It is a great pleasure to begin by extending to the President on
behalf of the Government of the People's Republic of Angola, our most
heartfelt congratulations on his election at this thirty-seventh
session of the general Assembly. Allow me to avail myself of this
opportunity to express our great satisfaction at seeing preside over
this august Assembly, a distinguished representative of a socialist
country, the People's Republic of Hungary, with which we maintain
excellent relations of friendship, solidarity and co-operation. We
wish him every success in the exercise of his lofty responsibilities.
May I also reaffirm to Mr. Kittani, our deep appreciation for the
dignified and clear-sighted manner in which he acquitted himself of
his mandate during the thirty-sixth session of the Assembly. May I
further reiterate to the Secretary-General our most sincere
appreciation for his tireless efforts in seeking the most appropriate
solutions to the grave problems which the international community
faces.
184. The thirty-seventh session is being held at a very critical
time, since the international situation has deteriorated seriously to
the point of gravely threatening the survival of a certain number of
peoples.
185. Every year we all come to participate in the annual session
of the general Assembly; a torrent of speeches is heard, support for
the noble principles of freedom, peace, justice, democracy,
solidarity, development and co-operation is reaffirmed by every one
of us, but, unfortunately, the application of these ideas stops for
some among us as soon as we leave the United Nations Headquarters.
186. Repeatedly, and from this very rostrum, we have expressed our
profound concern because of the progressive deterioration in the
international situation and because of its disastrous consequences
for all of mankind. We cannot, nor should we conceal our great
anguish at seeing the impotence, the resignation or the abdication of
the competent international bodies when faced with the proliferation
of hotbeds of tension, which are deliberately and dangerously kindled
by imperialist Powers, and in particular by the present United States
Administration.
187. No one here should ignore the causes and agents which are
responsible for so sombre a picture. We wonder how long peoples and
Governments which love peace and justice will have to wait for the
adequate existing United Nations organs firmly to shoulder their
responsibilities and take really effective measures -which are
available to them-with respect to the Governments of certain Western
Powers, in order to put an end to: the flagrant violations of the
fundamental principles of the Charter; continuance of colonial wars,
and the promoting of aggressions of every kind, directly or
indirectly against States which adopt independent and progressive
positions; the economic plundering of underdeveloped countries and
the persistent prevention of a gradual reduction in the ever-widening
gap between the rich developed countries, and the poor underdeveloped
countries; the imposition of military bases in every comer of the
world, generally maintained against the will of the peoples; the
insistence on hampering the serious efforts made by the socialist
countries and progressive and democratic forces to achieve detente,
general and complete disarmament, the global prohibition of the
manufacture and use of weapons of mass destruction, in particular
nuclear, biological and chemical weapons, including the neutron bomb;
the accelerated rise of military budgets and expenditures stimulated
by an escalation in the arms race, so that these astronomical amounts
of money might be judiciously devoted to the economic and social
development of the underdeveloped countries; and the systematic
manoeuvres designed to counter the establishment of a new
international economic order, as advocated by the movement of
non-aligned countries.
188. Faced with this alarming situation, which obviously endangers
the future of peoples, and faced with the growing tragedy endured by
millions of human beings, who are still deprived of their freedom and
the right to choose their own destiny, lacking in the ways and means
to fight against servitude, humiliation, tyranny, wretchedness,
famine, ignorance and disease, we feel compelled to repeat, who bears
the grave responsibility, in the first place, for such a
deterioration in the international situation? As we see it, it is the
present United States Administration, and certain of its allies and
agents, or preferred instruments which, bear this responsibility: the
racist and Fascist regimes of Pretoria and Tel Aviv.
189. We see it this way because of the firm conviction of the
Government of the People's Republic of Angola that no country that
was socialist, progressive or loved peace and justice has taken or
will take initiatives to promote hotbeds of tension, to unleash a
nuclear war or use other weapons of mass destruction, because the
survival of mankind, international peace and security, the
independence of peoples and peaceful coexistence are for them a
primary principle and objective.
190. World problems which seriously affect peace, security,
development, freedom and independence require considerable efforts
from the international community as a whole and a global response
that has due regard forth fact that each people has the right freely
to choose its own political, economic, social and cultural system,
without intimidation or pressures; that it is the right of every
people to be in charge of its own national riches and to exploit them
for its own benefit; that it is the right of every people to reject
any form of subordination to and dependence on any source, and any
interference or pressure, political, economic or military.
