Mr. President, I should like first of all to
congratulate you on your election as President of
the current session of the General Assembly. It
is my particular pleasure to welcome you, the
representative of a neighbouring country with
which Yugoslavia has been developing friendly
relations and comprehensive good-neighborly
co-operation, to this important and responsible
post.
93. I should also like to pay a tribute to
the Secretary- General for his high personal and
statesmanlike qualities, as well as far the
selfless efforts he exerted during the short but
very dynamic and difficult period since his
election. We are very pleased to see the
representative of friendly and non-aligned Peru
in this high and exceptionally important post.
His election also honors the whole Latin American
continent, as well as being recognition of the
growing influence of the policy and movement of
non-alignment in international relations.
94. I avail myself of this opportunity to
point out our particular gratitude and
appreciation to the President of the thirty-sixth
session Mr. Ismat Kittani, the representative of
Iraq, a country with which Yugoslavia has firm
friendly ties, for the outstanding efforts,
objective attitude and skill with which he guided
the thirty-sixth session of the General
Assem¬bly, the second special session on
disarmament and other meetings of the General
Assembly in the course of the past year, which
was fraught with numerous problems and
difficulties.
95. Although there are certain differences in
the assessments of the causes of the present
state of affairs in the world, we believe that
there is almost no dispute that we are now
witnessing one of those crucial turning-points in
the history of international relations, when a
choice has to be made between a perilous downhill
slide caused by the increase of tension, and a
halting of this dangerous trend by reversing the
developments and directing them towards the
renewal of international confidence and
respon¬sibility, which have been so badly eroded.
This would pave the way for a process of
equitable and peaceful negotiation on a number of
conflict situations and crises present in the
world. There is no doubt that the situa¬tion in
all spheres of international relations has
deterio¬rated to such an extent that the whole
international community is faced with that
choice, which is all the more dramatic since
there are no signs of improve¬ment. On the
contrary, many things are getting out of control
and are acquiring their own momentum which, in
turn, produces more tension.
96. There are three phenomena which
constitute an inseparable whole and which are the
major causes of negative developments. These are
the unabated and spiraling arms race, which has
acquired unforeseen proportions; the denial to
countries and peoples of their right to free
social development and self-determination; and
increased rivalry, based on positions of
strength, in establishing new boundaries of
spheres of interest and influence and shifting
the existing boundaries. All this is being done
in the name of a self-arrogated right to protect
social systems, to impose foreign models of
development and to declare entire regions as the
inviolable zones of security of big Powers. The
use of force tends to become a legitimate form of
behavior aimed at imposing the blocs as sole
arbiters in international affairs. To this end,
bloc policy resorts to the use of the most
diverse methods of destabilization, ranging from
interference in internal affairs and economic
pressure to military intervention and direct
aggression.
97. The Secretary-General was, therefore,
right when he said in his thought-provoking
report on the work of the Organization that "The
past year has seen an alarming succession of
international crises as well as stalemates on a
number of fundamental inter-national issues".
This is a grave but regrettably true and
irrefutable observation. This situation is less a
result of cyclical aggravation than of the
profound crisis of the post-war bloc system based
on the balance of terror. The entire development
of international relations since the Second World
War has shown that the historic processes of
emancipation and the striving for independent and
undisturbed develop¬ment are deeply rooted and
universal. In spite of all attempts to the
contrary, the policy of the division of the world
into blocs, aimed at controlling those processes
and at preserving the system of domination and
the policy of rivalry, has failed. This could not
be achieved either through the cold war or by
limited detente, by outbreaks of situations of
conflict and other forms of interventionism or by
attempts to crush the resistance of peoples to
foreign domination and their will to establish
their own national and social identities. In
short, the arms race, limited wars and military
interventions have not given any substantive
advantage to either bloc, nor have they
strengthened their internal cohesion. On the
contrary, the bloc perception of international
relations not only has failed to remove the
possibility of global war but has constantly led
the world to its brink.
