It is with great pleasure that I come to the rostrum today to address the sixteenth session of the General Assembly, and to extend to all delegations the warm greetings of the Ethiopian Government and of my delegation.
110. Much has already been said concerning the numerous compelling and urgent problems which are on the agenda before us. Positions have been stated and restated, various policies suggested and explained. Work is about to begin in the various committees in an effort to search for just and peaceful solutions to many of these problems. We are hopeful that positive contributions will be made to this end.
111. I do not wish to take your time with a long recital of the multifold difficulties which today perplex the world. Neither is it my intention to attempt to reformulate in new phrases the views of my delegation on these problems. I believe that the position of Ethiopia on most of these problems is well known to all. I propose instead to limit my remarks to some particular problems which pose the most serious threats to the peace of the world, and to some others which are of major importance to the Assembly.
112. We find the world today inexorably slipping ever nearer a precipice at the foot of which lurks the abyss of total destruction. We stand gathered here on the stage of history, while an armed symphony provides ominous background music punctuated by the tympanic rumblings of nuclear explosions. Today when man's capacity to improve his way of life and to assure to all physical and spiritual well-being is at a level never before attained in history, his capacity — and, it sometimes appears, his willingness — to wreak universal destruction is unsurpassed. Surely, this is a nightmare from which we must all awaken.
U3. It will come as a surprise to no one when I say that in casting about for the means whereby the disaster which threatens to overwhelm and engulf us may be averted, and the peace and security which we claim as our inalienable right may be assured to ourselves and to succeeding generates, my delegation takes as its starting point the very Organization within whose walls we are now meeting. Ethiopia's devotion to the cause of collective security, which finds its most eloquent expression in the principles enunciated in the Charter, is too well known to require elaboration. As a small country, Ethiopia has always known that the greatest measure of protection and the most effective safeguards against breaches of the peace, aggression and the abuse and disregard of the rights of small nations are to be found in this Organization. My august sovereign, His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I, set forth Ethiopia's position regarding the United Nations at the Conference of Non-Aligned Countries held at Belgrade 1-6 September 1961, when he declared;
. .he who acts deliberately and with calculation to the injury of the United Nations, to weaken it or to endanger its existence as an effective and energetic international institution ... robs the world of the last, best hope' for peace; he robs the small nations of that bulwark which the United Nations provides against oppression and aggression and he deprives them of the forum where their voice may be raised against injustice and oppression."
114. During the past year we have received further tangible proof of the force which the United Nations can constitute for the common good in the various activities, both of a routine and extraordinary character, which have been carried out by this Organization. If some measure of tranquillity and security has been restored to a good part of the Congo, for example, the action of the United Nations in responding to this threat to the peace of the African continent must share largely in the credit. If, as the tragic events of the last few days would indicate, the calm which appears to prevail in the Congo is not yet solid, it is not due to any fault of the Charter. It is rather the combination of reactionary forces that have brought about the present stalemate in Katanga. We accordingly must persevere and use all our resources to ensure that the province of Katanga is fully reintegrated in the Republic.
115. The Republic of the Congo is and must remain one, whole and indivisible. We are indeed duty bound to assist the Central Government to re-integrate the province of Katanga into the Republic and to expel all mercenaries from the province. It is the view of my delegation that the presence of the United Nations in the Congo can be justified only on these grounds. If we do not intend to carry out the decisions of the Security Council and of the General Assembly in this regard, then one is bound to inquire the purpose of the United Nations in the Republic of the Congo.
116. It is clear to us that to realize re-integration we must expel and keep out all mercenaries from Katanga Province. If the mercenaries have no known nationality, or if the Governments concerned do not wish to take energetic measures to keep them out, then the United Nations Command should hand all such mercenaries over to the Central Government so that it may take whatever lawful measures it may deem necessary. The present situation, whereby captured mercenaries are able to return to Katanga by various means and devices, must be stopped. Furthermore, we must condemn any colonial interference in the implementation of the decisions of the Security Council and of the General Assembly. The machinations of the reactionaries who encourage the Katanga authorities in their irresponsible designs must equally be condemned and stopped.
117. On world problems we start from the premise that no nation today wants or seeks war. We cannot accept the view that in pursuit of a set of political or economic principles any nation today would deliberately press its policies if it realized that war was, in such circumstances, inevitable or a likely result. If war therefore comes about, it will occur because one side miscalculates and misjudges the determination or the endurance of the other.
118. At the same time we cannot shrug off the plain fact that the two great Powers today are following policies which, quite apart from their inherent Tightness or wrongness, must and do, inevitably lead them into conflict and friction. To the extent that these conflicts arise from the efforts of either group to secure acceptance of its particular political or economic philosophy, or in an attempt to impose their system of government upon others, we here at the United Nations not only have the right but the duty to insist that they stay their hands lest miscalculation occur and destroy us all.
