Permit me, Sir, on behalf of the French
delega¬tion to congratulate you, Sir, on your
election to the presidency of the Assembly. Your
experience of international life acquired in the
high offices you have held together with your
thorough knowledge of the United Nations are
assuredly a guarantee that the work of the
Assembly will be conducted with all the necessary
authority and efficiency.
80. I should also like to pay a tribute to
the Secre¬tary-General. I had the pleasure of
welcoming him recently in France and I have
excellent memories of that first meeting. I found
in it confirmation of the qualities which he has
constantly demonstrated in the exercise of his
functions. The French delegation would like to
express its gratitude to him for the dedication
he has shown in carrying out his duties in the
past 10 months. Our gratitude naturally extends
to all the members of the Secretariat, with whose
work we are familiar and whose competence we
appreciate.
81. The presence of the Prime Minister of
France in the Assembly is, I know, unusual. I am
the first French head of Government to come to
this rostrum since the founding of the Fifth
French Republic in 1958. By this gesture we
wanted first of all to demon¬strate the
importance which the President of the French
Republic attaches to the Organization.
82. For more than a century the body of ideas
of which we are the heirs has been concerned with
promoting internationalism as one of the forms of
solidarity. For us, this solidarity must be both
an ethic and a principle of action. Just as in
France we are offering companies and workers
"contracts of solidarity" to fight unemployment,
so the international community could turn to
"contracts of solidarity" among countries to
fight underdevelopment.
83. The head of the Government of France is
present today at this rostrum precisely to
emphasize the imperative need for solidarity,
which we believe is the best way to achieve
peace. France wishes in this way to demonstrate
its confidence in the United Nations and in the
capacity of the Organization to revert to its
original mission, namely, the maintenance of
peace. The Assembly is in effect the only one in
which all States meet on an equal footing. I
should like at once to stress this conviction, at
a time when France, in response to an emergency
situation, is contributing actively to a
multinational force requested by the Security
Council but not constituted according to our
customary procedures, which, unfortunately, are
too slow.
84. I should like to describe to the Assembly
the state of the world as I see it today and to
analyze the causes of our present difficulties.
Then, in the second part of my address, I will
outline the responses that France proposes.
85. What, then, is the present state of the
world? Wherever we look we see nothing but
disorder and confusion. Since the creation of the
Organization blood has been spilled in some 120
conflicts on this planet, and in the past two
years we have seen the dangers grow and multiply.
No continent has been spared. Localized
conflicts, declared or potential, are increasing
and represent a permanent threat to regional
balances. Old conflicts are being perpetuated.
States are invaded; others are tom apart.
86. This year the absurd war in the South
Atlantic was added to the list. This showed once
again in striking fashion that the use of force
is never a per¬manent solution to a quarrel.
87. In the Middle East also, the world has
had to recognize once again the futility of
military operations. Only death and suffering
profit by it while the basic issue remains
unaffected. A people is still condemned to a life
of wandering. And once the wheels of the military
machine were set in motion this led to the
hideous massacres of civilians which the
international community has been unanimous in
condemning.
88. In Eastern Europe, in a Poland occupied
by its own army t we see a courageous people
prevented from choosing the paths of liberty.
89. In Central America conflicts are becoming
more widespread and redoubling in intensity. How
could it be otherwise when peoples are denied the
elementary right to shape their own futures?
90. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights
recognizes the right to rise up against
oppression.I was myself nurtured in this noble
tradition and would be the last to forget it.
91. Such events are all factors making for imbalance and insecurity.
92. At the same time, the economic crisis is
assuming planetary proportions. The length of
time it has lasted has become a new factor for
disarray which tends to increase its ravages. One
after another, countries, even stable and
developed countries, have found themselves in
financial straits.
93. For 18 months now the recession has hit
the industrialized countries hard. Production is
stagnant or is falling back; unemployment is
rapidly increasing, at times achieving levels
comparable to those during the Great Depression
of 1929.1 make that point with particular
seriousness because in this context France,
together with Japan, is the country which has
been able to maintain a positive rate of growth.
