The delegation of the People's Revolutionary Government of Grenada
wishes to join all those delegations which have extended their
congratulations and best wishes to Mr. Hollai on his election to the
presidency of this thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly.
The success of this session will be measured by the yardstick of the
Assembly's ability to steer us back to the paths of brotherhood,
international understanding and peace. The experience, wisdom and
diplomatic skills of the one who guides the deliberations of the
Assembly will constitute a critical factor in achieving any measure
of success. Mr. Hollai's unanimous election is not only a deserved
tribute to his widely acclaimed talents as a diplomat but also an
acknowledgement by the international community of the invaluable
contribution made by his country, the socialist Hungarian People's
Republic, in favour of peace, justice and social progress. We are
confident that his distinguished record makes him eminently qualified
for his challenging task. My delegation also wishes to express its
sincere appreciation of the manner in which Mr. Hollai's predecessor,
Mr. Kittani of Iraq, met the daily demands of his office, with
courage, even-handedness and an air of quiet and effective diplomacy.
88. My delegation further takes this opportunity to say a special
word of greeting to the Secretary-General on the occasion of the
first regular session of the General Assembly since he assumed
office. The elevation of Mr. Perez de Cuellar to that important
position has been and always will be a source of great pride and
satisfaction to us, the peoples of that part of the third world that
the renowned statesman and freedom fighter, Jose Marti, called "our
America". After a mere few months in exercise of his functions it is
already appropriate to take note of his untiring efforts in
furthering the cause of peace and the objectives of the United
Nations. For this we express ;o the Secretary-General our deep
appreciation.
89. This session is taking place at a critical moment in the
history of our planet and of mankind. It is a time when there are
dangers born of a deep-seated international economic malaise, with
threatening storm-clouds resulting from the dangerous arms race,
above all: from the cruelty and callousness which comes from man's
apparent inhumanity to his brother and his neighbour, which threaten
to engulf the world and annihilate us and our vaunted civilization.
Exactly one year ago, in my address to the Assembly at the 33rd
meeting of the thirty-sixth session, I expressed dismay, as did other
delegations, frightening state of international relations. Today, 12
months later, this session is being held with the global situation
not less but more alarming than ever.
90. Today the United Nations has become, in more ways than one,
mankind's hope for survival and social advancement. The Organization
must not only channel and accelerate the search for peace but also
preside over the ushering in of a world economic ordering of
resources which will allow the poor and the weak to live, not merely
survive. But, in addition, the Organization, by the very ideals
enshrined in the Charter, by its noble concept of economic and social
development seen in the outreach of its specialized agencies and
bodies such as UNDP and UNESCO; provides guidance for each individual
.political authority represented in this Hall and appeals to aspects
of the internal policy of every Member State.
91. We in Grenada are not only conscious of the relevance to our
experience of the declarations on the rights of man and of society,
for these, after all, are a product of the collective wisdom of the
representatives of mankind assembled here; we are not merely aware of
the evolution within the United Nations specialized agencies of a
preference for development geared towards the satisfaction of
people's needs and people's aspirations our entire revolutionary
political process, which triumphed in March 1979, focuses on such
pronouncements and our developmental model is constructed on the
foundations of people-oriented programmed and activities. The
internal achievements of three and a half years of the People's
Revolutionary Government bear ample testimony to this fact.
92. We are engaged in an experiment in popular and participatory
democracy where the people gather in their localities, as do their
delegates at the zonal and national level, to discuss, debate and
make their own proposals on every aspect of government policy,
including the national budget. There is freedom of expression Car all
our people based on a low guaranteeing democratic ownership and
control of the news media. We have made rapid strides towards
guaranteeing in practice employment for every man and woman able and
willing to work Also, we are moving towards the point where Grenada
can provide free and modern health services for all its citizens,
ample food and nutrition for ail, adequate and decent housing for
all, and ensure the extension of the basic amenities of modem living
to everyone. There is free education up to the secondary school
level, and our national literacy campaign and adult education
programme are aimed at wiping out illiteracy and raising the
educational standard of every worker and peasant to sixth-grade level
by 1990, in accordance with the objectives and programmes set by
UNESCO.
