly stood by the United Nations and its Charter, upholding the human rights and freedoms of the people concerned. Our wholehearted support of these worthy causes will be no less active at this session. 77. It is most regrettable that there has been such a heavy and unnecessary loss of life in those countries resulting from a futile effort to stem the tide of freedom and prolong colonialism in one form or another. 78. The constructive progress achieved with the assistance of the United Nations in the Congo, where agreement was reached and a Central Government established, ensuring the independence, unity and integrity of that country, is a significant and encouraging step forward for Africa and for the whole world. My delegation is happy to have fully supported that policy and the United Nations in the Congo. We confidently trust that it will be carried to a successful conclusion, in spite of all adversity, for the consolidation of peace in the Congo and we shall continue our full support to that policy. 79. Having ourselves emerged from a status of colonial dependence, it is but natural that our hearts beat as one with all peoples struggling for their liberty, but it is also our firm belief that there can be no stability and peace in the world without justice and freedom, 80. In this sense, the resolution on colonialism and for the independence of all peoples [1514 (XV)], adopted by the General Assembly last year, which we had the honour to sponsor, is of historic significance. It is a dynamic symbol for the abandonment of the concept of domination and the liberation of all peoples. It opens up a new chapter in human relations and lays a solid foundation for peace—for, indeed, the greater the area of freedom, the broader the basis of peace. .2/See Official Records of the General Assembly, Fifteenth Session. Plenary Meetings. 906th meeting, para. 20. 81. We would wish to see the processes for the termination of colonialism accelerated and progress towards universal freedom advanced. We would thus support all appropriate measures for the implementation of that resolution. 82. The time has come for a complete reappraisal of colonial policies, in whatever form and by whatever methods they may be pursued. The age of domination by one people of another by force belongs to the past. The relation of dominant and subject peoples should give its place to that of friendly co-operation in equality and freedom. The sooner this is realized, the better for all concerned and for the world at large. Indeed, persistence in outdated colonialism by some Powers has caused a setback to the United Nations, and has wide and adverse repercussions on the effective vindication of human rights wherever such rights are denied. The geographic situation of my country between three continents, and its history of long association with the peoples of these continents, gives us a sense of responsibility to serve as a bridge of understanding, conciliation and unity in our area and in the world at large. 83. Our over-all purpose is to work towards cooperation and peace, for the common good and in the interests of humanity as one whole, of which we form a small part. In our endeavours at conciliation and compromise, however, we do not overlook the merits of each problem in its relation to cardinal principles under the Charter of the United Nations, for we firmly believe that no solution which is not broadly based on justice, freedom and democracy can ever be a sound or an enduring solution. In this sense do we conceive our humble contribution to the United Nations and to the world community at large. 84. As the President of our Republic, Archbishop Makarios, declared at the Belgrade Conference: "Our non-alignment is the source of our freedom of judgement and independence of approach to world problems, allowing our stand to be determined by what is right and just in each case. Our non-commitment to any bloc becomes our commitment, and a strong commitment, to moral principle". 85. The general terms of the external policy of Cyprus have also been outlined in the address of President Makarios to the House of Representatives on 21 August 1961, where it was given as follows: "Although Cyprus is a small country, we firmly believe that it can promote the spirit of friendship and co-operation amongst nations, thus making a decisive contribution towards the establishment of international peace and stability. In this spirit, our Government is determined to follow a policy of equal friendship with all nations." 86. In the same address, a five-year programme for the economic development of Cyprus was announced by the President. In the preparation and execution of this programme, the United Nations has rendered, and is rendering, valuable technical assistance. 87. We have before us, on our agenda, a long and heavy list of items. Many, indeed, are the problems besetting mankind today, but the problem which overshadows all else and dominates the anxious thought of humanity is the problem of war and peace; the overhanging danger of nuclear conflagration. 88. Directly connected with this problem is the question of nuclear testing, which calls for our urgent attention. The abrupt suspension of negotiations for banning nuclear tests, at a time when a draft treaty, the subject of laborious negotiations since 1958 was, or should have been, nearing completion, brought deep disappointment to the world. 89. But what has been the most serious cause for anxiety and deep concern is the sudden resumption of nuclear testing in the atmosphere by the Soviet Union, followed by_ underground testing by the United States, with all that it implies of increased danger and harm of human life and health. 