Iran, Islamic Republic of

May I at the outset congratulate President Freitas do Amaral of Portugal on his well-deserved election to the presidency of the fiftieth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations and assure him of the full cooperation of the delegation of the Islamic Republic of Iran at this important session, which coincides with the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations. Less than a month from today, Members of the Organization will assemble in this very Hall to celebrate a half-century of operation of the United Nations. Fifty years ago, when the bitter events and experience of the Second World War were omnipresent, the original Members decided to establish an organization “determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war”. They signed the Charter of the United Nations, the result of two months of negotiations and compromise among the participants at the San Francisco Conference, which was to serve as the framework and the guide to prevent war and promote the economic and social advancement of all nations, large and small. However, it is generally acknowledged that shortly after the establishment of the Organization, the spirit of cooperation and friendship gave way to bloc politics and rivalry, which led to the cold war and effectively prevented the achievement of the objectives enshrined in the Charter. It would not be excessive to point to the antipathy between the two blocs as the principal cause of wars, underdevelopment of the third world, suppression of liberation struggles of nations under foreign domination, and interference in the internal affairs of others. It was this mentality, prevalent in the bipolar world, which in effect denied the Organization the opportunity to fulfil its obligations completely, and which circumscribed the extent of participation by Member States in the decision-making process and brought about the dominance of a few countries. After 50 years of turbulence, the United Nations is now in one of its most sensitive periods. Although many problems and obstacles of the past no longer exist, a new set of challenges have appeared, each of which has taken the credibility, efficiency, relevance and ability of the Organization to task, and which provide opportunities and responsibilities to bring into conformity the modus operandi of international relations in general and the Organization itself in particular, with the purposes and principles of the Charter. Today the United Nations faces these challenges and opportunities at a time when it remains the only truly universal organization. This universality of the Organization can naturally put tremendous resources at its disposal to facilitate the achievement of the principles and 25 objectives of the United Nations Charter, particularly the maintenance of international peace and security, the promotion of economic and social development, justice and mutual cooperation, and place it in a better position to deal with emerging challenges in a more efficient and distinguished fashion. What should be of the utmost importance to the Organization is the extent to which Member States participate in its decision-making process. In fact, if we define and assess the universality of the Organization in terms of the wide participation by Member States in its decision-making process, and not merely in terms of the number of its Member States, and direct all our efforts to strengthening such universality, we will contribute tremendously to enhancing the credibility, authority and ability of the Organization. In other words, when public participation of all Members as sovereign States is guaranteed in decisions of the Organization and their implementation, then the possibility of the exerting of undue influence and dominance by a few States to shape the approach of the Organization vis-à-vis international issues according to the limited confines of their own national interests diminishes to a large extent. Regrettably, even in the current international environment, certain Members continue to adopt unilateral actions contrary to the provisions of the Charter, and thereby exhibit an absence, for their part, of the spirit of international cooperation. The arrogant approach and attitude of the Government of the United States of America towards the international community, and the unsuccessful attempts of the American foreign policy establishment to exploit issues of global concern, such as terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, to advance an extraneous and illegitimate agenda represent a most vivid and indeed dangerous manifestation of such unlawful unilateral measures. The United States Secretary of State must put to rest the illusion that his Government can become both the judge and the policeman of the global community. Nor should he expect others to follow American pressures against independent States brought to bear with the sole objective of pleasing Zionist pressure groups even at the expense of disregarding the interests of the American people. Perhaps they still do not really believe in the fundamental principle of the sovereign equality of States that constitutes the cornerstone of the United Nations and that requires each and every Member of the Organization to play its role in securing the objectives of the Charter. This mentality is unfortunately the unwelcome heritage of the cold-war period when, owing to the nature of bloc rivalries, States Members of the United Nations were viewed, not as independent, sovereign equals, but as members of power blocs. The unfortunate natural by- products of such a world view are inequality, hegemony, disrespect for the interests and spiritual values of other nations, disregard of the choices and opinions of the majority, preference for the short-term interests of the minority and self-serving interpretations of the rules and principles of international law. It seems imperative, therefore, that in the new international political environment all organs of the United Nations, particularly the Security Council, should adopt substantive and procedural