94. Certain precarious balances which had
been main¬tained hitherto are beginning to
crumble; one after another industries are going
bankrupt; budgetary and trade deficits are
increasing. The development of the third world
has now been halted. Per capita income in many
countries is perceptibly diminishing. The least
advanced countries are suffering particularly
from a reduction in public aid programmes for
development. The problems of hunger today are
even more dis¬tressing than they were a decade
ago. How many coun¬tries are at the mercy of a
climatic or financial accident which might
threaten their very existence?
95. All these disorders have the effect of
increasing even further the inequalities between
the industrialized States and the majority of the
others. I would add that in many countries the
crisis is widening the gap between different
social categories, between those which have some
reserves in order to face up to the hardships of
the times and those which do not possess those
reserves.
96. We are thus witnessing a world decline
which is promoting self-centeredness and mounting
violence, of which terrorism is one of the most
despicable manifestations. Every possible pretext
has been used to justify this violence: security,
ideologies and sometimes simply vengeance. The
rights of States and of peoples have too often
been flouted for this reason. France sees in that
some disturbing signs of mankind slipping
backwards towards a situation where might
prevails over right.
97. That then is the state of the world. For
France, current difficulties derive essentially
from three factors: the interplay of the two
great Powers; the rise of national
self-centeredness; and over- armament.
98. Let us talk now of the first factor, the
interplay! of the two great Powers. For years now
the world has lived with the illusion that
peace-loving coexistence between two great Powers
served to reduce sources of tension. This
illusion has now been dispelled.
99. The progress of education, particularly
over the last 20 years, developments in science
and technology which they promoted, have
stimulated the aspirations of men to freedom and
justice and the aspirations of peoples to
national identity and of nations to
inde¬pendence. The Organization is the living
expression of that, because I would point out
that the number of its Members has tripled in 20
years. It is that diversity, that vast planetary
change, that teeming burgeoning of life, to which
the two great Powers have not been able to
respond. They have striven to perpetuate a
wide¬spread policy of blocs which is no longer in
keeping with the state of the world today.
100. This persistent temptation to defend or
expand their spheres of influence, to deal with
world problems through the distorting prism of
their own interests, and to transform into
East-West confrontation internal tension in
States or disputes between neighbouring
countries, has been a constant factor for
destabilization. Innumerable pressures of all
sorts, from military maneuvers to financialpenalties,
have been brought into play against peoples who
want to have their independence respected. Third
world countries are the very first to suffer from
this rivalry, but the industrialized nations are
nevertheless not free from its consequences, even
if it takes a different form in the East and West.
101. In the West, one of the great Powers has
been using, for the benefit of its national
interests, the dislocation of the international
monetary system. It has been laying down its
budgetary and monetary policy without concerning
itself about the conse¬quences which may result
for other countries.
102. In the East, the other great Power has
been continuing to employ, directly or
indirectly, military force to thwart the wish of
the peoples of the world to be masters of their
own destiny.
103. This blindness on the part of the two
great Powers is without any doubt one of the
major causes of the disorders troubling the world
today. I say that as I think of the great
American and Soviet peoples with which the French
for centuries have maintained ties of friendship.
I say that because France is a member of an
alliance to which it intends to remain loyal.
104. Faithful to its commitments, France
never¬theless desires the gradual disappearance
of military blocs. It wants entirely free
countries to express their initiatives freely.
105. There exist, it is true, other forms of
domination, sometimes crude censorship which
strives to crush the powers of creation. There
are also modem tech¬nologies—which, together with
economic power, make it possible to control the
human mind. Let us beware of that. Reactions can
it fact be extremely violent when one offends the
culture of peoples at their deepest roots, and
when one does violence to their conscience.