90. Such resumed testing is an ominous sign of regression in the endeavours towards disarmament and peace. Three years ago, a positive step forward was taken by agreeing on a moratorium on nuclear tests. In the time that has since elapsed, instead of further progress towards disarmament, we have reached the point when even that initial step has been abandoned, and nuclear tests are resumed with particular energy and increased frequency of explosions. Nuclear testing is the gravest manifestation of war preparation, for it is directed to the perfecting of the destructive potential of nuclear weapons by their increase in intensity and radius of destruction—as if we had not had enough of that destruction from the weapons that already existed. But worse still, the evil involved in nuclear tests extends beyond the aggravation of the dangers of war. It causes actual harm to life and health through radio-active fall-out. This fall-out, particularly of strontium-90 and carbon-14, is cumulative over a long period of years. It is reckoned that it will take no less than twenty-eight years for only 50 per cent of the fall-out to disappear. Consequently, every new test adds to the existing radioactivity by increasing its volume and its harmful potential. 91. Concern over this danger is general among the peoples of all countries. The 1958 moratorium was the result of the pressure of public opinion aroused by increasing awareness of the dangers of nuclear testing. In January 1958, a petition signed by over 9,000 scientists from forty-four countries, and addressed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, asserted that: "... each test of a nuclear bomb increases the quantity of radio-active fall-out, thereby causing harm to the health of people throughout the entire world and threatening the normal development of coming generations." The situation since then has further deteriorated as a result of the present series of explosions since the breaking of the moratorium on 1 September 1961, 92. One of the most harmful effects of radio-activity is that it causes cancer of the bone, and leukaemia. We all know that cancer is the greatest enemy of mankind, and that the continual increase of its incidence is a matter of world-wide concern. While human effort in scientific research is directed towards checking or reducing this scourge to human life, a counter human activity is engaged in increasing the spread and deadliness of cancer by the effects of its nuclear tests. This is the stark reality; it brings into sharp focus the enormous gap between scientific (progress and moral retardment, and the utter confusion to which it leads. 93. The immediate cessation of nuclear testing is imperative; for it is impossible to allow the health of the people to be irreparably harmed. The United Nations has a paramount responsibility to act in unanimity upon this issue, and ensure the permanent discontinuance of nuclear tests. We cannot see why a permanent agreement cannot be made and made soon, effectively banning for ever all nuclear testing. But no time can be lost while tests continue. A moratorium, therefore, is now immediately necessary. At the same time, negotiations should be resumed with earnestness and determination for the earliest possible conclusion of a ban treaty. 94. The question of nuclear tests, though urgent in its nature, is only a part of the problem of war and disarmament. Our consideration should be turned, therefore, with no less concern and sense of urgency to the growing danger of a destructive cataclysm from a nuclear war that may mean the end of our organized human society, if not of all life on this globe. War will have to be abolished. This requires, however, that the concepts from which it stems should be abandoned. Is this possible? The spirit of contest and war has accompanied man in his evolution through the ages and has been a determining factor in national and international development. It could not be suddenly eradicated and supplanted by that of placid co-operation and peace. 95. But war, conditioned by technological advance, is now a totally different reality from what it has ever been. To earlier generations, war could be made acceptable as a national policy for achieving a purpose. Now, nuclear weapons have made this impossible. There can no longer be victory or success or valour, and there can be no purpose in war. Its outcome is all-engulfing destruction. War has thus become obsolete, overpowered by the destructiveness of its own weapons. Yet, as an instrument of policy, it still outlives itself. Preparations for war and armaments go on with increased intensity and zeal, as though blindly motivated by deep-rooted attitudes of an era already belonging to the past. 96. Although rapid transition from antagonism and war to co-operation and peace may not seem possible, the transition from war on the level of physical violence to war on the level of intellect should be possible. The spirit of contest can find scope in an ideological competition for the minds of free men, and not for their domination by force. This is the field for endeavour and achievement now open to a progressive world, determined by the progress of science. Material power, turned to peaceful uses for the benefit of mankind and not for its destruction, could by example and human excellence form part of an ideological contest. 