Papua New Guinea

Mr. President, I join the previous speakers in extending to you, on behalf of my Government, our congratulations on your election as President of the thirty seventh session of the General Assembly. My congratulations also go to your predecessor for the exemplary manner in which he conducted the proceedings of the last session. This session of the General Assembly is convening at a time when the very foundations of international peace, stability and prosperity are being assailed by global disharmony and serious economic crisis. Hardly a day goes by without our attention being drawn to a new and terrible flashpoint where reason and negotiation yield to rash and precipitous conflicts under arms. Border wars rage, and nations parry and thrust over the negotiating table with all too little concern for the consequences of their inability to compromise. On a different plane, where the stakes are much higher and the destructive capabilities terrifyingly lethal the super Powers have yet again failed to secure any meaningful agreement on nuclear arms limitation. The impunity with which nations flout the Charter, too, gives rise to our fears that true and lasting peace Is an impossible dream. As a small country, far removed from these areas of conflict, Papua New Guinea has no illusions about its position in the scheme of things. However, we feel obligated to draw the Assembly's attention to the perspective we hold of the deterioration of relations between countries. Our concern also extends to the growing disparity between the industrial and non industrial countries. We are therefore compelled to express our concern at the indifference shown by industrial countries in procrastinating in the implementation of successive economic summits dealing with the world economic order. 423 Papua New Guinea believes that removing the threat of armed conflict and establishing procedures designed to assist the economic improvement of poor nations are the two issues requiring the urgent attention of the General Assembly. These are not new issues in the General Assembly's agenda. They have in fact been debated many times both here and in other international to rums. Regrettably, on each occasion, no satisfactory solution has been reached. My Government believes that the time is now overdue for all of us to make some real progress on these crucial issues. Instituting reforms to correct these anomalies will require a degree of strength and unity of purpose which has so far eluded the Assembly. My Government therefore hopes that at this session the Assembly will distinguish itself by finding common ground where these and other issues of global concern can be resolved. I now wish to address myself to those specific issues that my Government considers appropriate for debate in this forum. My Government continues to consider colonialism an anachronism of our times. We fully share the view that dependent and Non Self Governing Territories must be given the opportunity to exercise their inalienable right to self determination and independence as stipulated in General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 1960. Papua New Guinea, like other independent Pacific island countries, is particularly concerned with the remaining dependent Territories of the Pacific region. Since Papua New Guinea became independent seven years ago, we have been obliged to support independence for our Pacific island neighbors. Our resolve in this respect today is undiminished. We shall continue to ensure that the colonial era in the Pacific region comes to an end. We note with satisfaction the recent developments within New Caledonia resulting in greater participation of the Melanesian people in the Council of Government. We commend the French Government on the reforms which are aimed at achieving greater political, economic and social benefits for the indigenous Melanesian population. We trust that this is an integral part of an evolutionary process which will eventually lead New Caledonia to plan its own destiny towards independence. Hence, pleased as we are at the progress made so far, we cannot be fully content until we see the emergence of an independent New Caledonia. These views were echoed at the South Pacific Forum meeting in August. We urged the French Government to work closely with the Kanak people of New Caledonia in formulating a political programme for a peaceful transition to independence. We also hope that other French Territories in the Pacific are given equal opportunities to determine their own future. I also wish to state that Papua New Guinea cannot be indifferent if the Micronesian people of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands are denied their right to decide their own future. We acknowledge the efforts that are being made by the United States Government to place before the people of Micronesia a range of options which will include a plebiscite to enable them to determine their own future. To deny them these options would be contrary to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the spirit of the Trusteeship. Who is better able to decide whether the Micronesian people are ready for self determination than the Micronesians themselves? Over the past few years we have witnessed the resurgence of a particularly deplorable world wide phenomenon. I speak here of the tendency of countries in recent times totally to disregard the principles of sovereignty and independence of other States by pursuing blatant acts of aggression and interference. It is indeed disheartening to note that those same States, which have representatives at the Assembly, freely abuse the principles of the Charter. The use of superior economic and military strength to invade small countries for the purpose of securing spheres of influence is a matter of the utmost concern to my Government. A prime example was Viet Nam's invasion of Kampuchea in late 1978, and its installation of a puppet regime. The Kampuchean people have suffered intolerably; thousands have