Ireland

First I should like to congratulate the President of the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly on his election. I am quite sure that he will carry out his functions as President with great success. I should also like to pay a tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Kittani of Iraq, who presided over the last session with distinction and leadership. I wish, too, to join in congratulating the Secretary- General. Although he has not yet been one year in office, he has already established a justly deserved reputation for integrity and for his efforts to make the United Nations a more effective instrument for peace. 2. I want also to associate myself with the views already expressed by my colleague the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Denmark, Mr. Elle- mann-Jensen, on behalf of the 10 member States of the European Community, to which Ireland belongs. 3. As we begin this annual session of the General Assembly the international outlook is gloomy, even more gloomy than it was one year ago. Over the past year relations between the major Powers have deteriorated and this has had an adverse effect on many other aspects of international life. Furthermore there are at this moment several wars and conflicts taking place—between Iran and Iraq, between Ethiopia and Somalia, in Afghanistan and in Central America. In recent months the world has also seen a war that should not have happened over the Falkland Islands and an invasion of Lebanon by Israeli forces which has led to tremendous loss of life and brought great tragedy in its wake. 4. At the world level the arms race continues, and the level of nuclear armaments is greater than ever before. Conventional armaments, too, are a major item in world trade. They now occupy second place after oil. And these are weapons which are actually being used in conflict in many parts of the world. 177 5. In economic matters, too, the world outlook is exceedingly gloomy, more gloomy perhaps than it has been for many years. The major industrialized coun¬tries are suffering through a serious recession, with high unemployment, inflation and high interest rates. The less developed countries are poorer than ever before, and many relatively prosperous countries which appeared to have good economic prospects have now run into major difficulties. These trends, if left unchecked, could threaten the stability of the whole international monetary system. 6. It is clear that the problems facing the world community in this month of September 1982 are indeed formidable. In many areas of international life it would be no exaggeration to speak of the present situation as one of serious crisis. 7. What of the means available to the world com¬munity to deal with these serious and critical problems? How effective are the Organization and the procedures which have evolved since the Second World War in promoting a sense of community and a common response to international problems? 8. Here too, I believe, we can speak of a crisis. The events of the past year, and of the past six months in particular, seem to many people around the world to have called most seriously into question the effective¬ness and relevance of the whole United Nations system as an instrument for the maintenance of international peace and security and for the development of inter¬national co-operation. 9. We have available to us at the beginning of this session a most important document: the report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization. It is, I venture to say, one of the most important documents of recent years. Ireland is extremely grateful to the Secretary-General for his analysis, his insight and his courage. 10. I know that many important problems are already on the agenda or will be raised in the course of the session. But I strongly believe that in a deeper sense the real question before us at this the 1982 session of the General Assembly is how we respond, individually and collectively, to the very basic issues raised by the Secretary-General in his report. 11. The report itself is short, and all of it is of interest, but the core of the report is a serious warning that the world is now embarked on an exceedingly dangerous course and that we are perilously near to a new international anarchy. The present crisis in the multilateral approach in international affairs and the crisis of confidence in the United Nations as an instrument for the maintenance of peace and security are evidence of this. I believe the Secretary-General was right in his warning that the most urgent goal at present is to re-establish the fundamental concept of the Charter of the United Nations: that of collective action for peace and security. 12. We all need to remember that the United Nations in its origins was not simply an idealistic concept. It was a serious organization of States with a very serious purpose. It grew cut of one major war—the most disastrous in human history—and it was designed to prevent another. It began as an organization of limited membership, but it has now become an almost universal world body, and it must be strengthened and made more effective if it is to deal adequately with world problems. 