97. Transition from the physical to the mental has marked the historical progress of human civilization. It applied to religious wars in the past; it could apply to war for political ideologies now. 98. The first reasonable step in that transition would be finally to agree to lay down arms. If, however, we take a look at the rate of progress of disarmament after sixteen years of lengthy negotiations, we shall indeed be disheartened. The main cause for this failure is ascribed to lack of any degree of trust In each other's sincerity of purpose for disarmament. Bearing in mind, however, that both sides are fully aware of the implications of thermo-nuclear war, and have repeatedly declared their abhorrence of it, one may well wonder why there should exist over the years such mutual distrust in the sincerity of their intentions. The cause may be traced to the fact that, in spite of the deterrent nature of present-day war, the deep-rooted concept of domination by force of arms has not left us. It is still there; it still influences and conditions political attitudes; it is still always present in the conference room. It thus pre-determines the failure of all disarmament negotiations. 99. The concept of force and domination cannot coexist with the spirit of disarmament and peace. The former invariably displaces the latter, unavoidably bringing in its wake mistrust and suspicion, and stalling all progress towards disarmament and peace. 100. Each failure in the disarmament negotiations is promptly followed by recriminations in the pursuit of propaganda tactics. Thus the international dialogue about disarmament, instead of achieving a constructive purpose, invariably becomes an accentuated phase in the cold war, defeating the very purpose of negotiations. The result is no disarmament and more cold war. 101. Although the attainment of agreement on disarmament depends primarily on the great Powers, which possess the largest armed forces and have atomic and hydrogen weapons at their disposal, the solution of the disarmament problem is of equal interest to all nations of the world, both large and small. The cause of disarmament is the cause of humanity. It is a deeply human question and not one of political tactics. 102. In the light of past experience, my delegation suggests that it would be useful and constructive if an international committee were appointed, comprising non-aligned and smaller nations, to which reference would be made, in cases of deadlocked negotiations, for assistance in dealing with unresolved differences and breaking the deadlock. In this way, the further progress of the negotiations would be facilitated, while accentuation of the cold war would be avoided. 103. Negotiations should be started in a new spirit— a spirit of sincere co-operation and trust, in a joint effort to put an end to armaments and defeat the common enemy; war and nuclear destruction. The first aim of any disarmament discussions should be to eliminate the causes of mistrust, which have been the reason for frustration of all disarmament negotiations until now. Each side should see with understanding the fears and suspicions of the other side and be ready to accept measures to alleviate them. Secretive- ness by its nature engenders suspicion, while openness creates confidence. In this sense, international inspection and control in the process of disarmament would be necessary both from the psychological and from the practical aspect—psychologically, because readiness for such inspection and control indicates frankness, and frankness creates trust; practically, because it ensures that no disadvantage results to either side at any stage of the disarmament procedure. There should also, however, be adequate ways of allaying fears regarding any danger resulting to either side from the process of inspection. No doubt such arrangements could be devised, given understanding and goodwill. 104. The agreement for the first time between the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the principles for disarmament negotiations [see A/4879] is a hopeful and an encouraging sign, but it would have to be followed by corresponding agreement on the procedures for the practical application of those principles. The presentation by the United States of a detailed plan for general and complete disarmament [A/4891] is a positive step in that direction. 105. Our reserved optimism at these signs is dimmed, however, by the prevailing spirit of disagreement and antagonism in general developments. Tensions everywhere are mounting and the international atmosphere is laden with a sense of gloom and uneasiness. 106. In these times of apprehension and alarm the minds of all men turn to the United Nations as the collective reason of nations and the only hope of mankind. 107. The United Nations itself, however, is found to be in a state of crisis. The applications of its Charter provisions based on principles, or the mode of such application, is occasionally seen as a hindrance to the pursuit of narrowly-conceived national or sectional policies. In consequence, different reactions have appeared tending to undermine the prestige and curtail the effectiveness of the United Nations. In addition, and at the very time of the opening of this session, the executive head of the United Nations, Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold, met with a tragic death while in the performance of his duties in connexion with the maintenance of peace in the Congo. His death is certainly an immense loss for the United Nations, but this sacrifice of his life in the cause of peace becomes a symbol and a rallying-call to the support of the world Organization as the only means of international understanding and co-operation at a time when survival is at stake. 