98. The blocs cannot solve in the old way the
crises existing both within their own ranks and
in inter¬national relations and they are not
willing to do so on the new basis; they are
trying to overcome them at the expense of small,
economically and militarily weak countries. All
this undoubtedly points to the obsolescence of
the existing system of international political
and economic relations, which is caught today in
a web of mutual contradictions. The blocs are
attempting to find a way out by intensifying and
expanding their power. They are incapable of
com¬prehending the altered structure of the
international community and the growing awareness
of nations and peoples, which have never been
stronger, better organized and more committed to
changing the existing international relations.
Never has the gap been wider between the old
relations and the new needs and possibilities for
changing the existing state of affairs for the
better, nor have the dangers threatening the
world ever been so immediate and so far beyond
control. There is practically no field in
political and economic relations in which serious
aggravation of difficulties has not occurred. The
relaxation of tensions and the efforts to settle
disputes by peaceful means are giving way to
increased manifestations of the cold war and the
use of force. Major channels of negotia¬tion,
whether bilateral or multilateral, have been
blocked, and communication for the purpose of
negotiation has been reduced to the lowest level.
The security and independence of many nations, as
well as the most essential conditions of economic
development, are threatened daily. The
manifestations of such a state of affairs are,
unfortunately, very numerous.
99. The arms race, with the unrestrained and
uncon¬trolled growth, quantitative and
qualitative, and stock¬piling of weapons,
constitutes today a most direct threat to world
peace and an instrument for preserving the
existing inequitable system of international
relations. Negotiations on specific aspects of
the limitation of the arms race or its control or
on disarmament have for years been bogged down,
while the Programme of Action contained in the
Final Docu¬ment of the Tenth Special Session of
the General Assembly, unanimously adopted at the
first special session devoted to disarmament, has
not been implemented. At the second special
session on disarmament the Assembly was not only
unable to do further work on an international
strategy for a long-term process of disarmament,
but, in a way, took a step backwards. Detente not
only failed to become a coherent strategy for
peace but, as the transition from cold war to
peace, experienced a crisis precisely at the
moment when it was about to achieve the most
durable results, particularly in Europe.
100. The existing focal points of crisi are
constantly becoming linked with new ones in an
uninterrupted chain stretching from the
Mediterranean, through the region of the Gulf,
the Indian Ocean, southern Africa and South
America to the Caribbean and Central America.
101. The longstanding practice of tolerating
Israel’s aggressive policy in the Middle East has
brought about a situation which has no precedent
in recent history, and for which it would be hard
to find a parallel even in the Second World War.
Not only does there seem to be no end to the
Israeli policy of expansionism and its violation
of all the decisions of the United Nations and
all the norms of inter¬national behavior, but
Israel has resorted to genocide against the
Palestinian people and keeps encroaching upon the
independence of Lebanon, A premeditated and
cold-blooded massacre of helpless Palestinian and
Lebanese people is carried cut before the eyes of
the whole of mankind, which is unable either to
prevent the crimes or to punish the perpetrator.
It has become obvious that this is a continuous
and premeditated policy of aggression against and
extermination of the Palestinian people and an
attempt to find a "final solution" to the Middle
East crisis without it or against its will. Such
a policy is based on the illusion that the
Palestinian question can be resolved without
fulfilling the aspirations of the Palestinian
people, which are, like those of any other nation
in the region, to live in peace and security on
its own territory and in its own independent
State; without recognizing the PLO as the
legitimate representative of the Palestinian
people; and without Israel's withdrawal from all
territories occupied in the 1967 war.
102. The Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, at Fez,
adopted a constructive plan, the implementation
of which should be supported by the entire
international community. It is encouraging, also,
to see a positive development even among those
elements that until yesterday supported Israel
automatically in all mani¬festations of its
aggressive policy. It is high time to put a stop
to this policy of extermination of the
Palestin¬ian people and to enable it to exercise
its inalien¬able rights. From the latest
developments we should draw the lesson that it is
no longer sufficient to express anger,
disappointment, abhorrence or guilty conscience
and to engage in the rhetorics of propa¬ganda but
that it is indispensable instead to take resolute
action. No one can avoid responsibility for the
latest brutal atrocities in Beirut, least of all
those that could have prevented it.