13. I have little doubt that most, or perhaps all, of us who come here to this rostrum to speak during the next few weeks of general debate win speak highly of the Secretary-General's report. This is what it merits. He has clearly identified for us the problems, and he has gone farther by pointing «ut and proposing a whole series of measures which, if implemented, would do much to improve the capacity of the United Nations to keep the peace and to serve as a forum for negotiations. On behalf of my Government, I warmly endorse his ideas and proposals. in par¬ticular, I agree with him when he urges a more sys¬tematic use of the Security Council; a more active approach to conflicts so that it is not left to the judgment of the conflicting parties whether or not the matter should be raised in the Council; a greater use of fact-finding missions and missions of good offices; and a greater use by the Secretary-General himself of his power under Article 99 of the Charter to bring issues to the attention of the Security Council. These, and the many other useful ideas in the Secretary- General's report, should in our view be considered at a meeting of the Security Council held at high political level, as the Secretary-General has also proposed. From such a meeting could emerge an improvement in procedures and, far more important, a new sense of commitment. 14. Those are only some among the many wise ideas which the Secretary-General has put forward. It is most important that he has invited us to debate, and to think out seriously with him what needs to be done. I think that we owe it to him not simply to speak warmly of his report or of some of his ideas and then leave it stand as just another document. Rather, we must each contribute what we can to the debate, and we must then together ensure that the end result of all this debate over the coming weeks will not be words only but actions which each of us will take, in so far as it is open to us to do so. 13. In contributing to this debate on what is needed to strengthen the United Nations, I want to emphasize three points which Ireland considers particularly important at the present time of crisis. 16. First, as I have already said, we need a new and continuing commitment from every Member State to strengthen and improve the United Nations system and make it increasingly relevant and effective. A particular commitment will be needed from the great Powers which are permanent members of the Security Council and which have a very special role in the ' system. Ireland, for its part, though it is a small country, willingly makes such a commitment. We will do everything we can to sustain and support the United Nations. We will work with others in every way open to us to make it more effective. 17. Secondly, there is a need to carry through this commitment in practice. That means that wherever there is a situation of conflict between Member States all those involved must be ready not only to invoke the Charter, as they now do, to justify their actions but to use the procedures of the United Nations to the full before resorting in the first instance to their own strength to vindicate their rights. 18. Thirdly, there is a special need for the Security Council and its permanent members in particular, to be willing to follow through on the decisions which the Council takes in order to ensure that they are implemented. Nothing contributes more to an impres¬sion of ineffectiveness and irrelevance than an inability or failure of the Council to do so. This has been particularly evident over recent months. 19. Because of its importance, I should like to spell out this third point in more detail. Under the Charter, the Security Council has power, through a whole range of measures, to impose its decisions and to exercise authority. Many of us would like to see a greater measure of agreement within the Council, and among the permanent members, on the use of that authority to resolve international conflicts. We have come to accept, however, that there are many issues con¬cerning which the Council cannot agree in the first instance on what should be done. But, when the Coun¬cil does agree and does adopt a resolution in relation to a conflict, it must also be ready later, if necessary, to consider the measures which may be needed to ensure that the decision is implemented. If the Coun¬cil repeatedly fails in this, it will soon lose all authority. The case is even more obvious when, as has happened several times in recent months in regard to Lebanon, the initial Council decision was unanimous. 20. These are three points which Ireland, as a small country which has always tried to uphold and support the United Nations and contribute to its effectiveness as best it can, would think to be fundamental. 21. But what specifically should now be done, and by whom? I repeat that it is not enough to commend the Secretary-General's report: we must act on it. I would hope therefore that when this general debate is finished, and when all delegations that wish to do so have stated their views, there can be serious con¬sideration of how best to proceed. 22- In particular, I believe that it would be important ^hat the Security Council—to the effectiveness of which much of the document is directed—should consider necessary action. For its part, Ireland, as a member of the Security Council until the end of 1982, would be willing to support and work for such con¬sideration among members of the Council with a view to finding the best way to translate ideas into action. There is no more important task before us at the present time. 23. The need to restore respect for the Charter and for the authority and status of the United Nations is mcst forcefully demonstrated by recent events in the Middle East. The situation there, already complex and seemingly intractable, has been greatly aggravated by Israel's invasion of Lebanon and its continuing presence there. Many resolutions of the Security Council, despite the authority which they carry under the Charter, have been defied or ignored, and have remained unimplemented for over four months. 