108. Dag Hammarskjold's message is contained in the introduction (A/4800/Add.l] to his last annual report to the Assembly on the work of the Organization. In an imaginative outline of the future of the United Nations, he poses the problem whether the United Nations would be allowed to evolve as a dynamic instrument of Governments, with effective executive authority for forestalling conflicts and maintaining peace in the world, or whether it would be forced to stagnate as a static conference machinery without effect, and wither away—a landmark in human decline and fall. 109. Dag Hammarskjold's call for the peaceful progress of humanity through a dynamic United Nations is a call from beyond to all nations and peoples, to join efforts for strengthening and revitalizing the United Nations, so that it may grow and fulfil its great destiny. The United Nations would be strengthened morally by the demonstration of greater objectivity in the approach to world problems in the Assembly and in all its Committees, materially by rendering it more effective in the implementation of its resolutions. Efforts should be directed towards evolving procedures of executive action so that the United Nations may become an effective instrument of peace and security in the world. As pointed out by the late Secretary-General in the said introduction, the Charter contains clear indication that executive action, though not specifically provided for, was expected to develop in practice. 110. Within the context of such executive action falls the question of the creation of a United Nations permanent force enrolled by, and for, the United Nations, with a United Nations allegiance, to ensure peace with justice in the world. Loaned forces, owing allegiance to the States from which they come, cannot be fully relied upon for United Nations action. They may, for one thing, be withdrawn at any time— as was the case in the Congo. The establishment and phased growth of the United Nations force would also prove of valuable assistance to a phased disarmament process. Before a State is completely disarmed, it would have to rely on some international system for its national security. That system would be supplied by a United Nations military force for constabulary duties in the service of mankind. 111. For those Members who desire to strengthen the United Nations and to see it develop in the way outlined above—and I feel confident these are not few—it would be inconceivable to have the office of Secretary-General weakened in its decision or hampered in its action by the introduction of the divisions of politics into the Secretariat. Instead of progress, that would mean regression. Any suggestion of political representation in the office of the Secretary-General is unacceptable to my delegation. It would in effect destroy the international character and authority of the Secretary-General. It would also violate the Charter, which in Article 100 expressly provides that "the Secretary-General and the staff shall not seek or receive instructions from any Government or from any other authority external to the Organization," and that Member States undertake "to respect the exclusively international character of the responsibilities of the Secretary-General and the staff and not to seek to influence them in the discharge of their responsibilities ". 112. Geographical representation in a number of Under-Secretaries would be desirable in the sense of the universality of the United Nations being reflected in the Secretariat, but not in any sense of political representation. To whichever geographical units the Under-Secretaries may belong, they should be strictly international civil servants in the performance of their duties. Divorced from politics and dedicated to the United Nations and the Charter, they should develop a United Nations conscience, so that in effect they would all in their actions be guided by a United Nations spirit. 113. We believe that small nations have a distinct and constructive role to play in the development of the United Nations. Small countries depend for their freedom and security on the world Organization, which is their only safeguard. Growing technical and economic assistance by the United Nations to smaller and less developed countries is rendering important aid to these countries. Their vital interests, therefore, coincide with their duties as Members of the United Nations. 114. More significantly, the newly independent countries, having emerged from a state of dependence and after a struggle for liberation, naturally have a special dedication to the principles of justice and freed )m, for which they have long fought in their own cause, and would act in accordance with that dedication. This awareness gives them a heightened sense of responsibility to stand up for those principles and for the vital interests of mankind. In addition, small nations having no commitments and no entanglements arising from power or vested interests can have a freer mind and clearer vision in the approach to world problems. By their faith in the cause of the United Nations, unaligned and smaller countries can create a consistent core of world public opinion which can exercise a restraining and constructive influence on international relations, particularly in times of stress. We would wish to see the small uncommitted countries from all continents actively contributing to the support of the United Nations and to positive progress in world affairs. Cyprus as adjoining and partaking of three continents, can well serve as a link in the promotion of understanding and unity in this respect. 