93. So the struggle goes on, the struggle to transform the
society, to improve the unacceptably poor quality of life, and to
achieve material and spiritual development and economic and social
justice for all our people.
94. Our approach to the question of relations with the world
around us involves a thrust compatible and in consonance with our
political preference for genuinely democratic structures and
people-oriented attitudes towards development. While we aim
therefore, in the true spirit of the family of the United Nations, to
build normal state-to-state relations with all peoples, some of the
main pillars of the edifice of our foreign policy remains as follows:
those of non-alignment, anti-imperialism and good neighbourliness;
the struggle for world peace and security; the determination to
support the struggle of those who are denied their sovereign right
freely to choose their path to development; and full support for the
demand for more democratically structured international financial
institutions and a just and equitable ordering of the global economic
system.
93. Grenada is aware that the absence of those elements within
international relations inhibits its own growth. The rate of
advancement of our small island nation, like other third world
countries with special disadvantages, would be severely restricted if
there were no peace or atmosphere of tranquillity and detente. In
addition to strong moral and political considerations, our
development is adversely affected to some degree if the peoples of
Namibia and Palestine are denied the opportunity to release their
energies and the resources available to them into the common pool of
South-South co-operation. And development will remain a dream for
Grenada unless a way can be found to usher in a new order of
relations between our commodity prices and the prices of the goods we
import.
96. The problems of Grenada reflect the present state of the
international economic situation. In the first place, the expanding
indebtedness of the developing countries cannot be over-emphasized.
The current levels of this debt, along with the recent trends in the
terms of trade and international interest rates, have become a
nightmare to many countries in the developing world. For instance,
the price now being fetched for cocoa, one of Grenada's basic
exports, is half of what it was two years ago.
97. In many cases third world countries, especially small islands
and small land locked States, are attempting through even further
external borrowing to cover the deficits in their external accounts,
caused partly by imported inflation, high energy costs and the
openness of their economies.
98. This problem of external over-indebtedness is made worse by
the rise of protectionism on the part of some developed countries.
These protectionist trends are becoming stronger each day-as was
evidenced in the struggle the third world was obliged to wage in
negotiating the third multi-fibre agreement in December 1981. In our
view, due to the interdependent nature of the world economy, it is
necessary for the developed world to open up markets to the exports
of the developing world. Prohibitive tariffs, subsidies which violate
the principle of the international division of labour and quota
restrictions on many commodities, including sugar, should be removed.
99. Another major problem is the power and dominance of the
transnational corporations in the economies of developing countries.
It is part of the neo-colonial legacy left to developing countries
from years of colonial and imperialist domination.
100. It is within the context of this unjust international
economic order that my Government sees the need for the reopening of
global negotiations. My Government is convinced that only through the
early adoption of proposals for a new international economic order
can there be a framework of principles to solve these complex and
vexing problems which now affect the international economic system.
101. In our opinion, the failure of the global negotiations so far
stems from the intractable position taken by a few developed
countries, particularly that of a major country. These countries are
firmly opposed to any structural transformation of the present
inequitable international economic system, and are only prepared to
allow marginal reforms that gradually incorporate selected countries
chosen solely on the basis of political considerations.
l02. The continued resistance to negotiations by certain developed
countries is a strategy to perpetuate and increase the economic
dependence of the developing world. My delegation echoes the call of
the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs, held at New Delhi to
the Group of 77 to remain firm with regard to its agreement on the
basic objectives of the global negotiations. In this regard, my
Government welcomes and is greatly encouraged by the fact that a
number of countries have achieved or are approaching the level of
economic assistance to the developing world laid down as a target by
the United Nations. We are also heartened by the recent decision of
the Government of France to increase its volume of aid to the
developing world in spite of the global economic crisis and,
beginning in January 1983, to extend its development aid programme to
include Caribbean countries for the first time.