24. Israel's invasion of Lebanon, carried out in the name of its security, has brought with it death and destruction. Israel has continued its occupation, an occupation which, I must say in all candor, shows no sign of ending despite the repeated calls of the Security Council; despite the stated wishes of the Government of Lebanon and, not least, despite Israel's own claim that it does not covet even one inch of Lebanese territory. In the past few weeks, the situation has deteriorated even further. The occupation of west Beirut, with the declared objective of main¬taining law and order, has brought in its train deeds that have shocked the world. 25. The Irish Government and people are horrified at the wanton murder of Palestinian civilians in the Shatila and Sabra camps, and we join in condemna¬tion of those who perpetrated those dreadful crimes. The murder of the Palestinian civilians, whoever carried them out, took place when Israeli forceshad assumed control of the area, and Israel must accord¬ingly carry considerable responsibility. 26. The people of Lebanon have suffered much in recent years. They must be enabled to re-establish the authority of their central Government. The full sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Lebanon must be restored. To this end, the Israeli forces must withdraw immediately from Beirut as a first step to their complete withdrawal from all Lebanese territory. Withdrawal by Israel from Lebanon was unanimously demanded by the Security Council nearly four months ago. We believe that all foreign forces whose presence has not been authorized by the Government of Lebanon should now leave Lebanon. 27. Lebanon has been a casualty of the wider conflict of the Middle East, and that conflict remains un¬resolved. What is now needed is real progress towards negotiation aimed at reconciliation of two basic rights: that of all States, including Israel, to exist within secure and recognized boundaries; and that of the Palestinians to self-determination and statehood, if they so wish. 28. Such reconciliation cannot be achieved through efforts to suppress or abridge the rights of other parties. The bloody events of recent months testify to that reality. The parties should now accept that those basic rights must be reconciled within the framework of a comprehensive and negotiated settlement, with the direct participation of all concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization [FLO], whose role in representing the Palestinian people we recognize. 29. Despite the events of recent weeks, there is also encouraging evidence of a new willingness to break the deadlock which has prevented progress towards a comprehensive and just solution of the Middle East problem. The initiative announced by President Reagan on I September provides a significant oppor¬tunity to make progress in the direction I have out¬lined. The declaration adopted at the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference at Fez must also be regarded as an important and substantive contri¬bution to a search for an equitable settlement. And because both these developments together offer hope for the future, they deserve the most serious considera¬tion by all the parties concerned. 30. The United Nations has over the years played an important and at times crucial role in the search for a peace settlement in the Middle East. It has served to set forth proposals and principles for a settlement; it has been a forum for negotiations; and it has actively helped to maintain peace through its peace-keeping and observation missions. I believe that the United Nations can and should play a role of similar im¬portance in the future. Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) have set down fundamental —even if now incomplete—principles for a settlement. These principles must be augmented and completed. The recent joint initiative by France and Egypt in the Security Council provides an opportunity for dis¬cussion at the appropriate time on how these prin¬ciples might be completed. But this elaboration of, so to speak, a juridical foundation alone will not be enough. 31. As the Secretary-General stated in his report, "It is absolutely essential that serious negotiations on the various aspects of that problem involve all the parties concerned at the earliest possible time." I urge that careful consideration be given to two points made by the Secretary-General concerning a possible role for the Security Council in this regard. First, the Security Council is the only place in the world where all the parties concerned, and particularly Israel and the PLO, at present sit at the same table. Second, given a will by the parties to negotiate seriously, it should be possible within the Security Council to work out procedures and rules, new if necessary, to govern substantive negotiations. 