106. The second factor explaining the
difficulties through which the world is going is
the rise of national self-centeredness. Since
international economic rela¬tions can and will be
adapted to the law of "might is right", it is
inevitable that we should be witnessing a return
of policies which are more or less
protec¬tionist. I urge those who deplore this in
defense of the rules of the market-place to be
good enough to consider that they have in fact
contributed to the destruction of these
regulating mechanisms by imposing the law of the
jungle.
!09. This rise in national self-centeredness has
become an additional curb on international trade
and has thus contributed to prolonging and
fueling the crisis. Furthermore, and this is even
more serious, it under¬mines regional groupings
which have been functioning for two or three
decades now. The process of integra¬tion of the
European Community has thus been halted, and the
same is true of the Americas and Asia.
! 10. Behind the facade of international
meetings, and a co-operation which has never in
history been so widely developed as today, the
Community which we make up seems in fact to be
breaking up, to be fragmented, and gradually to
be falling back on each of its national entities.
111. It would be particularly serious if, on
the pre¬text of an economic crisis, the
industrialized countries were to oppose the
emergence of new industrial centers in the third
world countries. They must adapt to this new
reality, even at the cost of sometimes painful
conversions.
112. However, this industrialization of the
third world cannot be limited to forms of dumping
based on uncontrolled exploitation of cheap
labour. It cannot be considered simply in terms
of the profit accruing to multinational
corporations which take advantage of the disorder
in the world to impose their own laws. The
inevitable mutation must be controlled.
113. The future of the world will be based
largely on the independence of our economies. Yet
the increasing number of divergences grows in
proportion to the increasing articulation of
policies arising solely from national interest.
Thus multilateral institutions, the privileged
instruments of international co¬operation, no
longer seem sufficient to enable us to overcome
today's crises.
114. The third factor which explains the disarray
in the world today is over-armament. All States
have a right to security and an independent
system of defense. This is in fact the policy
that France applies for itself. Still, we are
convinced that the build-up of arms is a serious
source of danger to peace and security in the
world. The General Assembly itself, meeting in
special session a few weeks ago to consider
possibilities of disarmament, made the
distressing observation that more than ever
before in history the arms race is proceeding at
a frantic pace.
115. This situation stems from the two factors
that I have just analyzed: the action of the
super-Powers and self-centeredness on the part of
nations. The ten¬sion to which these factors give
rise is only worsening in a world where the rule
is determined by power relationships. Our States
have a duty to respond to the questions and
sometimes the anxieties which result from this
among peoples and which are reflected, for
example in Europe, by the development of a
current of pacificism. Our States have a duty to
show that a path to genuine arms reduction can be
opened. This is the urgent obligation incumbent
on our Govern¬ments today, particularly on those
which alone possess the bulk of the world's
military arsenal.
116. Now, in face of the great Powers' nuclear
over- armament, the build-up of conventional
forces in Europe and the arms race raging in the
third world, negotiations are not advancing.
Before we can turn to serious talk of the general
and verifiable disarmament that is our goal, we
must first challenge the over- armament.
117. France is disturbed to find a growing
imbalance between the requirements of peace and
development, on the one hand, and the policies
actually being pursued in the world, on the other.
118. If I have felt it necessary to make this
assessment and to give our analyses of the
situation on behalf of France, it is not in order
to give in to any sort of pessimism or to throw
up my arms at the enormousness of the task before
us. We can overcome the crisis, but we must have
the will to do so and not allow ourselves to be
taken in by delusions. The world must get back on
the road to growth and peace.
119. First of all, the search for peace.
France speaks and acts on a basis that is clear
and unchanging: one method, negotiation; one
goal, political solutions in respect for the
rights of peoples.
120. This was already the sense of the Franco-
Mexican Declaration" with regard to El Salvador.
It called for mutual recognition on the part of
the adversaries.
121. This political approach on France's part
applies to all crises in which one or the other
of the two great Powers is directly involved.
122. In the case of Afghanistan, France
reaffirms its support for any political solution
leading to the with-drawal of the foreign forces;
it calls for respect for the right to
self-determination on the part of the Afghan
people and the guarantee of the non-alignment or
even the neutrality of that country.