103. The demand for a new international economic order must also have
as one of its objectives the reform of the two most important
monetary institutions for the developing world-the International
Monetary Fund and the World Bank. In order that these institutions
may provide greater and more effective flows of finance there is a
need for a change in the content of their programmes and the quantum
of fund resources made available under current quota policies
generally applied to small island and small land-locked economies.
There is an urgent need for a reappraisal and restructuring by the
Fund in three basic areas; liquidity and balance-of-payments support,
the indices of conditionally, and the nature and phasing of
adjustment over both the short and medium term.
104. On the issue of the reform of the World Bank, the People's
Revolutionary Government has taken note of the several areas of the
Bank's operations where action has been taken or is under way to
implement reform. However, there is one important area of World Bank
reform where no action has yet been taken. That is the desire for
fairness in the criteria and mechanics for the allocation of
assistance by the World Bank and the International Development
Association to developing countries and efficiency in the
disbursement of such assistance. The Brandt Commission's
recommendations on this matter indicate that the present
concentration of staff -95 per cent of whom work in Washington at the
Bank's headquarters-tends to make the World Bank remote from the
problems and attitudes in borrowing countries. In addition, the
Bank's articles of agreement anticipated a decentralization of its
activities, but that has not yet happened. This decentralization
would, among other things, have enabled the Bank to attract and
retain a wider range of staff from developing countries.
103. The People's Revolutionary Government is firmly convinced that
only a reform of IMF and the World Bank along the lines just
mentioned can assist the developing countries, including small island
and small land-locked States, in their struggle to overcome external
indebtedness.
106. In order to allow for stability and economic growth in most
developing countries and to ensure that transfers of appropriate
technology can be implemented successfully, it is necessary that the
level of development assistance be greatly increased. That can be
done through a reformed World Bank and IMF. Indeed, the economies of
some developing countries are threatened with total collapse unless
there are greater development assistance flows.
107. In our opinion, the United Nations Convention on the Law of
the Sea can be a catalyst for peace, serving to eliminate potential
conflicts between neighbouring States. We view it also, of course, as
providing a welcome opportunity for economic development through the
exploitation of our marine resources. The Grenada delegation is
therefore happy that the Convention has been adopted and will be a
signatory to it in the near future.
108. With respect to South-South co-operation the People's
Revolutionary Government of Grenada recognizes that despite the
potential, progress has been slow. This is not surprising, however,
given the dependent nature of the relationship between developed and
developing countries. There is an urgent need, for instance, to
address the problem of air and sea transport facilities necessary for
realizing the goals of greater South-South trade and cooperation.
109. The High-Level Conference on Economic Cooperation among
Developing Countries, held at Caracas in 1981, did, however, begin
the process of defining more relevant concepts and operative
measures, including the creation of an institutional framework that
would permit developing countries to carry forward the programme for
economic co-operation among developing countries with greater
dynamism than in the past. With proper follow-up action this goal
could be realized.
110. Even as much of the international community continues to
suffer from the debilitating economic crisis, it is being further
pauperized and deprived of the benefits of much of its economic and
other resources by the persistent squandering of massive sums on
sophisticated armaments which threaten the world and its peoples with
extinction. Over the past few years, mankind has been forced to
listen to gruesome accounts of the production of increasing
quantities of monstrous weapons, and has been constrained to
contemplate, in apparent helplessness, its own destruction. In this
frightening context, Grenada appeals to the nuclear Powers to reverse
the present trend of nuclear proliferation and to begin the process
of meaningful arms control and arms reduction.