32. Recent events in the Middle East, in particular in Lebanon, have focused attention on the peace¬keeping role of the United Nations. The development of peace-keeping is, I believe, one of the most im¬portant achievements of the Organization, and it gives effect in a practical and tangible way to the commit¬ment of Member States to the Charter. Peace-keeping activities have increased in scope and significance over the years and have evolved in response to the needs of particular situations. Precisely because the concept of peace-keeping is still evolving, I believe it is necessary to keep it under review. In the light of events in Lebanon in particular, we should determine where weaknesses exist and decide how they can be remedied. 33. Ireland's experience in United Nations peace¬keeping over the years leads us to draw certain con¬clusions about the circumstances in which it can make a useful contribution and about the political and prac¬tical conditions necessary for peace-keeping to function effectively. First, peace-keeping operations are intended to assist in the control of conflict and in the search for a peaceful solution. It follows that they are essentially a temporary measure and only one part of a peace-making process. Efforts to resolve the causes of the conflict must continue. Secondly, peace¬keeping missions must have the consent of the coun¬tries in whose territories they are stationed and the co-operation of all the parties concerned. This dis¬tinguishes peace-keeping from peace-enforcement. Thirdly, the peace-keeping force must have a clear and unambiguous mandate. Fourthly, the force must have freedom of movement throughout the area assigned to it and must have conditions of adequate security for its personnel. Fifthly, United Nations peace-keeping operations must at all times have firm support and backing of the Organization—in particular of the Security Council and its members— and a, strong and assured financial basis. 34. The events in Lebanon demonstrate the im¬portance of these five conditions. It is clear that, in the case of UNIFIL, these conditions were not fulfilled. Despite this, UNIFIL played an indis¬pensable part in controlling conflict up to the Israeli invasion last June. Even now UNIFIL, in its reduced and limited role, maintains stable conditions in its area of operations. But this is quite inadequate. If UNIFIL or other United Nations forces are to play an effective role in assisting the Government of Lebanon to restore full Lebanese sovereignty, independence and terri¬torial integrity, the Security Council and the interna¬tional community must ensure that the conditions I have listed already are fully observed. 33. I should like to pay a tribute to the courage and devotion to duty shown by all those involved in United Nations peace-keeping operations, particularly in UNIFIL and UNTSO. Several Member States, including my own, have suffered through the death and injury of their soldiers serving under the United Nations Hag in the cause of peace. I extend my sympathy to the relatives and the comrades of Com¬mandant Nestor and the other observers killed by mine explosions in Beirut in the past few days. United Nations peace-keeping forces have shown resilience and constant courage in the face of very difficult circumstances. It is for us to show respect for that courage by acting to bring about effective conditions in which they can discharge their vital task. 36. In the 1960s and 1970s, after years of confronta¬tion and cold war, East and West seemed to be edging towards recognition of their common interest in avoiding war and in promoting mutually beneficial co-operation. 37. The situation today is very different. Mutual suspicion and growing confrontation have replaced the cautious confidence of the 1960s and early 1970s and the limited co-operation that had been achieved. The decline in the political relations between East and West, particularly between the super-Powers and the alliances, has also affected arms control and disarma¬ment negotiations. There will now be a further escalation in the arms race unless urgent and sustained efforts are made to reach agreement in current nego¬tiations. 38. We believe it is necessary to build upon common interests and to enlarge the areas whereconflicting interests can be reconciled or accommodated. Dialogue between East and West must therefore continue through bilateral and multilateral channels. And if such a dialogue is to lead to substantive results, all sides must be willing to act with restraint and realism. 39. On the political level, the crisis of authority in Poland and the sustained repression of elementary social and civil rights contrary to the Helsinki Final Act^ undermine the credibility of detente. As long as those conditions remain, they will hinder progress on a wide range of East-West negotiations including, in particular, the discussions at the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. Likewise, the Soviet invasion and continuing military occupation of Afghanistan must inevitably have a similar adverse effect. 40. None the less, it must be emphasized that sus¬tained efforts at arms control and disarmament are valid for their own sake. It is indispensable to try to contain, reduce and ultimately eliminate the threat posed by the arms race, particularly in nuclear weapons. It is also necessary in the meantime to ensure that new weapons and technologies do not undermine or destabilize the already fragile strategic relationship. It follows that while the adverse political climate is bound to complicate existing negotiations, arms control and disarmament efforts—bilateral, regional and multilateral—should nevertheless not be subordinated to the solution of wider political problems. 