been killed and others have fled to neighboring and far away countries to seek sanctuary. Together with other concerned countries, Papua New Guinea supported initiatives to bring about a peaceful solution to the problem of Kampuchea. We actively participated in the International Conference on Kampuchea held here last year. 13. Last year Papua New Guinea, along with the Association of South East Asian Nations and many States Members of the United Nations, adopted a declaration which advocated a negotiated settlement of the problem of Kampuchea. Viet Nam's continued rejection of these calls has necessitated the recent formation of a Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea. We consider this development a positive move and therefore pledge our support, together with the member States of ASEAN, in welcoming the formation of the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea. The Afghanistan issue is somewhat analogous to the Kampuchea issue. Papua New Guinea has opposed and will continue to oppose the foreign occupation of Afghanistan. We note with regret that the Soviet Union has not responded to Genera! Assembly resolution 36/34, calling for the immediate, unconditional and total withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan. We believe that the situation in Afghanistan cannot be normalized as long as foreign troops are present in that country. While taking note of the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament this year, we are dismayed that there has been no real effort to reduce the manufacturing and stockpiling of trade in both conventional and nuclear weapons. My Government, nevertheless, commends the efforts of the Committee on Disarmament to curb the arms race. While we have not succeeded in effecting a comprehensive reduction in arms, the fact that both bilateral and multilateral disarmament measures exist in the form of treaties and conventions provides some hope for optimism. There is, however, a great danger in the belief that armaments are causes of war. Arms do not decide to go to war; it is human decisions that put them to war. Arms control alone cannot remove the possibility of war, but arms control backed by political will can prevent war and contribute to peace and security. Another alarming aspect of the arms race is the expansion in nuclear weaponry. For a number of years now one of the major tasks of the United Nations has been to promote the peaceful use of nuclear energy while attempting to deter its military application. In spite of those efforts, however, nations still find reason to develop nuclear weapons. Like our neighbors in the South Pacific, we are increasingly alarmed at the continued testing of nuclear weapons in the region by outside Powers. At this year's meeting of the South Pacific Forum, the Pacific island leaders again strongly condemned France for its nuclear activities in our region and called for an immediate halt to them. Furthermore, the Forum called on those States with nuclear capability not to store or dump nuclear wastes in the Pacific. We object to the long term effects of nuclear experimentation, which could adversely affect the lives and the welfare of our people. It is against this background that Papua New Guinea is totally opposed to nuclear testing and to the dumping of nuclear wastes in the region. For many sessions now the Assembly has adopted resolutions condemning South Africa and seeking to eliminate its abhorrent policy of Papua New Guinea finds it difficult to understand why some members of this body continue to condone the actions of a regime which has persistently spumed United Nations resolutions and yet continue to support South Africa indirectly through trade and other relations. I make particular reference here to those countries which saw fit to veto a Security Council draft resolution in April 1981 requesting Members of the United Nations to impose comprehensive and mandatory sanctions against South Africa. Their actions in this respect are indicative of the indifference of some Members of this world body who profess to be guardians of the rights and dignity of mankind. It is this kind of hypocrisy that provides reason for the Pretoria Government to continue pursuing its repugnant racist policies. The attitude so far displayed by these countries evokes no optimism concerning the total abolition. My delegation looks forward to the time when all Members of the Organization can sincerely and effectively impose trade and economic sanctions against South Africa. When that time comes, and my Government hopes it will come soon, it will be a triumphant vindication of the human values which have been totally repudiated by the South African Government. It would be remiss of me to bypass Namibia at this juncture. Papua New Guinea has supported and will continue to support United Nations efforts to accord Namibia the right to free itself from its subservient role to South Africa. We shall continue to press for an early and peaceful settlement to this long standing question, as provided for in Security Council resolutions 435 (1978) and 439 (1978). We find consolation in the efforts of the contact group of Western States. However, we strongly urge all concerned speedily to facilitate a durable solution for Namibia's independence. The Middle East issue will continue to be of grave concern if the recent and unfortunate events in Lebanon are not properly resolved. These events have surely undermined the efforts of the parties concerned to find a lasting solution to the problems of the sovereign State of Lebanon. We are particularly concerned that Israel's action has led to the massacre and undue suffering of hundreds of innocent Lebanese civilians and Palestinian refugees in west Beirut. We abhor such action, irrespective of whoever is responsible. Although we acknowledge Israel's right to exist and thus to defend its political and territorial integrity, Papua New Guinea also firmly believes that this longstanding crisis can never be resolved