123. In Poland we fervently desire an end to
the state of siege and the liberation of the
internees—neces¬sary conditions for the
resumption of a genuine dialogue between the
segments of Polish society.
124. In Central America the principles France
expresses are as follows: political settlement of
inter¬nal or external conflicts; regional
guarantees of security and non-interference;
absolute respect for the sovereignty of States,
which means the right of peoples freely to
determine the forms of their eco¬nomic and social
developments
125. This approach is also the basis for our
pro¬posals in two regional conflicts that are of
course of long standing, but the fact that they
still persist is particularly alarming.
126. I refer first of all to the question of
Namibia. The contact group has proposed a plan of
action that has enabled considerable progress to
be made con¬cerning constitutional principles and
the transition period. Currently, negotiations
are stalled precisely because certain conditions
are inconsistent with the general principles we.
Uphold and because they fall solely withinthe
ambit of Angolan sovereignty. France for its part
will continue to support the three-, stage plan
while at the same time condemning any strategy
that would destabilize the region and refusing to
establish any link with external considerations.
127. My second example concerns the Middle
East. I believe that the tragic events of recent
days have clearly demonstrated that the positions
France has supported since the beginning of
hostilities are sound.
How much time would have been gained and now many
lives spared if our voice had been heeded.
128. I would, to refresh the memory of the
members of the Assembly, just recall the
principles so often set forth in this very Hall
by France's representatives, and in particular by
our Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Cheysson,
namely, security for Israel and for all the Arab
States in the region, on the one hand, and the
right to self-determination for the Palestinian
people, on the other. Moreover, any settlement
quite obviously presupposes the mutual
recognition of the States and political forces in
the region.
129. France has done every g possible to halt
the hostilities and to prevent the tragedy. As
far back as 28 July, in agreement with Egypt, we
submitted to the Security Council a draft
resolution. We hoped for and proposed the
intervention of United Nations forces. In the
past few days, we have once again assumed our
responsibilities.
130. We note that many States, among them some
of the most important, have agreed with our
analysis of the situation. We also note that the
Twelfth Arab Summit Conference at Fez expressed a
view we believe to be positive.
131. In the case of Lebanon, the invasion of
which was condemned by France, we will continue
to work to see Lebanon's sovereignty, unity and
territorial integrity restored and respected.
132. I should also like to say a word about
disarma¬ment. Our position is based on two simple
ideas which, I believe, have the merit of
realism: a balance of forces and verifiable
monitoring of the reduction of arms stockpiles.
This is the basis upon which we approve the
current negotiations and on which we favour
completion of regional security agreements and
arms limitation agreements.
133. But the return to a peaceful climate is
possible only if, at the same time, we give
ourselves the means to overcome the economic
crisis. What is this crisis, in fact? It is not
an unforeseeable natural catastrophe that has
suddenly descended on us. It is only that our
system of economic relations and production has
gone wrong. It is a period of change between two
stages of the world, between two technological
phases. That change, if not controlled, may take
place in the worst possible conditions, even
generating armed conflicts. If it is controlled,
however, that is to say if it is intellectually
controlled, it may very well provide the
opportunity for decisive progress for the
community of nations.
134. We should first of all reject false
solutions which, on the pretext of rigour or
realism, call for adjustments at the lowest level
of production, that is, adjustments that prolong
the crisis. This would truly mean giving up.
135. The new conditions in the world economy
call for a considerable effort of adjustment
within each economy. France in no way challenges
the need for this and has committed itself with
determination to this course. These actions must
be pursued within a context that is particularly
difficult for all. I would note that the
countries of the third world have obtained
significant results in this respect. But we must
avoid a generalization of restrictive policies
that would com¬promise the benefits to be
obtained from each country internally. And we
must see that such policies do not draw them all
into a deflationary spiral.