41. My Government was very disappointed at the outcome of the recent twelfth special session, the second special session on disarmament. But we cannot abandon efforts to achieve realistic goals aimed at putting an end to the arms race and reducing arma¬ments—both nuclear and conventional. World opinion, increasingly concerned about the threat posed by nuclear weapons, demands that we redouble our efforts. My Government will always support genuine and realistic arms control and disarmament proposals. 42. The highest priority must be given to nuclear disarmament in order to halt and reverse the ceaseless build-up of nuclear arms. It is our earnest hope that the negotiations between the Soviet Union and the United States on intermediate and strategic weapons will reach an early and successful conclusion. 43. I should like to reiterate the proposal for an agreement on a moratorium on the introduction of any further strategic nuclear weapons or delivery vehicles, proposed by the Prime Minister of Ireland, Mr. Haughey, during the twelfth special session. The moratorium would be for an initial period of two years but would be renewable by mutual consent. An agreement along these lines would, I believe, be a significant step towards the restora¬tion of confidence. 44. A comprehensive test-ban treaty, or at the very least a moratorium on all nuclear tests, remains an urgent necessity. An end to testing would slow down the rate of qualitative improvement of nuclear weapons and would be a valuable contribution by nuclear States to stopping the spread of nuclear weapons. 43. There are, of course, many other areas in which progress must be made. I would highlight in particular the need for a chemical weapons convention, the banning of all weapons from outer space and progress on conventional disarmament. 46. If the outlook elsewhere is more sombre and troubling than it was a year ago, the prospect for Namibia seems more hopeful. The Israel Government is concerned that the momentum of the negotiations to implement the United Nations plan for Namibian independence should not be lost. Ireland has fully supported the efforts of the Secretary-General, the contact group of five Western States, the front-line States and the South West Africa People's Organiza-tion [SWAPO] to secure implementation now. In our view, any further delay will endanger the prospects for a peaceful settlement. It is vital that the Assembly at this session focus its efforts on assisting the Secre¬tary-General to bring about a settlement. 47. Throughout the long history of the effort to help the people of Namibia win freedom and live in peace, it has been clear that a settlement through negotiation is possible only if there is a sincere desire on the part of all concerned to achieve this. The implementation of the United Nations plan based on Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978) would enable the international community to discharge its unique responsibility for Namibia and to demonstrate that the machinery of the United Nations can be used effectively to resolve a major international issue. 48. The United Nations plan does not and, indeed, cannot contain a blueprint for the future relations of all the States of southern Africa and it will not resolve all the issues in the region. But its implementation would be an important step in that direction. If South Africa now obstructs its implementation, thereby preventing a peaceful conclusion to the decolonization process in southern Africa, it will bear a heavy responsibility for the conflict and suffering which may follow. 49. At the root of the dangerous and tragic situation in southern Africa today is the policy of pursued by South Africa. This system of institu¬tionalized racial discrimination is unique and is rightly the object of universal condemnation. 50. Ireland condemns South Africa's apartheid system unreservedly and we are committed to opposing it strongly and actively, working in concert with the international community, The pass laws, banning and detention regulations all continue to result in intense human suffering. This year, when Nelson Mandela will have spent 20 years in goal, we are particularly concerned at the plight of political prisoners, including those members of the African National Congress who are currently under sentence of death. We urge the South African Government to commute those sentences. 51. There is some evidence of increased debate among the white community in South Africa—for example, in the search for new constitutional struc¬tures. Unfortunately, this does not address the core of the problem or the basic framework of the apartheid system. The crisis that South Africa faces is now so deep that only a radical new approach can avert a further descent into violence. 52. In seeking to divert attention from its internal problems, it seems that South Africa may be endeavoring to destabilize neighbouring States. We view with the utmost concern any actions having that objective. We will continue to support the efforts of the front-line States to consolidate their hard-won independence. 53. Over the past year, conflicts in Latin America were also a matter of concern to the international community. In the view of my Government, the armed conflict over the Falkland Islands (Malvinas) earlier this year was an unnecessary conflict. We very much deplore the use of force contrary to the principles of the Charter, the failure to comply with Security Council resolution 502 (1982) and the fact that a peace¬ful solution offered through the United Nations did not prove possible. It is our hope that the parties will be able actively to pursue a peaceful settlement of their continuing dispute. 