115. The Conference of Non-Aligned Nations in Belgrade, at which Cyprus was represented by its Head of State, Archbishop Makarios, was a historic event and an inspiring move forward towards the building up of a world moral power as the expression of the conscience of humanity. The impact of such moral power can be of immense importance in international affairs and it could be an underlying source of strength to the United Nations. We would wish to see it grow in stature and authority. The weight and extent of Its influence will rest on the degree of world confidence in its objectivity and its independence of approach to international problems. 116. The situation in Berlin is one directly connected with the present crisis. We do not propose to discuss it at any length at this stage for two valid reasons: First, negotiations though not actually in progress, are in prospect. Second, there is no relevant item on our agenda. 117. We cannot, however, refrain from expressing our profound regret and disappointment at witnessing barbed wire placed and high walls erected in Berlin in order to render more effective and more pronounced the breaking up and division of a great city. Instead of progress in the direction of understanding and unity, we have regression in that of division and strife. This is particularly regrettable, in that the division came not from within but from without, as the result of a war, and quite irrespective of the wishes of the people concerned. Any solution of the problem of Berlin and Germany could not disregard the basic principles of the Charter of the United Nations in relation to the right of all peoples to determine freely their status and their future. The concept of peace cannot be divorced from the concept of freedom. 118. We do not overlook, however, the complexities of an abnormal situation, a legacy of past errors, so closely related to larger issues in the cold war. Nor do we ignore the exigencies of existing realities and the need for agreement on some workable arrangement under present circumstances. But we firmly believe that fundamental human rights and freedoms cannot be disregarded in dealing with any human problem. We therefore express the hope that a broader view and a deeper vision on the part of the Powers directly involved with this problem may lead to a mutual understanding and a peaceful and just settlement. 119. We may be labouring, in the United Nations and outside, with many problems and many crises as they appear, but their cause and origin is the same. The problem indeed is one, and it is basically a moral one. The interdependence of the moral and the material in international affairs hag been so emphatically brought out by the progress of science that primary consideration of the moral aspect is now a practical and compelling necessity in any effective policy. 120. Whether on disarmament or nuclear tests and whether in Berlin or elsewhere, the crisis is essentially that of humanity and its approach to life in a radically changed world. The challenge is the challenge of adaptation and adjustment. Adaptation is inherent in human nature, as the history of man shows. The grave difficulty, however, of the present problem stems from the rapidity of mental adaptation to new conditions suddenly demanded now from humanity by the revolutionary achievements of science. Mankind's failure so far to adapt its thinking and action to the reality of an increasingly fast-moving world is the cause of a dangerous imbalance that threatens the very existence of mankind. 121. The recent gigantic strides of technology have made it possible for man to encompass this planet in a matter of minutes and, what is more, have placed in his hands the power to destroy all life on this globe, a power of unfathomed potentialities extending beyond the bounds of controllability. If we have the power of astronauts to see this earth from the distance of outer space, we should have also the moral power of approaching its problems in the spirit which will arise from a perspective analogous to that of the view of the astronaut. 122. The unprecedented magnitude of this technological revolution makes a parallel revolution in our thinking and action imperative, if the balance necessary for the preservation of life on this globe is to be retained. 123. It is no longer possible to continue acting on the concepts of the past with impunity. Commensurate with man's rise in material power should be his spiritual rise and the broadening of his outlook on life. Global power calls for a global consciousness and a global sense of responsibility. This sense of responsibility, translated into a United Nations consciousness, will have to appear in the discussions in the Assembly and outside it, in order to meet the great challenges of our time in a spirit of hope and survival—for survival, there must and will be. We reject the prospect of total catastrophe. The governing human instinct is not for the extinction but for the preservation of life. The forces of future and the cosmic powers are not negative but positive. They are not for anarchy and chaos, but for balance and order. These will eventually prevail. Whether they will prevail in the great crisis of the present generation of mankind will depend upon our actions as determined by our capability for intellectual and moral adjustment. 124. We can only hope that a new and adjusted statesmanship may emerge out of these critical times to save humanity by lifting it to new levels of moral achievement.