136. Economically there exists among us today
a profound solidarity. Whether we like it or not,
no one is spared the effects of the daily
economic decisions of the international
community, and our own deci¬sions, in turn, cross
frontiers. New economic policies largely based on
a monetarist credo and on a lessening of
government influence, promise both long-lasting
control of inflation and the rapid resumption of
sound growth. Everyone today is aware of the
limitations of these policies which have led to
massive budgetary deficits, the maintenance of
excessive real interest rates and persisting
stagnation. The absence of inter¬vention in
financial markets explains the persistence of
erratic variations in rates of exchange.
137. France, with several of its partners, has
emphat¬ically criticized these policies for their
serious conse-quences for the world economy,
particularly the economies of the developing
countries.
138. The fragile foundations upon which we
have built our economies are beginning to give
way. In order to halt the process, it is
indispensable that action on the domestic front
be coupled with active explora¬tion on the
international front of ways of promoting a
general return to growth and prosperity. Each of
us should contribute to the attainment of these
goals according to his means. This is the tenor
of the reso¬lution adopted at the Versailles
Economic Summit by the seven most highly
industrialized countries, which were meeting on
the invitation of President Mitterrand.
139. If we are to succeed in this, we must
reaffirm our solidarity and use all the resources
available to us. The progress of technology and
the satisfaction of the needs of the most
disadvantaged among the world population,
constitute an enormous potential, the
mobilization of which could give new momentum to
the world economy. Recession is not inevitable;
it can be overcome by collective, clear-sighted,
integrated action.
140. This is the proper perspective in which
to see North-South relations. The growth of
North-South interdependence has so far been
uncontrolled. It has helped to extend and
aggravate the crisis. The time has come to
establish true collective management of this
interdependence of equal partners. The time has
come to make it the instrument of the return to
growth and development for all. The time has come
to work for true international economic
solidarity. This is basically what is at stake
today in the North-South dialogue. This is the
meaning of the appeal made by the Presi¬dent of
the French Republic at Cancun in October 1981.
141. How can we fail in the circumstances not
to be disappointed and concerned that these
discussions are now deadlocked? The proposed
global negotia¬tions, so keenly sought by France
are at a standstill. Yet the viewpoints differ
little. I see an illustration of this in the
immediate results it was possible to achieve in
Toronto with regard to the specialized agencies.
France attaches great importance <to this and
welcomes the resulting agreement on financing the
International Development Association [IDA] in
1984 and on the creation of a special fund.
142. I am sure that with a little good will
the global negotiations could get under way very
quickly. This would represent a decisive
achievement for the thirty- seventh session of
the General Assembly. It is clear to us all that
the present circumstances make it neces¬sary that
steps be taken forthwith. You, Mr. Secretary-
General, spoke of these in your statement at the
1st meeting of the Economic and Social Council in
1982. We must ensure sustained expansion of the
world economy in a climate of stable exchange
rates and stable prices for raw materials and
manufactured products.
143. We must also try to reduce hunger in the
world and make it possible for countries which
have not yet done so to reach a threshold of food
self-sufficiency.
144. I lay particular stress on official
development aid. This is undoubtedly the only
hope for the poorest countries. Despite our
serious budgetary constraints France is
continuing its own efforts. From 1980 to 1982 the
amount devoted to official development aid has
risen from 0.36 to 0.48 per cent of the gross
national product and it will reach 0.52 per cent
in
1983. We are speaking only of aid to
independent countries. Our goal is still to reach
0.7 per cent in 1988. The least developed
countries will receive 0.15 per cent of our gross
national product with effect from 1985, in
accordance with the commitment we entered into in
September last year at the United Nations
Conference on the Least Developed Coun¬tries,
held in Paris.
145. France hopes that most countries will
undertake similar action and join France in its
efforts to guaran¬tee IDA resources in the period
from 1985 to 1987.
