We are extremely pleased to see a representative
of the sister Hungarian People's Republic elected
to the high office of President of the current
session of the General Assembly. Your election,
Sir, testifies to the high standing of socialist
Hungary and its peaceful policy in world affairs,
it is a personal tribute to you by the
international community. We sincerely
congratulate you and wish you new successes in
your work for the benefit of the Organization.
We also address our friendly wishes for all
success and determination to the new Secretary-
General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar.
I wish to assure you, Mr. President, and the
Secretary-General that Poland is as intent as
ever on making a constructive contribution to the
proceedings of another session of the General
Assembly. The Polish delegation has come to the
present session at a critical juncture in
Poland's history. Last December our country found
itself confronted with an alternative: descent
into the abyss of fratricidal bloodshed, which
was the goal of the enemies of socialism and
forces of anarchy, or temporary recourse to
emergency measures to steer Poland out of a
profound crisis. The supreme interest of the
nation and the State bade us, in compliance with
the Consti¬tution of the Polish People's
Republic, to proclaim martial law. Its purpose,
as we stated in the official notification in
pursuance of article 4 of the Interna¬tional
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights was to
reverse an excep¬tionally serious public
emergency threatening the life of the nation and
to create the conditions for the effective
protection of Poland's sovereignty and
independence.
We are deeply convinced that the proclamation of
martial law ultimately serves not only the most
vital interests of Poland but also peace and
security in Europe, for any dangerous development
in the situation in my country, located as it is
in the very heart of the European continent,
could have disas¬trous consequences, especially
as various forces hostile to detente have pinned
on this hopes of under¬mining the existing
relationship of forces.
The origins of the causes and determinant factors
which have led to the present situation in my
country are complex. We have explained them on
numerous occasions; they are on record in the
authoritative statements of the supreme organs of
State. Those abroad who were willing to
understand them did understand. Others failed to
show sufficient good will and respect for the
norms of international relations to leave Polish
affairs to Poles. For no one knows or can know
better than the Poles themselves what is good and
right for Poland.
The proclamation of martial law in Poland,
ratified in the Act passed by Parliament on 25
January this year, complied with all the
requirements of the law. From first to last it
was a sovereign Polish, and solely Polish,
decision. No constitutional body, including the
Parliament and the Government it had duly
constituted, ceased to function as a consequence.
They all continue to shoulder their great
responsi¬bility for the destinies of the nation
and the State, in a situation in which the
survival and the future of independent Poland,
for which many generations have fought, were at
stake. At the price of emergency measures
introduced on a temporary basis, Poland was
spared a civil war. We know ourselves how high a
price this is, but it is not as supremely high as
would have been the loss, on a mass scale, of a
fundamental human right—the right to life. No one
is entitled to try to raise this price. More than
once in the past Polish blood has been shed, and
not always in the interests of the people of
Poland. We are learning the lessons of history.
In the passing months the Tightness of our
indispensable decisions has been confirmed. They
halted the process of disintegration of the State
and collapse of the economy; they stopped the
dangerous drift towards internationalization of
the Polish crisis. Despite difficulties, the
country's political and eco¬nomic life is
proceeding towards normalization, to the
accompaniment of a significant relaxation of the
rigours of martial law.
We do see the possibility of lifting the existing
restrictions. We are determined to advance
patiently and unswervingly along a path of
national dialogue and accord, guided by realism
and good will. We shall consistently follow the
programme of the ninth Con¬gress of the Polish
United Workers' Party—the socialist renewal of
political, social and economic life, and the
guarantees of socialist democracy. We shall
develop it with absolute single-mindedness, with
Polish hands and Polish minds and hearts.
Unfortunately, some Western Government , in
particular the United States Administration, and
also imperialist propaganda centres, have decided
to take advantage of developments in our country
to start a violent and anti-Polish campaign. It
is being conducted with a wilful incomprehension
of Poland's raison d'etat and is based on a
one-sided, tendentious appraisal of the situation
as well as on false stereotypes. It has made
Poland an object of inadmissible inter¬ference in
its internal affairs and a target of economic
blackmail. At the same time, all the weapons to
be found in the arsenal of a propaganda
aggression and instruction in subversion are
being deployed against us. Indeed they bespeak
attempts at a primitively conceived
ideologization of international relations and
translation of the relics of McCarthyism into
this sphere.
The opponents of peace in our country seem to be
turning a blind eye to the massive process of
positive change that is taking place in all areas
of public life. We are carrying out an economic
reform, backed by a broad network of new
legislation. This includes important laws for the
implementation of the reform—on State enterprises
and workers' self- management in a State
enterprise. The proclamation of martial law has
in no way interrupted the work of legislative
organs or the introduction of new legal
regulations in major spheres of the country's
social and economic life.