111. Grenada sees no logic in the concepts of nuclear first strike
or limited nuclear war. Such formulations are inherently
contradictory, if not reckless, and suggest a willingness on the part
of one nuclear Power to experiment with its nuclear toys. Therefore,
Grenada applauds the bold undertaking by the Soviet Union at the
second special session on disarmament not to be the first to use
nuclear weapons. We recognize the positive impact of that obligation
and call upon other nuclear States to respond in like manner, in the
interest of preserving world peace. Once again, Grenada calls for the
purposeful ratification of the SALT II agreement on the limitation of
strategic offensive arms. Grenada is resolutely committed to the
process of lessening international tension and the promotion of world
peace and disarmament. As a result, Grenada will support any serious
proposal from any quarter aimed at bringing an end to the arms race
and achieving world peace and social progress.
112. The world has just witnessed the worst episode of damage and
genocide since the Nazi era. This shameless act of cruelty comes as a
direct result of the irresponsible arming of Zionist Israel. The
extent of United States economic and military support to Israel is
irrefutable. Since June of this year, the sovereign territory of
Lebanon has been the testing ground for all sorts of American and
Israeli arms, to the detriment of thousands of human lives and of
Lebanese cities and villages. As the world witnessed this despicable
act of genocide and plunder, and was enraged thereby, the United
States shrugged its international responsibility and failed to
restrain its Zionist ally. In short, the two had become one in the
exercise of the so-called strategic alliance.
113. Of course, the massacre of hundreds of innocent, helpless
Palestinian refugees in their beds is an integral part of that
scenario and cannot be divorced from it. In this regard, Grenada
joins the international outcry against such butchery. We solemnly
condemn Israel for its invasion of Lebanon and the death and
suffering it has meted out to the Lebanese and Palestinian people.
114. Grenada is staunch in the belief that the territorial
integrity and sovereignty of Lebanon must be respected and demands
the withdrawal of the Zionist occupation forces. We sincerely hope
that the Lebanese people will move towards national reconciliation
and address themselves to the honourable task of national
reconstruction. Accordingly, Grenada calls upon the international
community to render all possible assistance to the people of Lebanon
at this critical time.
115. It is well known that the Middle East conflict derives from
the expulsion of the Palestinian people from their homeland.
Therefore, the conflict situation existing in that region can be
resolved only through the settlement of the Palestinian question.
Grenada urges an expeditious settlement of this matter in accordance
with relevant United Nations resolutions.
116. We recognize the signal importance of the peace proposals put
forward by the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference in September. These
proposals represent a reasonable basis for a resolution of the
Arab-Israeli conflict, and Grenada is proud to give them its total
support. At the same time, Grenada cannot accept in their entirety
the proposals submitted on 1 September by the United States
President, Ronald Reagan, on the issue, since they offer no solution
to the key issue of the creation of an independent Palestinian State.
This plan also seeks to marginalize if not negate the role and
importance of the PLO and is, therefore, untenable and manifestly
short-sighted.
117. The United Nations has recognized the PLO as the sole
authentic representative of the Palestinian people. Unfortunately,
the State of Israel and its powerful patron do not respect this
decision. However, it must now be clear to such forces that the
expulsion of the PLO from Beirut and its dispersal throughout the
Arab world do not amount to its defeat. In reality, the blood of the
Palestinian martyrs and patriots serves as a fertilizer that
nourishes their just cause. Grenada wishes to reaffirm its resolute
solidarity with the PLO and the Arab people of Palestine and condemns
most vehemently the atrocities committed against these people. We
also reject the expansionist and oppressive policies pursued by the
Begin-Sharon regime in the occupied territories.
118. War continues in the Gulf area much to the detriment of the
peoples of that part of the world and to the apparent delight of
imperialism. We call upon Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran to
cease hostilities, settle their disputes through peaceful means and
properly direct their resources to the task of national
reconstruction.