103. In South-East and South-West Asia the
state of crisis persists unchanged. The peoples
of Afghan¬istan and Kampuchea are prevented from
exercising their right to a free life and are
still subjected to foreign intervention. The
international community has, through United
Nations resolutions and the positions taken by
the conferences of the non-aligned countries,
laid down the basis for a peaceful political
solution of these problems, which can be achieved
only through the withdrawal of foreign troops and
the elimination of all forms of outside
intervention.
104. 3n Africa, particularly southern Africa,
racist and colonialist strongholds still exist,
while attempts are being made to tum that
continent into an arena of bloc rivalry. These
neo-colonialist tendencies threaten the
independence and security of the coun¬tries of
the continent and obstruct the positive role
played by the Organization of African Unity. It
is high time that the question of Namibia was
solved, and the long-expected final agreement on
its accession to full independence should be
reached at this very session of the general
Assembly. We believe that this is indispensable
and will be possible if we exert additional
efforts and show greater resolve. Success in
solving the outstanding problem of Namibia would
show that the most complex issues can finally be
resolved through negotiations. It would help to
reawaken the shaken faith in the United Nations.
On the other hand, procrastination would
undoubtedly bring the already tense situation in
this part of the world to the brink of explosion,
with wider inter¬national implications. The
liberation of Namibia on the basis of Security
Council resolution 435 (1978), as well as the
creation of conditions enabling the people of
Western Sahara to express its will freely within
the framework of the right to self-determination,
would be of the utmost importance for the
strength¬ening of the independence and the faster
economic and social development of all African
countries. The people of Korea has net yet
exercised its right to unification, in spite of
the position of the Democratic People's Republic
of Korea, which de¬serves international support.
105. Cyprus remains divided. United Nations
efforts based en clearly formulated positions on
the establish¬ment of an independent, united and
non-aligned Cyprus have yielded no results. We
welcome the continuation of the intercommunal
talks and hope that they, together with all the
other efforts being exerted, will bring about a
just and lasting solution.
106. In Central America and in the Caribbean
peo¬ples are fighting for their national and
social identity and for liberation from all kinds
of patronage and foreign interference.
107. The deterioration of the situation in
Europe is manifested primarily through the
escalation of the arms race, the introduction and
deployment of new types of weapons and the
obstruction of the channels of eco¬nomic,
cultural and other forms of co-operation among
European countries. In addition, European
security is directly affected by the situation
and security in the broader region of the
Mediterranean, including the Middle East, as well
as by the relations between blocs in all parts of
the world. Therefore, we attach great importance
to the resumption of the Madrid follow-up meeting
to the Conference on Security and Co-operation in
Europe, the successful outcome of which would
most certainly have a positive impact on
international relations in general.
108. Our efforts in the Mediterranean are
directed to transforming this sea and its
hinterland from a region of confrontation and
constant sabre-rattling into a region of overall
co-operation, security and mutual interaction of
the cultures of Mediterranean countries and
peoples. In a word, our efforts should be
directed towards creating the conditions of
peace, co-operation and progress for all.
109. The economic situation is becoming ever
more critical and a prolonged crisis is
permeating all areas of the world economy and
international relations. Although no country is
immune to certain difficulties, the developing
countries, which are victims of both the crisis
in the world economy and the inequitable system
of international economic relations, are hardest
hit by such a situation.
110. The critical situation in the world
economy is accompanied by ever more frequent
severing of economic ties, retrogression of
multilateral economic co-operation and withdrawal
into one's own narrow boundaries. International
economic co-operation is stagnating and giving
way to unilateral and bilateral moves which do
not lead to solutions but provoke even sharper
conflicts. The causes of the present crisis lie
above all in the structure and the existing
imbalance and inequality of the current system of
international economic relations. That is the
source of the constant widening of the economic
gap between developed and developing countries,
which not only further destabilizes the world
economy but also constitutes an increasing danger
to peace and security in the world.