146. In addition to financial and technical
measures, in addition to the reinvigoration of
the activities of the organized international
community, France intends to work towards the
construction of a world based on right, not
might. From this standpoint we advocate the right
to difference, for we know that culture is not
monolithic. There are no hierarchical links
between the Confucian, Christian and Hindu
philosophies. The universe is rich, above all,
because of its diversity. Let us therefore
respect the struggles of those who want to
achieve dignity and freedom, because peoples
exist when they have a history, a culture, and a
willingness to live together. The international
com-munity must recognize their rights.
147. We are convinced that in affirming the
right to difference we affirm the right to life
and to develop¬ment. Economic crises are all too
often accompanied by a crisis of identity, a
cultural crisis. This leads to resignation and a
fatalistic surrender to destiny. It seems,
unfortunately, that there exists a link between
the dulling of our intellectual capacities and
the worsening of the crisis. We must heed the
forces of the spirit and of creativity. We must
pay a tribute to and help those who have within
them a strong determination to assert that we
will emerge from this situation. This is our sole
purpose, in France, in giving absolute priority
to research and culture. A society that does not
create, that does not call upon the resources of
the will and the intellect, is a moribund society.
148. This conviction has also guided France's
deter¬mination to contribute to the promotion of
individual and collective human rights. In this
France remains faithful to its vocation and its
history. This means that our foremost concern is
to respect the principles of national sovereignty
and non-interference in internal affairs in
relations between States and that we must not
lose sight of the fact that the Charter of the
United Nations confers a universal character on
human rights.
149. The Charter must remain the hope of the
oppressed. It recognizes the right if not the
duty of the organized international community to
concern itself with the way in which each State
acquits itself of its obligations towards its own
nationals. In this spirit France has recently
recognized on the regional level the right of
individual recourse provided for in the European
Convention on Human Rights. Similarly we have
just recognized the right: laid down in arti¬cle
14 of the International Convention on the
Elimina¬tion of all Forms of Racial
Discrimination.
150. But we believe that in this field
co-operation with the States concerned should be
encouraged. In our view this alone justifies the
limitations which the universality of human
rights imposes upon the principle of
non-interference.
151. Similarly this indispensable co-operation
is the only guarantee for the States concerned
that interna-tional supervision, a peaceful and
humanitarian act, can never be conceived of as an
unfriendly act. Full enjoyment of all human
rights presupposes an eco¬nomic balance, which
itself depends on a certain con¬ception of
development. It is in this spirit that within the
United Nations France is taking an active part in
the preparation of a draft declaration on the
right to development.
152. We welcome the increase in regional
super¬vision. Europe, with the Commission and the
Court at Strasbourg, is no longer acting alone in
the regional protection of human rights, as is
shown by the growing role played by the
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights on the
American continent. Similarly we should stress
the progress achieved in Africa with the
proclamation of the African Charter of Human and
People's Rights.
153. This development has, furthermore, made
it possible to develop global protection of the
right to self-determination by taking internal
situations into account, due consideration being
given to the juridical identity of each
particular region.
154. We want to make this point categorically:
the freedom of a people—even once it has become
inde-pendent—to decide on its own future with the
par¬ticipation of all is essential for the
safeguarding of human rights in the world.
155. the United Nations is not only the most
im¬portant meeting place in the world of which
the As¬sembly is the living symbol; it is also a
formidable instrument that has been considerably
enriched since its foundation. The creation of an
impressive number of specialized agencies has
made it possible to work in all areas to achieve
the objectives set forth in the Preamble to the
Charter. We must therefore make these instruments
effective. It is a question of imagination and
will. I should like in this connection to thank
the Secretary- General for the remarkable report
he has presented to us. In breaking with a well
established tradition, he has gone out of his way
to focus attention on the capacity of the
Organization to maintain peace and to strengthen
the system of collective security which,
unfortunately, we can only note has not been
success¬ful. Mr. Secretary-General, you have made
concrete suggestions in this regard, and by and
large we sub¬scribe to them. Your proposals are
in fact very much in keeping with the constant
concerns of France.