191. There is no denying that in the present situation detente,
general and complete disarmament, the nuclear threat and the arms
race are the major concerns of countries that love peace and justice.
In this respect, may we recall that the position of Angola has been
clearly defined once again during the second special session of the
General Assembly devoted to disarmament, so we need not repeat it
here.
192. Since the People's Republic of Angola is a geopolitical
component of the African continent, it is legitimate for the
Government of Angola to give primary attention to African problems,
in particular to those of southern Africa, in view of the grave
implications for the region and for the world.
193. For some 20 years many relevant resolutions have been adopted
by the United Nations, the OAU and the non-aligned movement,
recognizing, on the one hand, the right of the Namibian people to
self-determination and independence and, on the other hand,
denouncing or firmly condemning the illegal occupation of Namibia by
the criminal South African regime.
194. Directly confronted with threats, aggression and armed
invasion by the racist and terrorist Pretoria regime since 1975, the
People's Republic of Angola expects from the international community
a decisive commitment in line with the requirements of our time,, so
that the problem of Namibia may be finally settled and so that the
people of Angola may, for its part, be able to expel the racist
invaders, to respond to future aggression and to ensure the defence
of its national Sovereignty and territorial integrity.
195. What is the situation today? As we nil know, the contact
group submitted to SWAPO, the frontline States and to Nigeria in
October 1981 a plan of action that includes three phases; first, the
adoption
by the end of January of 1982 of the so-called constitutional
principles by the concerned and interested parties, principles which
are to be included in the future, constitution, of Namibia; secondly,
approval by the end of March by the Security Council of the
composition and size of the United Nations troop contingent, and
resolution of the question of the United. Nations impartiality
raised by the Pretoria regime; thirdly, implementation, starting in
April, of the United Nations plan in accordance with Security Council
resolution 435 (1978), containing four fundamental aspects: a
cease-fire; the gradual reduction of South African troops to 1,500
men; stationing of United Nations troops in Namibia; and free and
fair elections.
196. Since the first meetings with the contact group -and quite
outside its framework and mission-the United States delegation has
asked for bilateral contacts with the Angolan authorities and has
begun to try to link the presence of the Cuban internationalist
forces in the People's Republic of Angola to the negotiating process
for the independence of Namibia. This has always been firmly rejected
by the Government of Angola, in view of the absurdity of such a
linkage which, in fact, ill conceals the obsession or paranoia of the
United States Administration about the stationing of the Cuban
internationalist forces in the People's Republic of Angola.
197. In view of the deadlock in the negotiations on the first
phase, because of the electoral system proposed by the contact group,
and since the presence of Cuban forces in the People's Republic of
Angola has become the subject of a slanderous and hostile campaign by
the United States Administration which is shamelessly seeking at all
costs to link that presence to the process of the independence of
Namibia-directly, or through the racist South African regime, which
has become its sounding board-as an additional means of preventing
the implementation of the resolutions which the United Nations has
already adopted, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the People's
Republic of Angola and of the Republic of Cuba, on behalf of their
respective Governments, prepared and signed a joint declaration on 4
February 1982, with which all the Members of this international body
are fully familiar.
198. It is therefore fitting to recall that, at the end of the
month of August 1981, at a lunch offered to the foreign press
accredited in South Africa, and at the very moment when a large-scale
aggression was being perpetrated against the People's Republic of
Angola, the South African Prime Minister declared that the Cubans
represent no threat to South Africa and that South Africa does not
regard the withdrawal of the Cubans from Angola as a prior condition
to the peaceful solution of the Namibian question.
199. Nevertheless, it is surprising but significant that a certain
number of those who express their concern about the presence of the
Cuban internationalist forces in the People's Republic of Angola show
no such concern in respect of the illegal occupation for more than a
year of a part of the territory of Angola by the racist and Fascist
South African troops. What moral can be drawn from that?
200. And yet, in the course of these last nine months, the South
African army has carried out 580 reconnaissance flights, 18 air
bombardments, 96 landings of troops from helicopters and several
sabotage and reprisal actions against the civilian population. The
Angolan armed forces have suffered 31 dead, 65 wounded and 38
missing, while the enemy forces have suffered 39 dead. Seven South
African aircraft and three helicopters have been shot down.
201. Thus we believe that the following positions of principle
must be borne in mind.