54. The Irish Government and people are also con¬cerned at the instability, the violence and the viola¬tions of human rights in Central America. We are convinced that it is necessary to remedy the under¬lying economic and social causes of tension in the area, to end all foreign interference and to seek political solutions to conflicts in the area through dialogue and negotiations. 55. There is a growing acceptance that the interna¬tional community has a responsibility for the remedy of serious human rights abuses. I welcome the personal commitment repeatedly expressed by the new Secretary-General to the human rights program of the United Nations and his efforts to strengthen the Secre¬tariat in that field. 56. It is necessary for continued progress that inves¬tigations of human rights abuses should be seen to be fair. It is also important that States concerned in investigations should co-operate with the Secretary- general or other appointed personsin the implementa¬tion of our decisions, bearing in mind the primary responsibility of States to ensure that human rights are respected within their own areas of jurisdiction. 57. The Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief, adopted last year by the General assembly is an important addition to the several human rights instruments adopted since the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. Ireland believes that further steps should be taken to draw the attention of the peoples of the world to this Declaration. 58. In the historical perspective, we have indeed seen considerable progress in the area of human rights. But serious violations of human rights in many parts of the world continue to affront our sense of the value of the human person. Massacres of large numbers of innocent civilians have taken place recently in Lebanon, Guatemala and E! Salvador. 59. There are other countries where we have less certain knowledge of such appalling violations of the right to life but where there is reason to believe that such violations do indeed take place. There are still other areas where civil and political rights are suppressed sporadically or even on a systematic basis. Abuses of human rights, such as disappearances, are a most troubling recent feature. 60. A general report by the Secretary-Genera! on the international human rights situation to the As¬sembly at regular intervals could help the international community to recognize at an early stage the emer¬gence of a pattern of such abuses and thus to take effective action against them; 61. The world at present has major problems in the economic field. Of particular importance is the problem of development, which is at once a political and an economic issue. Because of this and because of its universal nature the United Nations has a vital role to play in the North-South dialogue. There is an urgent need to promote the changes necessary to redress the structural imbalances in the world economy and to accelerate the rate of growth in developing countries. 62. The economic difficulties facing all countries remain serious and are likely to continue for some time. Large fiscal deficits, concern about inflation and tight monetary policies have raised real interest rates in the industrialized countries to unprecedented levels. These measures have far-reaching conse¬quences, depressing the export earnings of hard- pressed developing nations and curtailing their already low growth rates. Low-income countries have been particularly hard hit by the recession in the indus¬trialized countries. Poverty, malnutrition, disease and illiteracy remain daily realities for the vast majority of the world's population. 63. Ireland fully supports the central role that the United Nations system has to play in any realistic program for global recovery. In particular, we urge that the challenge of furthering and deepening the relationship between developed and developing nations be met by the early launching of global negotiations. We believe that the industrialized nations must now do everything possible to ensure that a new and effective dialogue with the developing countries gets under way. 64. In the longer term we look to the sixth session of UNCTAD in June of next year to improve under¬standing of the real problems of developed and devel¬oping countries, to promote the revival of the interna¬tional economy and to give a new impetus to the progress of developing countries. 65. I am pleased that the lengthy work of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has been concluded with the adoption by the overwhelming majority of the States represented here of the text of the Convention on the law of the sea.^ It is indeed an achievement of which the United Nations can be justly proud. Our task, however, is not finished. The adoption of the Convention is only the first step in the process of giving to the provisions of the Con¬vention so painstakingly negotiated the status of generally accepted guiding rules for theorderly use of the seas and their resources. In the course of the negotiations it was constantly stressed by all the parties involved that the Convention is a carefully balanced package which should not be the subject of piecemeal acceptance by States. 