156. We endorse your desire to make the
Organiza¬tion, and the Security Council in
particular, a forum for negotiations once again.
We favor a revision of United Nations practices
and procedures, which you have recommended. Like
you we should like to see the Organization act
more rapidly and more effectively. To that end we
are ready to contribute to the necessary
strengthening of peace-keeping opera¬tions. In
fact France has demonstrated this very point
today in Lebanon.
157. The imperative need for solidarity calls
also for a massive consolidation of the
international financial system. This can be
achieved through the following means: a very
substantial increase in the size and resources of
the International Monetary Fund [/MF] to enable
it to assume its role of supporting countries
caught in the grip of financial difficulties and
recover its fundamental role of monitoring
monetary policies and rates of exchange;
systematic intervention by the Bank for
International Settlements in the solution of
financial crises; early implementation, within
the framework of UNCTAD, of the Common Fund for
Commodities, accompanied by renewed efforts aimed
at reaching commodity agreements together with
effective mean for the stabilization of prices;
estab-lishment of an energy affiliate of the
World Bank or some other comparable system so as
to have avail¬able an instrument appropriate to
the size of the energy investments the developing
countries will have to make in the course of the
coming decade.
158. There must be progress on all these
subjects in the various bodies where they are
being discussed. It is essential to seize every
opportunity for dialogue and meetings in order to
restore the proper signifi¬cance to the
multilateral institutions existing in the
economic and political field and make them fully
functional and useful.
159. It is imperative to promote the spirit of
interna¬tional co-operation, which alone can
enable us together to return to the path to
development and prosperity and, ultimately,
peace. This strengthening of international
institutions thus calls for the drafting of a new
and better balanced code of law. The work of
codification, which has been going on for more
than 30 years, has certainly shown progress. But
we must take into account the profound changes
that the international community has experienced
as an organized entity. We must therefore forge
new instruments.
160. There is one specific area that
illustrates this determination: the law of the
sea. La^ April practically all the Members of the
Organization adopted a con¬vention. In spite of
the reservations it may have on certain of its
provisions, France voted in favor of that text.
We considered that it was in itself an
illustration of the North-South dialogue, which
we advocate, and that it also constituted an
important step towards an improvement of the
world system. That is why I very much hope that
the inadequacies and imperfections of the text
will be remedied, which will make possible larger
adherence to the Convention. I should like to
announce today—and I do so symbolically from this
rostrum—that France will sign the United Nations
Convention on the Law of the Sea, because it does
not confine itself to coming here to make
proposals. We also want to preach by example and
to make our deeds fit our words.
161. I am also in a position to inform the
general Assembly that France has decided to
endorse the principles contained in the 1975
Declaration on the Protection of All Persons from
Being Subjected to Torture and Other Cruel,
Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.
Today I shall give official notification of this
to the Secretary-General on behalf of the French
Gov¬ernment.
162. Finally I should like to add that France
will recognize the right of a State or an
individual to exercise, before the Human Rights
Committee, the right of recourse provided for in
article 41 and the Protocol of the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
163. Before coming here to address the
Assembly, I re-read the remarks made by Leon Blum
in June 1936 in the League of Nations. Many of
his arguments are still relevant today; France
still means "to declare publicly, and to attest
to by its deeds, its loyalty to international
law. For history is not made up only of conflicts
among men. It is also shaped by their dreams and
their Utopias. And what finer idea! is there than
the one we symbolize here: that of an
interna¬tional society capable of abiding by a
discipline to which it has freely consented? We
are the image of what the world could be, and
that image can give hope to millions of people on
this planet. For our role has not changed. The
task is sti!! to put an end to what Victor Hugo
called "the world's great insomnia". And, as Leon
Blum added, "Men want to be able to sleep again.
They want to rest their heads peacefully on their
pillows after a hard day's work. They place their
hope in you. "
164. Yes, the Organization must once again
become synonymous with hope. We can do it if we
want to.