119. It is well known that the inhabitants of the People's
Republic of Kampuchea are shaping a new society through various
democratic structures. We categorically dismiss the
imperialist-sponsored "Kampuchea Coalition Government in Exile" as an
unmasked attempt to hide the bloody hand of the Pol Pot clique and to
give legitimacy to their counterrevolutionary activities. Grenada
reiterates its support for the Government of the People's Republic of
Kampuchea.
120. The situation in the Korean peninsula continues to be a
threat to world peace. Grenada urges the speedy reunification of
Korea. We also demand the withdrawal of all foreign military forces
from the peninsula.
121. Grenada is hopeful that a meaningful political settlement
will be achieved in Cyprus without further delay and that the
country's sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity will be fully
restored and respected.
122. Similarly, we support the call for self-determination for the
people of East Timor.
123. It is clear that some members of the so-called contact group
on Namibia have lost all contact with reality and have resorted to
dilatory tactics in the negotiations for independence for Namibia.
The unique electoral device of one man-two votes as posited by the
contact group is clearly inimical to the interests of SWAPO and has
been rightly rejected by the frontline States. The improper
intervention into the negotiation process by the United States,
through its irrelevant demand for the withdrawal of Cuban troops from
Angola as a pre-condition for the granting of independence to
Namibia, is largely responsible for the present impasse. The United
States position is also inconsistent with Security Council resolution
435 (1978) and is an attempt to interfere in the internal affairs of
Angola.
124. Besides, South Africa has been covertly preparing to alter
the internal Namibian constitution and administration, in an attempt
to erode SWAPO's support and delay the granting of independence to
Namibia by ignoring demands for elections supervised by the United
Nations. The treacherous incursions into Angola at critical points in
the negotiating process must be interpreted in this context.
125. Grenada emphasizes its resolute support for SWAPO and
stresses the inalienable right of the Namibian people to
self-determination and full independence. Grenada further calls upon
the United Nations to take expeditious action to bring about
independence for Namibia, since it is clear that the negotiations are
at a standstill.
126. The situation in southern Africa is characterized by South
Africa's determination to destabilize regional States through
economic pressure and sabotage, direct military intervention and the
sponsoring of mercenaries. The experience of States like Mozambique,
Angola, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Botswana, Lesotho and Seychelles attests to
this truth. Grenada urges southern African States to strengthen the
structures of the Southern African Development Co-ordination
Conference. At the same time, we emphatically denounce South Africa's
repeated attacks on these States, its support for disruptive groups
and bandits and its policy of economic destabilization.
127. In South Africa itself, the monstrous apartheid system has
been better armed and, no doubt, is more firmly entrenched-for the
time being. Our black brothers and sisters are held in veritable
concentration camps. Black workers are paid starvation wages for long
hours of hard labour. Their trade unions are outlawed and their
dedicated leaders are hounded like beasts. Yet, when we hear homilies
about the rights of trade unions and the importance of upholding
workers' democracy, the South African abuses are never highlighted.
Faced with this difficult situation, ANC continues to be the vanguard
for the liberation of the oppressed in South Africa. Grenada pledges
its continued support for ANC and our brothers and sisters of South
Africa in their struggle for human rights and majority rule.
128. The issue of Western Sahara has led to unfortunate
developments within the GAU which directly threaten to compromise its
future. Grenada respectfully urges its African brothers and sisters
to resolve speedily the dispute over Western Sahara. We reaffirm our
support for the POLISARIO Front and the Government and the people of
the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic in their just struggle for
self-determination, national independence and sovereignty.
129. The yearning of third world peoples for peace and stability
has given increasing popularity to the concept of regional zones of
peace. Parallel to our own struggle in the Caribbean and Central
American region, our brothers whose shores are washed by the Indian
Ocean have been calling for their region to be recognized as a zone
of peace.