66. We must now ensure that the integrity of this comprehensive Convention is maintained. We must also ensure that the new international body which it established, the International Sea-Bed Authority, can begin to function at an early stage. It is the hope of my Government that such will be the support for the ' Convention that the Preparatory Commission for the International Sea-Bed Authority and for the Interna¬tional Tribunal for the Law of the Sea can be convened quickly to facilitate the smooth functioning of the Convention and the effective operation of the bodies which it establishes. 67. I therefore urge all Member States to support the Convention and endorse its provisions by signing it at the earliest possible time. It is the intention of the Irish Government to do so. 68. I would like now to turn to a particular difficulty which we face in Ireland and in relation to which I ask for your sympathy and your understanding. I refer to the Northern Ireland situation. 69. I do not need to dwell on the tragic effects of the continuing unrest in Northern Ireland. Since the out- break some 12 years ago of the present cycle of violence, up to 2,400 people have been killed and over 25,000 people have suffered serious injury. The destruction of property has amounted to hundreds of millions of pounds. 70. The economy of Northern Ireland has suffered heavily and remains in decline. Among the worst effects, however, has been the damage to the social fabric of society. A new generate t is now growing up in Northern Ireland in conditions in which violence and confrontation, hatred and division, form part of the pattern of everyday life. 71. Nor has the burden of the unrest been confined to the six countries of Northern Ireland alone. Death and destruction have taken place in Britain, and in financial terms the cost to Britain has been a heavy one. We in the rest of Ireland have also suffered death and destruction, and the Northern Ireland situa¬tion has involved for us an additional expenditure of over 100 million pounds each year on maintaining security. 72. Common sense should compel us all, if only on the ground of our mutual interests, to seek a just and lasting settlements of this intolerable situation, a settlement which, if it is to be effective, must take into account the fundamental nature of the problem. The Irish Government, for its part, has declared this task to be its first political priority. 73. The roots of the problem lie in a complex of historical circumstances in which social, religious, economic and political factors have all played their part. We believe, however, that in any objective analysis of the problem one factor emerges clearly and inescapably: the constitutional arrangements made in the 1920s have failed to provide a just and workable basis for peace and stability in Northern Ireland. 74. The experiment of partitioning Ireland has obviously failed. The consequences of that failure include the tension in Northern Ireland which has erupted into violence in almost every decade since the island of Ireland was divided. The development of the full economic, political and social potential of the island as a whole has been slowed down as a result of partition. Barriers have been erected where none should exist; the small island of Ireland has an artificial political division, and within Northern Ireland itself a community of one and a half million people is split by dissension that is irrelevant to the demands of today. 75. The Irish Government, on whose behalf I address you today, seeks to remove all barriers and divisions within Ireland. We seek to do so only through peaceful means. We condemn utterly and reject totally violence and terrorist activity no matter what its source. The atrocities committed by men and women of violence on all sides are inherently evil. They are also ultimately futile and counterproductive as a means of promoting political change. They serve only to increase bitterness, to deepen intransigent attitudes and above all to post¬pone the day of settlement. The road to peace lies only in the removal of barriers and in the coming together of all the Irish traditions. 76. We believe that the way forward is for the two Governments—the Government of Ireland and the British Government—to work together to this end. Two years ago we moved in that direction when both our Governments accepted, in the context of the Northern Ireland situation, the need to bring forward policies to achieve peace, reconciliation and stability and to improve relations between our two countries. This development and the subsequent progress in identifying concrete areas of co-operation were widely welcomed as holding out the hope of a new and positive relationship between our two countries, breaking down barriers and creating a dialogue of understanding and good will in which the Northern Ireland problem could be effectively tackled. 77. We shall persist in our efforts to win widespread support for our policy which we are convinced offers the only prospect of an effective long-term solution. Our objective is to bring about the emergence in Ireland of agreed political structures which will accommodate the different but complementary Irish traditions. 78. We ask Britain to join with us in working towards the achievement of that objective and, in doing so, remove the last barrier to the development of normal relations between the peoples of the two islands. And we ask all Governments represented here today to assist us on the difficult road towards reconciliation, peace and stability.