202. First, the joint Angolan-Cuban declaration states solemnly
and unambiguously that the intention is gradually to withdraw the
Cuban internationalist forces stationed on Angolan territory.
203. Secondly, on 23 April 1976, a month after expelling the South
African troops, the Angolan and Cuban Governments agreed on a
programme progressively to reduce those forces and, in less than a
year, the Cuban military contingent was reduced by more than one
third. Towards the middle of 1979 the two Governments once again
decided to implement another programme for the gradual reduction of
the Cuban forces. Nevertheless, those two programmes had to be
suspended at a certain point because of the growing number and scope
of South African armed aggression against the provinces of Cunene and
Huila. It should be emphasized that the Angolan and Cuban Governments
spontaneously took the initiative to implement those programmes. Ho
Government -including that of the United States of America- and no
international organization dared to propose or demand that we do so.
How is one then to understand the sickly insistence of the United
States Administration on this subject and its inability to realize
that such an attitude is a gross and inadmissible interference in the
internal affairs of an independent and sovereign country?
204. Thirdly, in that same joint declaration we stated that when
the Governments of Angola and Cuba so decide, the withdrawal of Cuban
forces stationed on Angolan territory will be carried out by a
sovereign decision of the Government of the People's Republic of
Angola when there is no further possibility of aggression or armed
invasion and, in that connection, the Government of Cuba reiterated
that it will unreservedly respect any decision taken by the sovereign
Government of the People's Republic of Angola concerning the
withdrawal of those forces. Once again we solemnly reaffirm before
the Assembly what our intentions are.
205. Furthermore, in the course of these last three months,
American representatives in the contact group have been making a very
special effort to spread optimism about the results already achieved
in the negotiations that have been going on in New York since the
month of June. In fact that is a false and ill-intentioned optimism.
It is false, because the electoral system has not yet been defined,
the final composition of the United Nations forces has not yet been
decided, and the cease-fire between SWAPO and the Pretoria regime,
which will constitute the essential point of departure for the
implementation of the United Nations plan, in accordance with
Security Council resolution 435 (1978), seem to us to be far from
being anticipated
or applied. It is ill-intentioned in that the American Administration
has started a manoeuvre to attribute to the People's Republic of
Angola responsibility for the delay of, or even for preventing, a
swift and adequate solution of the process of independence for
Namibia owing to the position of the Government of Angola regarding
linkage and the withdrawal of the Cuban internationalist forces. In
point of fact, this manoeuvre constitutes an escape hatch for those
who are or will be the ones really responsible for such a situation.
206. Thus, since the position of the Government of Angola is a
legitimate one the heads of State and Government of the front-line
States meeting at Lusaka on 4 September 1982:
... noted with indignation that a new element has been introduced by
the United States of America in seeking to link the negotiations for
the independence of Namibia to the withdrawal of Cuban forces from
Angora. In this respect, the Summit emphasized without any ambiguity
the importance of separating the decolonization process of Namibia
from the stationing of Cuban forces in Angola. The insistence on
maintaining this linkage is contrary to the spirit and the letter of
[Security Council] resolution 435 (1978) and can only hamper the
negotiating process. Furthermore, this insistence constitutes
interference in Angola's internal affairs. In this context, they
expressed their complete support for the Angolan position on the
question, which is clearly defined in the joint declaration of the
Governments of the People's Republic of Angola and of the Republic of
Cuba, of 4 February 1982. Accordingly, they rejected any attempt to
make the People's Republic of Angola responsible for any delay in the
prompt conclusion of the negotiations on the independence of Namibia.
They strongly condemned the aggression and invasion of Angola by
South African forces and demanded that the Pretoria regime cease all
acts of aggression and withdraw its troops from Angola.
207. A similar position was taken during the Third Conference of
Heads of State of the People's Republic of Angola, the Republic of
Cape Verde, the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, the People's Republic of
Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe,
which was held in the capital of Cape Verde on 21 and 22 September
1982.
208. May I be allowed to remind the Assembly of the enormous
sacrifices which the heroic people of Angola has already made and the
extremely high price it is paying in thousands of lost human lives
and material damage amounting to more than $7.5 billion.