111. The greatest responsibility for such a
state in the world economy is borne by the
industrially most developed countries. Their
extremely restrictive eco¬nomic and monetary
policies have not only led to deep recession and
increased unemployment but also hampered economic
growth in developing countries, considerably
increased their indebtedness and criti-cally
aggravated their balance of payments.
112. The present financial crisis which is
shaking the world economy and the international
financial system is a direct consequence of the
longstanding stagnation of the world economy and
international economic relations. Many countries,
particularly the developing ones, have found
themselves in a critical financial situation. The
fact that the developed countries show
insufficient understanding of the efforts of
developing countries to overcome these
difficulties seriously threatens the economic
growth and development of the latter, and this
could have far-reaching political and social
consequences.
113. The way out of the present particularly
difficult economic situation can be found only in
the strength¬ening of multilateral economic
co-operation and the establishment of the new
international economic order. The solution of the
accumulated economic problems would be in the
interest not only of developing coun¬tries but
also of the entire world economy and of progress
in general. In the context of the present
situation, which is fraught with a number of
problems and uncertainties, global negotiations
within the United Nations system and progress in
general appear to be the only possible course.
The launching of global negotiations has never
been so urgent.
114. The general unfavorable development of
the situation in the world has blocked the work
and the functioning of international
organizations and almost all multilateral
institutions. Particularly disquieting is the
situation in which the United Nations finds
itself. The Organization is becoming ever more
helpless in its efforts to play the role of an
effective guardian of peace, the protector of the
independence of countries and peoples and a forum
for solving major inter¬national issues by
promoting co-operation. The impotence of the
Security Council was manifested recently in
connection with the Lebanese crisis, as in
similar cases in the past, owing to the lack of
political readiness on the part of the big Powers
and the abuse of the right of veto. Victims of
aggression can rely less and less on the United
Nations for effective support.
115. The constant deterioration of
international rela¬tions calls for a most urgent
global response from the world community. It is
becoming ever more obvious that the key issues of
the present-day world cannot be dealt with and
even less resolved in a bilateral context,
between blocs and the big Powers. These issues
can be solved only on the basis of equal
par-ticipation and joint responsibility of all
members of the international community in their
defense of peace as the common heritage of
mankind, and within the framework of a new system
of international relations. The movement and
policy of non-alignment—which is constantly and
actively contributing to the develop¬ment of a
new concept of international community and to the
solving of international issues—have always
advocated the need for such global responses.
There¬fore, a strong and independent non-aligned
movement, which is constantly limiting the areas
of bloc con¬frontation, narrowing the room for
the creation of spheres of interest and widening
the basis for inter¬national co-operation, is
essential not only to the non- aligned countries
but also the entire international community.
H7. The non-aligned countries will urge once
again at the current session that the existing
tensions be overcome through a dialogue in which
all countries would participate on equal terms.
Their assessment that peace cannot be built on a
balance of terror, the arms race, bloc division,
spheres of interest, imposition of foreign will
and diktat upon peoples and countries, has been
fully confirmed. Not only would such peace be
fragile but it would also condemn the world to
perpetual instability. Only such peace enabling
all countries and peoples to exercise the right
to free development and equal security can be
stable and lasting. Those positions of the policy
and movement of non-alignment are more important
and crucial today than ever before.
118. Such a conception of non-alignment is
founded on the irrepressible aspiration of
peoples to participate in international life
freely and on a footing of equality. The validity
of such an approach is also confirmed by the fact
that the number of non-aligned countries in the
world has never been larger, that it constitutes
today two thirds of the international community,
that they have neverbeen more determined to
oppose any policy of force and that resistance to
the suppression of freedom and equality has never
been more resolute than now. Indeed, owing to
non-alignment inde¬pendence today does not amount
to mere balancing between the blocs or to
neutrality, but to active involvement in
international affairs. That is the basis for our
optimism that a way out of the current crisis can
be found and that the international community
must not be engulfed by desperation.