without acknowledging the Palestinians' right to have their own State. Papua New Guinea recognizes that right and will support any initiatives that are aimed at convening a conference on Palestine as a means to finding a lasting settlement to the Middle East situation. After many years of protracted negotiations, my Government was happy to welcome the adoption of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in April this year. We, however, remain disappointed that certain countries sought to alter some fundamental provisions of the Convention. I feel obliged to remind those countries that the provisions in question are there for the benefit of mankind. My Government is especially concerned that the United States has decided not to become a party to the Convention when it is opened for signature. Papua New Guinea's concern stems from the fact that key provisions within the Convention relating to sea bed mining may not be effectively implemented, white some industrial countries possessing sea bed mining technology fail to support the Convention. Papua New Guinea trusts and urges other industrial States to support the Convention as the principal treaty governing the exploitation of resources of the world's oceans. The single most important issue facing the world community today is the current global economic recession, especially the adverse impact it has had on the economic and social well being of all nations. Against the background of the current world economic crisis, Papua New Guinea joins other nations in recognizing that co operation at the international level is urgently requested in order to arrest and improve the deteriorating economic situation. We are aware that the world economy has suffered over the past decade from problems arising from inflation, high interest rates, exchange rate instability, deteriorating terms of trade in commodities, rising unemployment, slow growth and protectionism. Because of the general downturn in economic growth, industrial countries have had to apply so called safeguard measures in order to cope with their own domestic pressures. Thus we have seen substantial falls in the industrial countries' demands for non industrial country products, the proliferation of tariff and non tariff barriers and a general drift towards protectionism. In addition there has been, a substantial reduction m the flow of official aid and development finance to developing countries. Trade barriers in various forms have effectively curtailed markets for non industrial country exports Most of the restrictions have been concentrated on manufactured products, although agricultural products have been subjected to similar restrictions as well. As most of the barriers to trade exist outside international rules, efforts to limit their restrictive and trade distorting effects have never been successful. We in the Pacific have suffered because of a serious drop in the demand for those agricultural commodities upon which we are so dependent, such as copra, cocoa, palm oil, fish and timber. Our. small Pacific economies often rely for survival on the income from just one or two of these primary products Marginal changes in the volume and price of agricultural imports from industrial countries result in plummeting prices for non industrial countries like ours. At this point I must pay a tribute to the efforts of the European Economic Community to compensate its associated African, Caribbean and Pacific countries for drops m export earnings. Papua New Guinea has recently benefited from this STABEX scheme, Stabilization System for Export Earnings, and is due to receive additional loan and grant finance. This assistance is certainly appreciated, but let us all not forget that relatively small loans can only be partial compensation for the much larger drops in export earnings we have been forced to bear. STABEX though welcome, is merely a palliative. We must all still strive for a new international economic order in which the small producers are not forced to bear a disproportionate share of the sacrifices all have to make during times of economic recession. Papua New Guinea, like many other countries, is experiencing dramatic falls in foreign exchange earnings. Consequently, like other countries, it has been forced with very serious balance of payments difficulties and problems of debt servicing. Both industrial and non industrial countries have a responsibility to help revitalize and rearrange the current economic order. Economic recovery depends upon a number of factors, such as the elimination of trade barriers and the elimination of other barriers that restrict trade growth. In this" regard, we urge GATT at the next ministerial meeting and UNCTAD at the sixth session to establish effective proposals for economic recovery. There is one other area of concern to my Government. This is in regard to the way in which quotas are distributed under current international commodity agreements. During the recent meetings of the International Coffee Organization in London, for example, it was quite evident that the major coffee producing nations used their economic power to increase. their quotas, to the detriment of smaller producers like my own country. Papua New Guinea would like to see a fairer, a more equitable distribution of quotas so that justice not only is done but is seen to be done. There are many problems that beset our world today. Although I have only touched on some of them, a!! of them need to be solved, and solve them we must. To do this, however, we need one another's shoulders to carry the burden jointly. But to do this effectively we need the political will to do it, a factor which is required if most of our collective endeavors are to succeed now and in the future. My delegation Relieves that it is pointless discussing what can be done unless we first establish that there is a collective will to do it. Only then can we hope to create a world order in which States can strive to live together in peace, stability and prosperity.