209. I should like once again to remind the Assembly of the
proposal made at the thirty-first session by the Angolan Government
for consideration by the general Assembly, that an international
fund for the national reconstruction of Angola be established,
amounting to approximately $300 million. It is sad to note that so
just a proposal has not received the least attention from this world
body, despite the fact that in its resolution 475 (1980) the Security
Council requested Member States urgently to extend all necessary
assistance to the People's
Republic of Angola and the other front-line States, and called for
'the payment by South Africa of full and adequate compensation to the
People's Republic of Angola for the damage to life ard property
resulting from these acts of aggression. May we renew our hopes that
this bitter cry will be heard?
210. Everyone knows that in South Africa the internal situation is
progressively deteriorating as the conflicts within the hideous
regime and the ruling party grow worse, and the valiant fighters of
the African National Congress [ANC] steadfastly and heroically carry
out political and military; their efforts are recognized even by the
Pretoria regime, and this has led to an escalation of threats and
aggression, as well as an increasing use of mercenary forces and
bandit groups-trained, financed, organized and commanded by South
Africa-against the People's Republic of Mozambique. It has also led
to acts of aggression perpetrated against the Republics of Zimbabwe
and Zambia 2nd the Kingdom of Lesotho. All States Members of the
United Nations should firmly condemn these actions and should stand
in active solidarity with the ANC and the front-line States.
21L With regard to Western Sahara, we reiterate our unflinching
solidarity with the heroic Sahraoui people, which, under the
leadership of its sole authentic representative, the POLISARIO Front,
is victoriously pursuing its armed struggle against Moroccan
occupation to recover full independence and territorial integrity. We
welcome the admission of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic to the
OAU, and we reiterate our conviction that there trust be direct
negotiations between the two conflicting parties in the search for a
political solution.
212. With regard to the temporary difficulties now being
experienced by the OAU, we consider that any problems that might
affect us should be discussed by us alone, within our continental
organization, and without any interference from outside Africa, as
has been noted. The fact that the thirty-eighth ordinary session of
the Council of Ministers of the OAU, held at Addis Ababa in February
1982, and the nineteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State
and Government of the OAU, at Tripoli, held in August 1982, were
obstructed is a part of the strategy of American imperialism and some
of its allies aimed at subjugating or paralysing international bodies
which play an active role in the struggle for the political and
economic independence of peoples. We are absolutely convinced that
this momentary crisis will soon be overcome.
213. We are deeply moved by the bloody events in Lebanon. The
brutal armed invasion carried out by the racist and fascist Tel Aviv
regime, with the full and shameful connivance of the United States
Administration and the inadmissible passivity of certain Arab States;
the genocide of Palestinians and Lebanese in west Beirut; and the
massacre, the carnage, at Sabra and Shatila: these can never be
forgotten, and call for our strongest condemnation and an appropriate
response in due course.
214. We are firmly convinced that the Palestinian people and its
sole legitimate representative, the PLO, will resume the fight after
having, by their heroic resistance during the fierce battles of those
73 historic days, won the respect andadmiration of all those who
stand with the peoples struggling for their independence. We reaffirm
our unswerving solidarity with the Palestinian people and the PLO as
they carry on their struggle to recover their usurped homeland and to
establish an independent State there.
215. After seven years of Indonesian military occupation, the
people of East Timor, under the leadership of its vanguard
organization and legitimate representative, the Frente Revolucionaria
de Timor Leste Independente, continues its heroic resistance, in
spite of the lack of solidarity on the part of some countries of the
non-aligned movement. Those countries should identify themselves with
the struggle of the people of East Timor, out of respect for the
fundamental principles of non-alignment.
216. The inability of the Indonesian army to stamp out the armed
liberation struggle of the people of East Timor clearly shows that
people's rejection of integrate into or annexation by Indonesia of
its homeland. The 35,000 Indonesian soldiers present there, recourse
to helicopter-borne forces to try to destroy the fighting forces of
FRETILIN, which control 70 per cent of the national territory, the
terror and famine imposed on the people of East Timor -will all fail
to thwart the nationalist feelings of that people or its resolve to
fight. Yet more than 200,000 persons have been massacred by the
troops of a self-styled non-aligned country which never fought
against the former administering Power, Portugal, during the colonial
period.
217. The Indonesian troops, and thus the Indonesian Government,
are today carrying out an appalling genocide, through physical
liquidation, cultural repression, deportation, and repopulation with
thousands of Javanese citizens. But there are the beginnings of
resistance in the Indonesian army against participating in operations
aimed at eliminating the patriots of East Timor. This is proved by
the recent refusal to act of two battalions, which are today isolated
on one of the islands of the country.