measures to facilitate the full integration and participation of all Member States. The Security Council, which constitutionally represents the general membership of the Organization and acts on its behalf, should muster the requisite political will to deal with all crises on the basis of principle and the same set of standards and should avoid preference for the interests of powerful States over the interests and choices of the majority in order to discharge its responsibilities in accordance with the Charter. To achieve that objective some structural, substantive and procedural reforms in the work of the Council, including democratization and transparency, are inevitable and will enhance the credibility, efficiency and relevance of the Council as the representative of the general membership. At the same time, I should emphasize that the most important organ of the United Nations, the one that is the manifestation of the principle of sovereign equality and affords direct participation to all Member States, is the General Assembly. Therefore, strengthening this important organ and ensuring the accountability of other organs, particularly the Security Council, before the General Assembly will guarantee full and more meaningful participation by the Organization’s general membership in its decisions and their implementation. This will go very far towards strengthening true universality and providing the most effective guarantees for the implementation of its decisions. In the past few years, following the end of the cold war, we have witnessed increased efforts to formulate new sets of international standards in various political, social and economic spheres. A thorough review of the final documents of recent international conferences clearly 26 illustrates that, notwithstanding the conceptual and normative transformations which the international community has undergone in the formulation and expression of its concerns and recommendations, it has legitimately stood firm on the need to respect the fundamental principles that preserve the very fabric of our diverse and pluralistic world. For instance, concepts and phrases such as “the necessity and importance of upholding full respect for the spiritual and ethical values, national and regional particularities, as well as different historical and cultural backgrounds of countries”, and “the necessity of homogeneity and conformity in final documents and recommendations of international conferences with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and the prevalence of a spirit of international cooperation and consensus in their implementation and follow up” have been incorporated and reaffirmed in the final documents of the World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna, the International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo, the World Summit for Social Development in Copenhagen, and the recently held Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing. This clearly attests to the fact that while the international community has taken it upon itself to adopt a just and non-discriminatory approach through international cooperation towards the protection and promotion of all human rights, including the right to development, as universal, indivisible and interdependent rights, it continues to insist on the absolute imperative of guaranteeing that in the process of international standard-setting, promotion and protection, the sanctity of the principle of the national sovereignty of all States is respected and that no nation’s religious values and beliefs and cultural and national identity are infringed. Furthermore, the Charter of the United Nations recognizes international cooperation in economic and social issues as necessary for the maintenance of peaceful and friendly relations between States. Unfortunately, notwithstanding this emphasis, because of the conditions prevailing in international relations, both during and after the cold war, the importance and centrality of issues related to economic and social development have not received due consideration. In addition, at a time when the North-South gap continues to widen on a daily basis, the world economic trend, manipulated by unilateral actions and protectionist policies on the part of the developed countries, also tends further to debilitate the potential of the developing countries to deal with the adverse impacts of international economic development. In this connection, we welcome the Secretary-General’s “Agenda for Development” and announce our intention to participate actively in the deliberation of it. We firmly believe that post-cold-war opportunities should be utilized to their maximum potential so as to place issues of economic and social development at the centre of the United Nations attention. Hence, there is a renewed need for recommendations about and practical measures for expansion of the role of the United Nations in promoting the economic development of developing countries, as well as full and rapid implementation of relevant agreements and internationally agreed upon objectives in this field. In this connection, the fundamental principle that States have the right to benefit from the utilization of their own resources that are vital for their sustained economic growth and development in accordance with their national policies and priorities must not be neglected. Another key characteristic of the post-cold-war era is the expansion of peace-keeping operations, which have, in recent years, demanded an increasing share of the energy and resources of the Organization. Nevertheless, the expansion of United Nations peace-keeping operations should not take place at the expense of its activities in the area of development, which constitute one of the most effective measures for preventing the occurrence of tensions and conflicts as well as for ensuring tranquillity and stability. The Islamic Republic of Iran, along with other non-aligned countries, supports the United Nations peace-keeping efforts in principle, but emphasizes that all Member States that are willing and able to participate