119. At this session we are confronted with
the major and responsible task of opposing
energetically any further deterioration of
international relations and to begin solving
issues on which agreement can already be reached.
The dangers are too imminent and the priorities
too well-known to allow any hesitation which
could have irretrievable and unforeseeable
con-sequences. AH the States Members of the
United Nations should be actively involved along
these lines, regardless of ideological, bloc,
regional and other orientations, and irrespective
of the level of economic development. Special
responsibility is borne by coun¬tries which have
certain special rights due to their military and
economic power. There is a solid basis of common
interest for such an effort. Resolute political
action should be taken for the purpose of
changing the present state of affairs, broadening
the foundations of co-operation and returning to
detente. That would be beneficial to all
countries.
120. In order to achieve this, it is necessary
to proceed to broad political negotiations, aimed
at halting the arms race and controlling it
within the framework of the process leading to
general and complete disar¬mament. Each step
toward that end would be welcome; it could be
taken without any danger of diminishing security,
since the leading nuclear Powers possess a
sufficient quantity of weapons for multiple
mutual destruction. If this is not done, the race
against armaments will be lost. No question of
prestige or illusory political advantage anywhere
in the world should prevent talks on the halting
of the arms race.
121. Far-reaching decisions on starting the
nego¬tiating process on all problems are also
necessary, taking into account that they should
not infringe upon the legitimate right of all
peoples and countries to security and an
independent development. Any com¬promise in this
sense would be not only amoral but also
destabilizing. Therefore, such negotiations
should deal not only with the arms race, because
the halting of the arms race, and even the
launching of the process of disarmament, in spite
of its significance for the problem of world
peace or war, could not bring about peace and
security for all peoples unless the use of force
is restrained.
122. It is an illusion that stability and
development can be limited to one part of the
world, while other parts remain hunting grounds
and spheres of rivalry and exploitation. It is
confirmed every day that the big Powers cannot be
sole arbiters even in their own backyards. That
is why fundamental changes should take place not
only in their mutual relations, but also in their
relations with the rest of the world, proceeding
from the perception that the world has changed,
that peace is indivisible, that peoples are not
ready to accept positions of passive resignation
or to live in permanent political, economic and
cultural sub-jugation.
.123. The non-aligned countries have always
under¬lined the particular importance of and the
need for the strengthening of the role of the
United Nations as an irreplaceable forum for the
maintenance of peace and security in the world
and for the solving of major international
problems. The principles and the goals of the
policy of non-alignment are in their essence
linked with the principles of the Charter of the
United Nations, with which they constitute an
indivisible whole. For this reason the
non-aligned countries are deeply interested in
the full implementation of the Charter and of the
role of the United Nations that inspired its
creation.
124. We believe that it is never redundant to
emphasize that all countries in their
international behavior should strictly comply
with the obligations they undertook when signing
the Charter. We are thinking here above all of
non-interference in the internal affairs of
State, the absolute inadmissibility of the use of
force in international relations, full respect of
independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity,
as well as the right of all peoples to decide on
their own destiny.
125. The United Nations should become an
instru¬ment which will enable these principles to
become everyday practice. The Organization,
namely its Member States, must strive for the
establishment of a system of collective security
which will guarantee freedom and opportunity for
independent development to every country. The
present very dramatic moment in international
relations is the consequence of nu¬merous
violations of obligations undertaken on the basis
of the Charter and of the non-implementation of
the decisions adopted by the General Assembly and
the Security Council.
126. A system of international relations
should be established which would fully secure
respect for and implementation of decisions
adopted by the main United Nations bodies. The
primary responsibility for this is borne by the
Security Council, which according to the Charter
is the principal organ for the main¬tenance of
international peace and security. We consider
that particular obligations of the permanent
members of the Security Council for the
main¬tenance of international peace, respect for
the principles of the Charter and the
implementation of the decisions of the United
Nations should again be pointed out. As a first
step in that direction we should secure at least
the full implementation of decisions adopted
unanimously in the Security Council.