119. We must also unfortunately recognize that the great Powers are capable of acting not only in violation of the principles by which we seek to regulate the conduct of nations, but also, it .appears, in disregard of the safety of the world as a whole. Thus, in spite of the repeated demands of the General Assembly to the Government of France to desist from further nuclear tests, that Government has continued to endanger African life.
120. Recently the world was profoundly shocked by the unilateral and unexpected decision of the USSR to resume nuclear tests. Shortly afterwards the United States of America resumed underground nuclear testing. But any tests, whether conducted in the air or buried deep underground, have only one purpose- namely, the perfecting of nuclear weapons. Accordingly, all tests must be deplored and brought to a speedy end.
121. Though it can be said that we must be realistic, that we must recognize the limited nature of our ability to prevail upon the great Powers to stay their hands from the nuclear trigger, we can nevertheless unanimously demand an immediate halt to all nuclear tests, followed by a complete nuclear ban, and in so doing point the finger of history squarely at those who must stand before posterity-if, indeed, posterity there will be — to justify their actions.
122. In this area the Ethiopian delegation is convinced that the draft resolution^ which it submitted last year together with nine other Member States on banning nuclear weapons must receive priority. I do not wish to elaborate on the arguments which we presented last year; suffice it to say that our draft resolution has the support of the great majority of Member States because it contains the aspirations of mankind. It is our hope, therefore, that the great Powers concerned will endorse it and thus ensure its application. But, whatever the position of the great Powers may be, the General Assembly must pass its judgement on the resolution.
123. Disarmament has become for our time the overwhelming imperative. In no other area, perhaps, has so much been said and so little accomplished. The Ethiopian delegation believes, .that we should do more on the question of disarmament.' We can take hold of the Joint Statement of Agreed Principles for Disarmament Negotiation [A/4879] which the two great Powers signed on 20 September 1961 and, using that as a starting point, we can challenge them to make a firm commitment in advance to abide by the decisions which this" body may reach, and thus test the sincerity, of the protestations that both sides desire peace, which ring in our ears — though often punctuated by the explosions of nuclear devices.
124. The Berlin crisis has developed because of the absence of agreement among the four Powers concerning the future of Germany and, in particular, that status of Berlin. We appeal, therefore, to all the Powers concerned to find a final solution to this problem which is the cause of great anxiety to the world.
125. High on the list of topics, and clamouring for our attention, is the final liquidation of colonialism. Here I wish, first, to seize this opportunity to express once again the satisfaction of the Ethiopian Government and people at the admittance of Sierra Leone to the United Nations. We wish them success and prosperity as a new and independent member of the world community.
126. We feel certain that this process and struggle in which so many of us have participated will come to a triumphant conclusion. In order to ensure that the final stages of this development are not delayed or hindered, we urge, in the words of the Final Declaration adopted by the Conference of Non-Aligned Countries at Belgrade: "The immediate, unconditional, total and final abolition of colonialism". We can settle for no less and will be satisfied with nothing else.
127. In other words, the continent of Africa must be fully and totally liberated from the rule of colonialism. Algeria, Kenya, Uganda, Northern Rhodesia, Nyasaland, Angola, Mozambique, Zanzibar, South West Africa — indeed all and every dependent African territory must be free.
128. With respect to Algeria, we insist that the General Assembly adopt the draft resolution^/ providing ways and means for the proper implementation of self-determination by the people of Algeria. In other words, if negotiation cannot settle the question definitely, we believe that the draft resolution which could not pass in its entirety last year must be adopted this year as the only way out of a deadlock that now subsists in that war-ravaged land of North Africa.
129. We applaud the release from prison of Jomo Kenyatta and his resumption of the leadership of our neighbour, Kenya. To refer only to recent history, my Government and people have strong associations and ties with the people and leaders of Kenya, dating back to when some of our compatriots went into exile in that beautiful land during the Fascist occupation of Ethiopia from 1936 to 1941. We look forward to collaborating and strengthening our ties with Kenya when.
it becomes independent. We hope Kenya's independence
will swiftly follow that of Tanganyika, which we hope will join us here next December.
130. While the independence of Kenya, Uganda and, to some extent, that of Nyasaland seems to be assured tinder African rule, the picture is gloomy in the Rhodesias. The recent massacre, imprisonment and oppression of the followers of Kenneth Kaunda in Northern Rhodesia is to us a matter of great concern and indignation. We therefore call upon the Government of the United Kingdom to grant the right of equal suffrage to the African population, so that each territory may determine its own future no matter what the desire of the settlers might be.