in such operations should be treated equally and without discrimination. In like manner, while a unified United Nations command structure is essential for successful peace-keeping operations, its leadership should not be the monopoly of a handful of States. Although the United Nations has been successful in returning peace and stability to some volatile parts of the world, its disregard for some important principles has resulted in the failure of the Organization to resolve other crises that still rage. Let me emphasize that it is absolutely imperative for the United Nations fully to respect fundamental principles, including national sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in all phases of the establishment and execution of peace-keeping operations. The Islamic Republic of Iran, eager to contribute more actively to this growing area of United Nations 27 activity, announces its readiness in principle to participate in United Nations peace-keeping operations in accordance with our tenets and the fundamental principles of the Charter. Here, I deem it necessary to reiterate the preparedness of the Islamic Republic of Iran to dispatch peace-keeping forces to Bosnia and Herzegovina, which we had earlier committed along with other Islamic countries to strengthen the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) in order to enable it to discharge effectively its mandate to protect safe areas. We hold the firm view that if the Security Council had at least provided the necessary mandate or committed the necessary forces for the protection of the safe areas, including through taking advantage of the assistance offered by the Islamic countries, the Bosnian Serbs could not have continued, with relative ease, their crimes of genocide against the defenceless people of United Nations-declared safe areas. However, the lack of political will to suppress aggression and to deal effectively with non-compliance with United Nations decisions, coupled with the unreasonable, immoral and legally baseless insistence by some on extending the arms embargo against the former Yugoslavia to the victim of its aggression have in fact proven to the Serbs that they can continue with impunity their murder, destruction, aggression, “ethnic cleansing” and genocide. Since the outbreak of the crisis, Islamic countries, including the Islamic Republic of Iran, have adopted a constructive position and called for international cooperation in finding a just and peaceful resolution of the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The recent decision of the joint meeting of Foreign and Defence Ministers of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) Contact Group and troop contributing countries to establish the “Assistance Mobilization Group” in order to address the humanitarian, economic, legal and defence requirements of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a proper approach to this tragedy in keeping with the principles and purposes of the United Nations. This decision, along with the previous declaration by OIC member States of their readiness to dispatch a sufficient number of peace-keepers to Bosnia, as well as their declaration on the “de-jure inapplicability” of the arms embargo on Bosnia and Herzegovina are not only solidly based in international law, the United Nations Charter and humanitarian principles, but also emanate from the considered assessment that without a proper military balance, it would be impossible to compel the Serbs to engage in serious negotiations or to guarantee the unhindered implementation of any negotiated settlement. In this connection, the Islamic Republic of Iran welcomes the recent cooperation between the two Contact Groups, and holds that only a plan which does not entail recognition of the fruits of “ethnic cleansing” and guarantees the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a Member of the United Nations can restore peace and stability to the region. Furthermore, it is necessary in any peace negotiations to accord the non-Serb populations of Kosovo, Sanjak, and Vojvodina the same rights and privileges as those requested for the Serbs in Bosnia. Moreover, in order to guarantee a durable settlement and to preclude the repetition of aggression and genocide, the International Tribunal for the Prosecution of Persons Responsible for Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law Committed in the Territory of the Former Yugoslavia since 1991 should continue its work resolutely, without any regard for political expediency, and severely pursue and punish those who are found guilty. The increasing growth of inter-State cooperation within the framework of regional groupings constitutes another characteristic of the new international climate. There exist natural common grounds for cooperation, as well as shared interests among the countries of any region, which together create a framework for the promotion of regional organizations. Such regional cooperation leads, in turn, to enhanced peace and stability in each region and the world through the expansion of a culture of cooperation, coexistence and dialogue. In this context, the Islamic Republic of Iran has emphasized regional cooperation and taken significant steps in this regard in order to enhance prosperity, peace and stability throughout its own region. Today, the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) has grown to an organization with 10 members. With a population of 336 million, rich natural resources and considerable potential, and in close proximity to important centres of economy and trade in Asia, Europe, and the Middle East, the organization endeavours to strengthen and expand its activities, particularly in the areas of transportation, communications, trade and energy, in order to achieve well-being and prosperity for the peoples of the region, and to promote trade and economic growth. In another effort for the expansion of regional cooperation, the Islamic Republic of Iran has made concrete proposals for the establishment of the Caspian Sea Cooperation Organization which, with the 28 