A National Council for Culture and a
Parlia¬mentary Economic and Social Council, as
well as other organs pursuing important national
issues, have been established. The Teachers'
Charter, laws on higher education, on special
rights of war veterans and on co-operatives were
passed in Parliament. Intensive work continues on
press legislation and on the law on trade unions.
In the light of the foregoing, how would one
assess in the United Nations the attacks against
Poland, launched and conducted with unusual
vicious- ness by certain Governments? We have
already officially drawn these actions to the
attention of the Governments on whose inspiration
or from whose territories they are undertaken.
Most of them, and especially radio programmes in
the Polish language, consist of propaganda, based
on attacking the country's internal order and
incitement to change its socio-political system.
In recent months they have acquired all the
features of a propaganda aggression against
, Poland. This cannot but amount to a
contravention of the purposes and principles of
the Charter of the United Nations and a violation
of the norms formu¬lated so far by the
international community in the Held of
information and mass communication, including in
particular those of the United Nations and
UNESCO. This has nothing to do with the right to
freedom of information and the concept of its
balanced flow. On the contrary, it represents
their most evident abuse.
It is also hard to resist surprise at the
behaviour of certain Governments which seem
deliberately to obstruct the functioning of the
Polish economy. Do they not realize that they are
thereby weakening Poland's Payment capacities?
After all, the country's discharge of its
financial obligations depends on the rate at
which its economic balance can be restored. As
far as this is concerned, we shall not be found
wanting in resolve. We therefore welcome
initiatives for the development of equitable and
mutually profitable co¬operation with Poland. An
altogether different approach, however, is taken
by certain quarters in the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization [NATO]. When observing their
unfriendly and, indeed, unrealistic attitude
towards Poland, when listening to their warnings
and "advice" addressed to us, one is tempted to
ask: have these gentlemen by any chance forgotten
to whom they are speaking, have they forgotten
that Poland is not part of NATO but it is and
shall remain a sovereign and inseparable
component of the community of socialist States?
If the object of all anti-Polish actions is to
force us to back down and abandon the socialist
path of development, we can only answer in the
words of Prime Minister Wojciech Jaruzelski:
"Poland has never yet bowed to a foreign
ulti¬matum. Evidently not all abroad understand
our history, our sense of pride and dignity.
There are contradictions and conflicts in our
country., But it is not foreigners who are going
to resolve them".
We gratefully acknowledge the attitude of our
friends and partners who hurried forward with
assistance at a difficult time for us, who
displayed an understanding of our problems and
continue to help us overcome them. Especially
priceless is the aid of our neighbour and closest
ally, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. If
friends in need are friends indeed, so today
again we are realizing who our true friend is.
We reciprocate the understanding and sympathy of
the developing countries which perceive in our
situation a reflection of some of their own
problems. We see in their attitude a fellow
feeling of reciprocity for the numerous instances
of Poland's resolute commitment to the struggle
against colonialism, neo¬colonialism and
imperialism.
We also appreciate the attitude of those Western
States which have not submitted to pressure and
continue their normal relations with Poland.
We should like to believe that there will soon be
a return to dialogue with all our remaining
part¬ners on a basis of mutual respect for
sovereignty and equality. In this spirit, we
uphold as being still timely the appeal made, in
July last year, by the ninth Congress of the
Polish United Workers' Party to our partners in
the West to intensify frank dialogue and
exploration of ways of averting cold-war threats
and preserving what has so far been achieved by
detente. The internal affairs of any country,
Poland included, must not be exploited for the
purpose of exacerbating international tension and
intensifying the arms race.
I declare with absolute firmness: it is not
Poland which is upsetting international
relations. They are being upset by those who wish
to take advantage of the internal situation in
our country as one of the pretexts to stifle
detente and impose a new "cold war" on the world,
to divert attention from their own doings aimed
against other nations and against peace.
An ominous spectre is haunting the world—the
spectre of nuclear war. Its danger is more
evident today than ever before, as it is openly
spoken of and is being prepared in the open. The
genuine aspirations of the peoples lie on the
side of peace. The first and supreme duty of
politicians and Governments in the sphere of
international relations is to keep awakening and
perpetuating these aspirations and to do all they
can to banish for ever an apocalyptic vision of
the world. Whoever is unfaithful to this duty,
whoever ignores his own and his country's
responsibility for international peace and
security and embarks on generating tension,
escalating armaments and preaching intolerance,
is betraying the trust of his own people, is
striking at its peaceful aspirations and is no
longer fit to voice them.
We are witnessing disregard for the interests and
security of States. This is destroying the
labor¬iously assembled record of coexistence and
detente and undermining the recognized
foundations of inter¬national security, including
the purposes and principles of the Charter of the
United Nations. The year that has passed since
the thirty-sixth regular session of the General
Assembly has regrettably seen the dangerous
trends in the world grow stronger and many of
them acquire the features of no less than
political and military adventurism.