131. Unless this is done promptly, and the African majority given governmental power now, we feel certain that the United Kingdom Government will bear a great responsibility. We accept all peoples in good faith, but in this instance we are compelled to reject all policies that perpetuate supremacy to fee white settlers under the guise of a multi-racial society. The only policy that is realistic and acceptable to Africans, is the transfer of power to Africans. Nothing will satisfy us short of this, an: ve are deters/mined to continue to extend our support to our African
compatriots in their territories. Such is our position also with respect to Zanzibar and, indeed, any other colony in our continent.
132. The case of Angola cries out for special consideration. The full extent of the dreadful state in which our brothers in Angola find themselves today is not realized; censorship and other repressive measures have kept the situation in Angola in a dim twilight. But enough is known to demand our immediate intervention and to elicit our universal condemnation. Over 140,000 refugees have fled their homes, a shocking testimony to the lengths to which the Government of Portugal has gone in imposing a rule of terror and oppression. I wish to take this opportunity to express to the Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville) our heartfelt appreciation of the assistance which it has extended to the thousands of refugees who are now in its territory. For our part, we shall continue to extend our support to the people of Angola in their struggle to achieve independence. We are confident that all other African States, as well as all freedom-loving nations, will provide equally effective support both to the refugees and to the freedom-fighters of Angola.
133. A scarcely less compelling problem exists in the policies of racial discrimination which continue to be followed in certain States. We are saddened, but not dismayed, by incidents which occur from time to time even in those States which make the highest claim to civilization. In speaking of racial prejudice, therefore, we look principally to the Union of South Africa, where a legalized policy of discrimination exists. In our view, the United Nations has done far too little in the past with respect to this problem. We therefore call on all Member States to join in collective action, in sanctions which will demonstrate to South Africa once and for all that the way of life which it has professed is repugnant to mankind and that, considerations of principle aside, it is not in the interests of that country to follow it any longer.
134. The numerous violations of the terms of the mandate held by South Africa over South West Africa have been taken jointly by Liberia and Ethiopia to the International Court of Justice at The Hague: 4/ This action will be pressed with full vigour and energy. We are happy to. report that all the African States have participated in all decisions leading to this action. We are also happy to know that Ghana and other States are planning to intervene before the Court in support of this action. We feel that this co-operation augurs concerted action in other areas of common interest. The Court action, however, is not enough. We call, therefore, for a greater measure of action than has been taken in the past and one which will provide for tangible and positive results. The Union Government, in violation of the mandate, has made South West Africa in recent years a prison cell by garrisoning armed forces on all the frontiers of the land so as to continue its unhindered massacre, imprisonment and, in short, wholesale suppression of the innocent inhabitants of the international territory.
135. The United Nations cannot close its eyes to these facts; it cannot stop its ears to the cries of the colonial peoples; it cannot stand idly by while the colonial Powers resist all appeals to reason and justice. To do so is to abdicate its functions and responsibilities. Last year, by an overwhelming vote, the General Assembly called for the speedy dissolution of the last strongholds of colonialism. Unhappily, this resolution [1514 (XV)] has remained largely unimplemented. It is not enough that this year we should merely adopt another draft resolution couched in the same general terms. Unless affirmative and effective measures are taken in implementation of the resolutions which express our will, we run the risk that what we do bore will assume an ever lessening degree of significance in the view of those who look to the United Nations as the guarantor of their future. We have demonstrated that we can act if the need be urgent. Let us act now, forthrightly and honestly, to dispel this problem and to remove it permanently from the agenda of this body.
136. In this connexion I wish to point out that the spread of the cold war into areas which have hitherto escaped entanglement in this struggle — a danger recognized by many — has not perhaps up to this point been dealt with as effectively as it might have been. This development constitutes a particular danger for Africans and Asians, sc many of whom have only recently gained their independence and whose territories are believed by the great Powers to represent a field which must be contested, threatening thereby the peaceful and rational development of their economic and social structures. We have seen, unfortunately, how easily erstwhile tranquil areas can succumb to these pressures and be transformed into cold war battlefields. We believe it to be essential that this evolution be resisted in order that the cold war may be restrained within the narrowest possible confines. It appears to my delegation that one way of contributing to this objective is to provide the institutional framework whereby problems which are essentially local in nature are limited to the locality most intimately concerned. In order to achieve this end for the continent of Africa, we call upon our sister States in Africa to join in the creation, under Article 52 of the United Nations Charter, of a regional organization of African States; the bf sic and fundamental task of which will be to furnish the mechanism whereby problems which arise on the continent and which are of primary interest to the region could, in the first instance, be dealt by Africans, in an African forum, free from outside influence and pressure. We trust that the other African Members of this Organization, whom we believe to be equally dedicated to disengagement from the toils of the cold war, will lend their full support to this proposal. As our proposal rests on Article 52 of the Charter, we hope it is clear to all that our desire is not to disengage ourselves from the world community, but to develop institutions peculiar to ourselves in accordance with the Charter,
137. Four last points remain to be dealt with, all touching on the institutions of the United Nations. They concern the representation of the Government of the . People's Republic of China; the enlargement of the Security Council and of the Economic and Social Council; the reorganization of the Secretariat; and finally the question of economic and technical assistance machinery.