218. It only needed Portugal to shirk its responsibilities towards
the people of East Timor by not proceeding to the transfer of power
to the FRETILIN leaders for Indonesia to invade and militarily occupy
part of East Timor and the outskirts of the capital, where its
military contingents had established themselves.
219. Ever since the thirtieth session of the general Assembly the
Organization has been expressing deep concern over the situation
obtaining in East Timor as a result of the intervention of Indonesian
armed forces and has been requesting the Indonesian Government to
withdraw without delay its forces from the Territory in order to
enable the people of East Timor freely to exercise their right to
self-determination and independence, as provided in general Assembly
resolution 3485 (XXX). Security Council resolutions 384 (1975) and
389 (1976) once again call on the Indonesian Government to withdraw
its forces from the Territory forthwith. Resolution 36/50, adopted at
the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly, reaffirms the same
principles and makes the same requests. The Indonesian Government,
however, shows no sign of willingness to respect United Nations
decisions. It is therefore imperative that States Members of the
United Nations, in particular those which are members of the
non-aligned movement, do not endorse the brutal annexation of East
Timor to Indonesia, a country which does not even respect our
resolutions.
220. Bearing in mind that the Government of Portugal seems to wish
to resume its responsibilities as the former administering Power in
order to bring the tragedy of the people of East Timor to the
attention of the international community, we wish to express
encouragement for the request of the Government of Portugal aimed at
satisfying the legitimate aspirations of the people of the Democratic
Republic of East Timor.
221. With regard to developments in the situation in the
Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, in the People's Republic of
Kampuchea, in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and in the
Republic of Cyprus, we reaffirm our active solidarity with those
peoples in their respective causes and our support for the positions
of their Governments in the quest for just and appropriate solutions.
222. With regard to Latin America, we reaffirm our militant
solidarity with the Salvadorian people and with its legitimate
representatives, the Revolutionary Democratic Front and the Farabundo
Marti National Liberation Front in their just struggles against the
present regime in El Salvador, and we heartily welcome the victories
they have already won.
223. We wish to reaffirm our solidarity with the Cuban people in
their revolution. We support their efforts to overcome the
consequences of the criminal economic boycott imposed by American
imperialism, in flagrant violation of human rights, and we denounce
the aggression and the threats against the Cuban people. We welcome
also the revolutionary process of the peoples of Nicaragua and
Grenada and their determination to face the serious threats that hang
over them. We also reaffirm our active solidarity with the Puerto
Rican people and denounce the imperialist manoeuvres which, by means
of despicable political and economic pressures, have prevented the
inclusion of the question of Puerto Rico in the agenda.
224. No one is unaware of the fact that the Security Council and
General Assembly as well as the OAU have already adopted several
resolutions on mercenarism, condemning the activities of mercenaries,
their recruitment and their use for the purpose of destabilizing
actions in underdeveloped countries, particularly on the African
continent. While it is true that a Convention for the Elimination of
Mercenarism in Africa has already been adopted by the OAU-and the
People's Republic of Angola, which has suffered and continues to
suffer the misdeeds of mercenaries, is proud of the important
contribution it made to that Convention-it is imperative, none the
less, for the General Assembly to adopt as soon as possible an
international convention prohibiting the recruitment, use, financing
and training of mercenaries and the provision of transit facilities
to them. Indeed, we hope that the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of
an International Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing
and Training of Mercenaries, established under general Assembly
resolution 35/48, will fulfil its mandate and that such a convention
with finally be adopted.
225. Next month the Angolan people will celebrate the seventh
anniversary of the proclamation of the People's Republic of Angola,
under the dynamic and visionary leadership of Comrade Jose Eduardo
dos Santos, President of the MPLA-Labour Party and President of the
Republic. Important results have already been achieved in
consolidating the Angolan revolutionary process, in setting up the
structures of the party, in strengthening national unity and defence
and in laying the foundations for a socialist society in the People's
Republic of Angola.
226. Unfortunately, however, the Angolan Government has had to
devote most of its human and material resources to the defence of its
national sovereignty and territorial integrity, because of the
continuous acts of aggression by the racist and Fascist regime of
Pretoria. This has seriously affected the economic and social
development we had planned, but if we are to attain that paramount
goal the undeclared war against us must be brought to an end. We need
peace, and we dare to hope that that peace so fervently desired by
the Angolan people will be attained in the coming year.
227. The struggle continues. Victory is certain.