Obsession with nuclear superiority and pursuit of
an illusory security through remorseless
expansion of military arsenals are intensifying
the arms spiral, destabilizing military balance
and undermining interna¬tional confidence.
Peace is awaited in the Middle East. The bloody
massacre of the defenceless population in Beirut
has appalled the international community. A
heinous crime has been committed before the eyes
of the whole world. We most resolutely condemn it
as well as its instigators, perpetrators and
protectors. The genuine aspirations for a just
and durable peace, challenged by the aggressive
policies of Israel, have been expressed by the
Arab World at the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference
at Fez. The consistent policy of the socialist
States, which has recently been spelled out in
the six-point plan by Leonid Brezhnev, is aimed
at ensuring lasting peace in that region of the
world. Peace in the Middle East cannot be a sum
total of separatist endeavours and agreements but
a collective and comprehensive settlement that
respects the fundamental and just rights of all
its parties, and in particular the right of the
people of Palestine to establish its own State.
A tragic harvest is being reaped by the Iran-Iraq
conflict. Events in that sensitive region today
cheer the enemies of peace and of third world
unity.
The pressure of retrograde relics of colonialism,
neo colonialism and racism continues
undiminished. In particular, the lack of a
settlement in Namibia that would accord with the
just aspirations of its people fortifies the
South African regime in its arrogance and
aggressiveness, not only there but also at home,
towards its own population, the victims of
apartheid Attempts are being made to spread
confronta¬tion and tension to all continents. The
dangerous quality of the international situation
at the beginning of the 1980s is not, however, a
result of factors beyond human control. More than
two years ago, the States parties to the Warsaw
Treaty noted in their declara¬tion that the main
threat to peace and detente lies in the arms
race, encouraged by cold-war quarters and
military and industrial complexes, as well as in
the attempts to revive a policy based on a
position of strength. This appraisal is
substantiated by the present policies of ruling
circles of NATO which are at variance with the
basic requirements of international realities and
are founded on an over-estimation of their own
capabilities and an under estimation of those of
others. Serious threats arise from the
increasingly frequent attempts to globalize the
NATO theatre of operations.
The picture of the contemporary world is not made
up only of disturbing trends and actions. The
world's progress towards peace is actively
affected nowadays by a constructive factor—the
community of socialist States. Faithful to the
unchanged guide¬lines of their foreign policy,
members of our com¬munity continue persistently
to oppose the policy of armament and to
counteract the threat of nuclear war. They
resolutely declare themselves in favour of a
peaceful and just settlement of the problems of
the world of today, for detente and the
strengthening of international security, the
elimination of conflicts and trouble spots, as
well as the expansion of all-round equitable and
mutually beneficial international co¬operation.
It would be hard, too, not to perceive the
profound interest in expanding constructive
co¬operation displayed by the non-aligned,
developing and neutral States. Longings to remove
the nuclear threat are surfacing with growing
force among broad sections of the public, in the
activities of social forces and religious
movements.
Despite their adversaries, detente tendencies
have been lastingly embodied in the record of
accom¬plishments of the international community.
We realize that in today's divided world, detente
is variously interpreted. But to consider it
solely in terms of short- term gains and losses
and to treat it expediently as a political
instrument that can be discarded once it has
ceased to serve one's momentary advantage reveals
a profound lack of understanding of the laws of
the contemporary world. For us it is the only
effective instrument in the search for solutions
to pressing world problems and for abiding
guarantees of peace. Indeed, these accord with
both the vital desires and interests of the
Polish people and the requirements of progress in
international relations. Polish foreign policy
remains one of steadfast actions on behalf of
detente and broad international dialogue. We have
borne witness to this from the very beginning of
Poland's membership in the United Nations,
including our active participation in the work of
the Security Council.
In a few days 25 years will have passed since
from this very rostrum Adam Rapacki presented a
Polish plan, known by his name, for the
denuclearisation of Central Europe.
Unceasing in our efforts, several years later we
presented a momentous regional initiative to
convene a European security conference. Its great
success should be attributed to the perseverance
and single- mindedness of the socialist States
and the under-standing of its significance by
other participants. Consummated by the Final Act
of Helsinki, the process of the Conference on
Security and Co¬operation in Europe stands out as
one of the most optimistic elements of
contemporary international politics and an
important confirmation of the genuine
opportunities that exist for a positive evolution
of East-West relations, which exert their
decisive impact on the general climate of world
affairs.
The closeness of Europe's impingement on our
destinies in no way obscures our perception of
the wider international horizon, with all its
determinants and needs. The interdependence of
individual regions and the world as a whole has
been the guiding factor in a number of Polish
initiatives of a global nature, to mention only
the Declaration on the Preparation of Societies
for Life in Peace, adopted by the General
Assembly in resolution 33/73. Implementation in
good faith by all States of its weighty
provisions would help to build firm foundations
for peace and co-operation, free from prejudice,
arrogance and ill will.