participation of the littoral States, would aim for the expansion of cooperation in the fields of shipping, fishing, the protection of the environment and the exploitation of the resources of the Caspian Sea. Fortunately, the proposal of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been accepted by the States concerned, that is, the Russian Federation, the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Turkmenistan. In our opinion, the Caspian Sea must be a sea of peace and tranquillity whose affairs will be decided by the concurrence of all its littoral States. Considering the political and economic characteristics of our region, and the occurrence and expansion of conflicts and tensions due to internal and external factors, the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran feels nationally and internationally obliged to exert every effort aimed at the enhancement of economic prosperity and regional security, the prevention and de-escalation of tension and the peaceful resolution of regional crises, based on respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, the inviolability of internationally recognized borders, and non-interference in the internal affairs of others. In Afghanistan, while refraining from any involvement in the regrettable fratricidal war, our policy has focused on keeping channels of communication open with the Government and all Afghan groups in order to put an end to fighting and to bring about a negotiated settlement. In the crisis in Tajikistan, the Islamic Republic of Iran has exerted every effort and has succeeded in securing negotiations in Tehran at the highest level between Government and opposition groups, leading to the signing of significant agreements concerning a cease-fire and the peace process. Attempts to find solutions to these crises require the constructive engagement of regional States and the effective participation of the United Nations and the Organization of the Islamic Conference. At the same time, the maintenance of internal and regional stability and security in Central Asia and the Caucasus requires economic prosperity. The Islamic Republic of Iran, in view of the special economic and geographical situation of regional States, has tried to serve as a reliable economic and trade partner, through bilateral economic cooperation, as well as the establishment of trilateral commissions with the participation of States from within and outside the region aimed at the expansion and facilitation of trade. Inter-State cooperation in the sensitive and strategic area of the Persian Gulf, where regional States share many commonalities, can also lead to economic prosperity, as well as guaranteeing peace and stability. The military presence of foreign Powers, who have interests at variance with stability and long-term cooperation among regional States, cannot be conducive to achieving the common objective of securing the tranquillity of this important waterway. In the final analysis, all littoral countries of the Persian Gulf would be better served if they were to join hands in a concerted effort to maintain peace and security in the region, which will directly affect our destiny. Such efforts can be channelled through an institution organized by these same littoral States, where confidence-building measures commensurate with the specificities of the area can be devised and followed up. Reducing military budgets, setting a ceiling for arms purchases, acceding to disarmament and arms-control treaties, cooperating with the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms and devising a mechanism for transparency in armaments are but a few examples of confidence-building measures which the aforementioned institution could consider. The Islamic Republic of Iran declares its full readiness to enter into bilateral and multilateral negotiations with its neighbours in order to reach common understandings on these issues. In the Middle East, the Zionist entity, supported by certain powerful countries, continues its occupation of Palestine and parts of Syria and Lebanon, and persists in its policies of aggression, suppression of those who dare to express opposition to its illegal occupation, and violation of the very basic human rights of the Palestinian people. Experience and the events of the past few years further illustrate the fact that the only viable option for restoring peace and security to the Middle East is one which is comprehensive and just and which addresses the fundamental issues of the Palestine question. Such a solution should entail a realization of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the return of all Palestinian refugees and displaced persons to their homeland, the full and free exercise of their right to self- determination, and liberation of all occupied territories. In view of the volatility of the Middle East and the Persian Gulf, these two regions must be off limits to any foreign military presence and weapons of mass destruction. My Government continues to underscore the need to implement numerous General Assembly resolutions as well as the decision of the Review and Extension 29 Conference of the States Parties to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) to establish a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East as an important factor for installing stability in the region. What has actually prevented the NPT from achieving its objectives and the establishment of the Middle East as a zone free from nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction has been Israel’s illegal nuclear capabilities and its refusal to join the NPT and put its unsafeguarded nuclear facilities under the safeguard regime of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Undoubtedly, without the direct and indirect financial and technological support of certain Western nuclear-weapon States, Israel could not have acquired the capability to develop nuclear weapons. Unfortunately, there exist strong indications that the nuclear capability of that regime is being continually increased by the very same countries that are the