138. On our agenda we have two items concerning the representation of the Government of the People's Republic of China to the United Nations. Because of our belief in the peaceful coexistence of nations irrespective of differences in political and social systems, and because of our realization of the advantages emanating from the universality of the United Nations membership, the Ethiopian delegation will support the proposal that the Government of the People's Republic of China occupy its rightful place in the United Nations.
139. In considering the structure of our Organization, the Ethiopian delegation would like to point out that membership has increased from the original number of fifty-one to one hundred. None the less, the composition of some of the principal organs, and in particular of the Security Council and of the Economic and * Social Council, remains what it was sixteen years ago Taking into account the above-mentioned changes, there must be an increase in the membership of both the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council to facilitate an increased participation by the African-Asian States which are at present poorly represented.
140. Regarding the reorganization of the Secretariat, it is the view of the Ethiopian delegation that we must abide by the provision of the Charter as stated in Article 97. It is to be noted that in accordance with this provision, it is appropriate that one person occupy the post of Secretary-General. In fairness to all concerned, it is preferable to select as a Secretary- General a national from the African-Asian countries.
141. At this point I would like to bring to the attention of the Assembly its resolution 1559 (XV) regarding the chronic problem of the imbalance of the geographical distribution of the United Nations Secretariat. This resolution requested the Secretary-General, inter alia, "to intensify his efforts to implement the General Assembly resolutions" on that question. It is imperative that the closest advisers to the Secretary- General should also be staffed on the basis of equitable geographical distribution.
142. My country has been associated with the work of the Economic and Social Council for the past year. As the only African country on the Council, we have observed very closely the efforts of the United Nations in the economic and social fields, while at the same time we have endeavoured to bring to the attention of the Council the special problems of Africa. Our experience in the Economic and Social Council has convinced us more than ever that' the interest of the under-developed countries can best be served by channelling all aid and assistance through the United Nations. The problem in the social and technical assistance activities of the United Nations is not only one of making available more funds to the Organization. Undoubtedly, the increase of such funds is indeed imperative, but there is also the problem of effectively utilizing the available resources.
143. We are very much disturbed by the existence of duplication of efforts and by the absence of clear- out objectives in the activities of the United Nations and the specialized agencies. We believe there should be effective co-ordination, even if this entails structural changes in some of these institutions. Co-ordination in the economic and social and technical assistance activities of the United Nations should be effective both at the planning and execution levels. A system of priorities which corresponds to the resources of the Organization should be worked out first and foremost on a regional basis, in the planning stage, by the specialized agencies working in close co-operation with the regional economic commissions,
144. On the operative level of economic and technical assistance, co-ordination should likewise be effective, Again the regional economic commissions should play a leading role, especially regarding the regional projects concerning their respective areas of operation. TL- regional commissions should have more leeway for initiating programmes of their own and, where appropriate, undertaking operative functions of technical assistance.
145. Permit me at this juncture to bring to the attention of the Assembly a problem which the Ethiopian delegation was privileged to present to the thirty- second session of the Economic and Social Council, Last May, under the auspices of UNESCO and the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), high representatives of African Governments met in Addis Ababa to assess the educational needs and requirements of their respective countries and to relate their efforts in the field of education to their over-all economic development. The deliberations of the Conference have revealed in concrete terms the alarming situation that exists in the educational field of the continent. To meet the basic educational needs, therefore, the Conference established as targets the increase of enrolment in African schools by 20 per cent in the next five years and the achievement of universal literacy by the year 1980. The achievement of these targets by African Governments will call for a doubling of efforts, and for heroic sacrifices on their part. The Conference estimated on the basis of these targets that the current external aid which was assessed to ambunt to $140 million should be increased by 1965 to $450 million. My delegation, and I am sure all delegations from Africa, request that the General Assembly endorse Economic and Social Council resolution 837 (XXXII) which calls on all Member States to mobilize their resources and help the African Governments achieve these targets.
146. In my statement I have considered only a few of the many^pressing problems before us. The fact is there are no easy and clear-cut solutions to many of these problems, and we are therefore forced to improvise, to settle for half-way measures, to grope in semi-darkness, only half aware of that for which we search, never quite sure where we are, nor what we have achieved. Man's progress on this earth has been at best a painful and laborious process, and we are perhaps unrealistic if we expect it to be otherwise.
147. None the less, if we work with zeal and energy, if we face the problems and the crises of today honestly and squarely, we shall have fulfilled our duty to ourselves and to mankind. And, we suspect, in this very process we shall do much to achieve peace and - security in the world.