13C. Conscious of the warmongering tactics of certain imperialist
elements in that part of the world, Grenada hails the determined
efforts of the Governments and the peoples of Mozambique, the United
Republic of Tanzania, India, Democratic Yemen, Mauritius, Madagascar
and Seychelles in this direction. We fully support their common
demand for the withdrawal of foreign troops from the Indian Ocean;
the non-introduction and non-deployment of nuclear and other weapons
of mass destruction; the cessation of military manoeuvres by the
allies of South Africa and Israel; and the right of States to be free
from the threat of invasion by mercenaries.
131. This vexing question of mercenary activity continues to
threaten the peace and stability of a number of poor, developing
countries, as evidenced by recent attempts by imperialist-backed
mercenaries to overthrow the Seychelles Government. Despite limited
attempts by some countries to deal with this problem at the national
level, the international community lacks effective and comprehensive
machinery for this purpose.
132. Grenada and other countries of the hemisphere are
particularly conscious of this problem, since the likelihood of
mercenary invasion in our region, backed by certain imperialist State
entities, is quite real.
133. We once more register our support for the Roc Committee on
the Drafting of an International Convention against the Recruitment,
Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries. However, we note the
inability of that Committee to complete its assignment thus far. Once
more we urge that the work be expedited so that effective measures
can be taken to outlaw the recruitment, training, assembly, transit,
financing and use of mercenaries. The situation is one of urgency.
134. In the Latin American and Caribbean region, the militaristic
policy of the largest Power in the hemisphere seems aimed at
determining all issues on the basis of brute force and ruthless
economic might-hence the threats to Nicaragua, Cuba and Grenada. The
continued economic blockade and military threats against Cuba; the
ever-increasing threats against Nicaragua, including the training and
use of mercenaries from bases in neighbouring States; the attempts to
destabilize the revolutionary process in our own country, Grenada;
the illegal and provocative violation of our air space-all of these
militaristic postures display an amazing and unfortunate lack of
understanding on the part of the United States. We condemn and
deplore all efforts to pursue militaristic policies and policies of
confrontation in the Latin American and Caribbean region.
133. With respect to the so-called Caribbean Basin Initiative, it is
our view that this constitutes an attempt to sow the seeds of
divisiveness, and thus extend hegemony over countries in the region.
The "donor country" seeks by its so-called gifts to hold an entire
region to ransom by making a mockery of the concept of ideological
pluralism subscribed to by CARICOM member States and by the United
Nations system. This exposes the utter contempt with which it views
the sovereign and independent processes of the developing countries
of the region.
136. Grenada is seeking its own path to development and exercising
its sovereign right to find its own solutions to the problems which
have for centuries confronted its people. We therefore reject the
arrogant condescension of those who seek to dictate rather than
discuss, to isolate those with whom they disagree and to attempt to
make pawns of sovereign, independent peoples.
137. We insist on the inalienable right of every country,
irrespective of its size, to be master of its destiny. Recent events
in Western Europe have clearly shown that, in the interests of
development, countries will defend their sovereign right to conduct
business wherever they wish.
138. Intent on seeking an improved quality of life for its people,
and concerned about the integral development of the Caribbean region,
Grenada repeats the call for the Caribbean to be declared a zone of
peace, independence and development. This proposal was first accepted
in 1979 at the La Paz meeting of the Organization of American States.
At the seventh meeting of the Standing Committee of Foreign Ministers
of Caricom in March this year, Grenada reiterated that call. The
Caribbean must not be a zone of militarism, tension and confrontation.
139. Grenada issues a strong call for negotiations between
Argentina and the United Kingdom to resolve the issue of the Malvinas
Islands. Only through genuine negotiations held under the auspices of
the United Nations can there be a satisfactory solution to the
problem. The sad issue of the Malvinas provides one of these
inadvertent lessons of history which developing countries would do
well to note. In the final analysis our interests lie in recognizing
our own unity in diversity, in recognizing the need of the countries
of, Latin America and the Caribbean to create mechanisms for dealing
with problems peculiar to us.