most vocal proponents of nuclear non-proliferation. This discriminatory trend persists even in circumstances where Israeli nuclear policy has adversely affected regional security, the negative effects of which include a lack of confidence and a perception of insecurity in the region, an escalating arms race and influx of foreign weapons into the region, and the refusal of some States in the region to join certain disarmament treaties. On the international level, it must be acknowledged that, despite the modest progress achieved in the control of nuclear, chemical and conventional weapons, these weapons have unfortunately increased qualitatively and quantitatively to an alarming degree. We are of the view that the failure of the international community to deal effectively with these weapons is primarily due to the fact that major producers of conventional weapons and weapons of mass destruction have prevented the United Nations from fulfilling its primary responsibility and central role in the field of disarmament. Another main reason for this failure is that the policies of major arms-producing countries designed to control the spread of weapons of mass destruction and conventional weapons are always short-sighted and discriminatory and aim simultaneously at securing the destructive power of their own weaponry and their own military dominance. A glance at generally unsatisfactory disarmament negotiations in various fields, including nuclear disarmament, the Hague negotiations on the chemical weapons Convention, negotiations concerning verification systems for the bacteriological weapons Convention, and the performance of the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms make the veracity of our contention quite evident. Following four weeks of difficult negotiations, the 1995 Review and Extension Conference of the NPT could not reach the conclusion that any progress towards the primary objectives of the Treaty, including complete nuclear disarmament and the peaceful use of nuclear energy, had been achieved in the past 25 years. The indefinite extension of the Treaty must be viewed within the framework of three major final documents of the Conference, together with the necessity for all signatories, particularly the nuclear Powers, to commit themselves to the full implementation of all provisions and objectives of the Treaty. These obligations include achieving complete nuclear disarmament, expanding the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, strengthening the role and enhancing the authority of the IAEA as the only international body competent to oversee the good-faith discharge of Member States’ responsibilities under the Treaty, ensuring the universality of the NPT as an urgent priority, and establishing the Middle East as a zone free from nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. In this connection, the nuclear-weapon States should, as a first step, prove their good faith by refraining from nuclear testing and finalizing a comprehensive test-ban treaty in 1996. The Islamic Republic of Iran, inspired by the divine teachings of Islam and benefiting from national solidarity and the continued participation and efforts of its people, has endeavoured to develop a society on the basis of the dignity and worth of the human person and respect for human values, a society whose ethos includes fairness and social justice as well as cultural, social and economic development. In this regard, despite extensive damage caused by the imposed war and other economic pressures, the Islamic Republic of Iran, endowed with the resolve and work ethic of its entire population, has been able not only to move towards reversing the vast destruction of the war, but also successfully to complete its first five-year economic and social development plan and embark upon the implementation of the second five-year plan on solid foundations. We foresee bright prospects for a strengthened economic, social, cultural and political infrastructure. Since the Islamic Republic of Iran firmly believes that the maintenance of peace and security, at the national, regional and international levels alike, is dependent upon economic growth and sustained development, we spend only about 1 per cent of our 30 national budget on defence and devote the rest to overhauling and strengthening our economic, social and cultural infrastructures. We have made this strategic decision at a time when the bitter experience of military aggression against my country, a foreign military presence in the region and an alarming military build-up following the second war in the Persian Gulf could have justified very extensive military expenditures. The current session of the General Assembly provides a golden opportunity for us to engage in a serious review of the performance of our Organization over the past 50 years, assess the current international situation and try to shape the conduct of international relations in the light of the United Nations Charter in a fashion that remedies the shortcomings of the past. The most important characteristic of our world is its cultural diversity, which has enriched human civilization. The experience of the past 50 years has clearly illustrated that attempts to impose Western standards, beliefs and culture upon the rest of humanity have not only failed to achieve the desired results, but also undermine the foundations of peaceful coexistence and mutual understanding because, in spite of the appearance of championing the cause of freedom and tolerance, such an approach manifests extreme intolerance towards the values and beliefs of others. Mutual respect for the rights, values and beliefs of all members of the international community, along with the empowerment of all nations to participate actively in the setting of international norms, the maintenance of peace and security and the promotion of economic and social development throughout the world must form the solid foundation of Member States’ activities in the next 50 years of the United Nations. The Islamic Republic of Iran is prepared to fulfil its role in this respect.