127. We propose that comprehensive and
con¬crete action be undertaken for the
realization of the effective role of the United
Nations in solving major international issues. We
consider that there is enough room for the
promotion of such a role for the United Nations.
Perhaps this is the right time for a
com¬prehensive review of the functioning of the
United Nations, namely, of ways of improving its
effec¬tiveness. To that end, the experience
gathered during almost 40 years of existence and
work of the United Nations should be studied.
Article 109 of the Charter could serve as the
basis for such an endeavor, embracing all efforts
of the Member States and the organs of the United
Nations. In this way, concrete and practical
measures for the future could be elaborated.
128. We believe that a particular role should
be played by the Secretary-General, who in his
report has pointed to the existing problems and
difficulties. We should request him to devote
particular attention to the effective functioning
of the United Nations and to suggest adequate
measures. His efforts can, of course, yield
results only to the extent to which he will be
given support by the Member States.
129. Let me now add a personal note in this
playdoier on the urgent need to undertake
concrete measures to strengthen the role of the
United Nations. There are now assembled in this
Hall many represen¬tatives with considerable
experience of the work of the Organization.
Speaking for myself, in the many years of my deep
and active involvement in the work of the United
Nations I have looked to this rostrum where 1 am
now standing from all possible angles in this
Hall, from all different vantage points, as a
member of a delegation, as a permanent
representative and even as President of the
General Assembly. We have wit-nessed here many
historic events and heard the addresses of so
many statesmen and distinguished figures from all
over the world. In all those years I have
listened, probably, to more than a thousand
speeches and addresses in the general debates of
the general Assembly alone. Many representatives
gathered here have done the same. Why should we
not benefit from our own experience, from the
many lessons we have been taught, by advancing
many suggestions on how to strengthen the role of
the United Nations by improving the organization
of the work of the General Assembly and its main
bodies, by improving the procedures and
effectiveness of the work of this unique world
organization?
130. The role of the United Nations and the
effective¬ness of its work can be strengthened
and improved first of all by influence from
outside, with the political willingness of the
Member States and their Govern¬ments, but it
could be strengthened also from inside, with a
better atmosphere for work and a more dedicated
involvement of all representatives and members of
the Secretariat. At this historic moment in
international affairs, with aggravations and
escalations of all kinds, the time is coming to
review again the experiences of the past in the
work of the United Nations and to design new
moves for strengthening the role and
effec¬tiveness of the Organization, which, with
its place in the history of mankind, should never
be doomed to failure.
131. In conclusion, may I say that we expect
the Assembly at this session to contribute to the
non-use of force against independent countries
and to securing their free national and social
development; to render collective resistance to
the arms race; to contribute to the establishment
of a universal relaxation of tension; to
contribute to the launching of global
negotiations, for which, in spite of all
difficulties and ambiguities, favorable
conditions have been created proceeding from the
fact that all sectors have publicly acknowledged
that global negotiations are a political and an
economic necessity of the world today; to give
impetus to the resolving of crises, primarily
those which involve the liberation of peoples
under foreign and colonial domination as well as
all other crises where security, territorial
integrity, indepen¬dence and the
self-determination of countries and peoples are
jeopardized; and to prevent any encroach¬ment
upon the sovereignty, territorial integrity and
independence of peoples and to undertake resolute
measures against all those who have violated the
widely accepted principles and goals of the
United Nations as well as the decisions adopted
by its bodies.
132. Otherwise, we should find ourselves faced
with chaos and world catastrophe. The imposition
of the policy of faits accomplis as practice in
international relations must not be allowed.
133. The delegation of the Socialist Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia, together with the
delegations of non- aligned countries and all
other countries offering their co-operation, will
make its full contribution to the achievement of
that goal.
134. We are aware that the differences in the
per¬ception of the world will remain, that they
are constant and ever-enriching elements of its
pluralistic nature but, in our opinion, they
should not be incompatible with our common
interest in maintaining universal peace, which is
increasingly becoming the pre-condition for the
survival of humanity.