140., Grenada wishes to reiterate that one of the firm principles on
which its foreign policy is based is anti-colonialism. Therefore we
declare once more our unswerving support for the people of Puerto
Rico in their just struggle to attain self-determination and
independence. We have another call for the elimination of this cancer
of colonialism from the Caribbean. We also express our very deep
concern over events in Central America, where scores of people have
lost their lives or have been forced to flee their homeland in search
of peace. In the light of Israel's present deplorable role in the
international arena, we further express our profound concern at the
presence of Israeli military advisers in Central America.
141. We also wish to express our unshakeable solidarity with our
Chilean brothers and sisters who are heroically resisting a brutal
regime and many of whom have been driven from their homeland to
languish in exile.
142. My Government wishes to express its total support for the
struggling people of El Salvador. It is our conviction that justice
and peace will ultimately triumph in that long-suffering country.
143. Once more we wish to declare our unstinting support for the
independent Caribbean nations of Belize and Guyana in their
determination to preserve full territorial integrity. We call on all
parties concerned to resort to measures as outlined in the Charter of
the United Nations to find a peaceful solution to the disputes; any
other approach to solving these disputes will be counterproductive
and catastrophic.
144. We reaffirm our full support for the just claim of Bolivia to
regain its access to the sea. We recognize that that country's
development is seriously impeded by a lack of such facilities.
145. I now turn to an issue of increasing urgency on the
international scene, one that affects my country most intimately. It
is the question of the special problems of small Island and small
land-locked developing States. For three years, including twice
before in this forum, Grenada, supported by others within that
category, has called the attention of the international community,
and in particular the richer and technologically advanced nations, to
the peculiar circumstances and needs occasioned by the phenomenon of
smallness. Addressing the Assembly at the 27th meeting of the
thirty-fourth session, our Prime Minister, Maurice Bishop, called for
smallness to be recognized as a new dimension in economic relations
and urged a heightened awareness of the inherent handicaps.
146. Last year, at the 33rd meeting of the thirty-sixth session,
we went further. My delegation, in an effort to sensitize the
international community to these issues, enumerated the economic and
social consequences of smallness in the present world economic system
and elaborated in addition a minimum programme for ongoing assistance
to those States.
147. Last year also, at the meetings of the Commonwealth Heads of
Government in Australia and the General Assembly of the Organization
of American States in Saint Lucia, my country continued its appeal to
the international community for special consideration in the face of
these characteristic developmental problems of this group of
countries, namely, small States.
148. More recently, at the meetings in London and Toronto of
Commonwealth Finance Ministers and the World Bank and IMF,
respectively, Grenada and other members of this specially
disadvantaged group raised again this pressing and critically
important issue. We have taken the initiative and are strongly
convinced, in the light of the current international economic
situation to which I earlier referred, that there is a need for a
special working conference in 1983, involving the United Nations and
its development agencies and the major international financial
institutions, like the World Bank, to examine the economic problems
of this group of countries and to make practical recommendations for
their solution. Out of that conference should come an international
action programme with a specific time-table for implementation. For
example, consider the matter of hurricanes and other natural
disasters which frequently devastate the economies of small States in
one blow. Often international relief, always so deeply appreciated,
takes months to arrive-hence the need for a rapidly deployable
rehabilitation scheme for such contingencies. Therefore, we appeal to
all our brothers and sisters in small island and small land-locked
developing States and also the international community for support on
this vital matter, since any improvement in our economic situation
must have a positive effect on the wider global community.
149. In conclusion, my delegation wishes to reaffirm its
commitment to the noble principles enshrined in the Charter of the
United Nations. Even in the face of the crisis in international
relations, we are steadfast in the belief that the United Nations
system constitutes the ultimate guarantee for peace and international
security. For our part we wish once again to express our willingness
to engage in dialogue at any level whatever with a view to promoting
regional peace and co-operation, thereby contributing to the
construction of a more just and peaceful world.