The lasting record of Poland's foreign policy
comprises the process of the normalization of our
relations with the Federal Republic of Germany
initiated by the treaty of December 19707 That
treaty is of historic significance for the two
nations as well as for a constructive development
of the European situation and the security of our
continent. Practical implementation of its
principles has yielded positive results, both for
the two parties and for Europe at large. Poland
is invariably motivated by the need for that
process to be continued and, for its part, is
ready to make a further contribution to its
favourable advance. We expect also that the
Federal Republic of Germany in its policy in
relation to Poland will still be guided by its
obligations under the treaty and by the supreme
interests of European security and peace.
Throughout the history of the Organization we
have often heard it asked from this rostrum: what
must be done to save mankind from the tragedy
that would result from negative actions of
certain States if not checked in time? We ask the
question again, conscious as we are of its acute
relevance and urgency. The most pressing task at
present is to prevent a further deterioration of
the situation which, inter alia, amounts to
breaking the deadlock in disarmament negotiations
and talks aimed at eliminating conflicts.
The Polish Government has therefore par¬ticularly
welcomed the commencement of Soviet-American
talks on the limitation and reduction of nuclear
arms in Europe and on strategic arms limitation
and their reduction. They both fit the formula,
from which all stand to benefit, of strengthening
interna¬tional peace and security, that is,
limitation and containment of the arms race as
well as disarmament, which the Organization
considers to be the most important problem facing
the world today. The world awaits rapid and
concrete results from these talks.
It '<= also in the perspective of results that we evaluate the second special
session of the General Assembly devoted to
disarmament. We do not con¬ceal the fact that we
find them insufficient by far. Nevertheless, the
fact that the session was held in so complicated
an international situation can be regarded as a
positive development. Moreover, it witnessed an
event of the calibre of an historic pre¬cedent:
one of the nuclear Powers assumed a solemn
obligation not to be the first to use nuclear
weapons. It would be hard to exaggerate the
momentousness of that Soviet decision. If some
other Powers see in it alleged undertones of
propaganda, we can only encourage them to make
similar "propaganda" by pledging also that they
will not be the first ever to use nuclear weapons.
The objectives of the special session were
further helped by other important Soviet
decisions, including the unilateral moratorium on
deployment of medium-range missiles in the
European part of the USSR and a unilateral
reduction of a considerable number of such
missiles. Taken in conjunction with the whole
complex of issues put forward by the Soviet
Union, at the twelfth special session, : the
memorandum entitled "Averting the growing nuclear
threat"* and in the proposal entitled "Basic
provisions of a convention on the prohibition of
the development, production and stockpiling of
chemical weapons and on their destruction",* all
these decisions and pro¬posals add up to a new
and constructive impetus enhancing an effective
disarmament dialogue on a basis of equality,
reciprocity and undiminished secu¬rity of any
party.
133. For the time being, even partial progress in
arms limitation and disarmament can exert a
positive influence on the growth of the sense of
security of States and thus on their readiness to
enter into dialogue and deal with critical
political problems. Among issues of primary
importance that also appear on the agenda of this
session are banishing the danger of an outbreak
of nuclear war, eliminating chemical weapons, and
forestalling an arms race in outer space In the
light of the insane doctrines concerning the
possibility of limited or local nuclear war, and
even of winning a nuclear war, the Organization
is facing tasks of a sempiternal order.
In the province of closest interest to us, we are
in favour of promptly restoring the business-like
nature of the proceedings of the Madrid session
of the Con¬ference on Security and Co-operation
in Europe, including the adoption of a decision
to convene a conference on confidence-building
measures and disarmament in Europe. That would
also facilitate progress in the Vienna Talks on
the Mutual Reduction of Forces, Armaments and
Associated Measures in Central Europe.
Other political issues await settlement, and they
can be well served by the constructive proposals
of the Sixth Conference of the Ministers for
Foreign Affairs of the Lao People's Democratic
Republic, the People's Republic of Kampuchea and
the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam relating to
the situation in their region and especially to
non-interference in the internal affairs of the
People's Republic of Kampuchea and recognition of
its rightful place in the United
Nations. Still of great significance are
the initiatives of the Government of Afghanistan
concerning the situation in South West Asia and
also the proposals of the Korean People's
Democratic Republic for the settlement of the
Korean question. They all have our full support.
Viewing international security in purely military
terms no longer meets the requirements of the
times. The Government of Poland believes that the
present- day catalogue of confidence-building
measures will be incomplete until and unless it
incorporates effective economic
confidence-building measures. Their object should
be to counteract the transfer of tensions to the
sphere of economic and trade co-operation and so
enable it to become a permanent material
foundation for the process of detente and a
factor easing political strain. Our concept of
economic confidence-building measures encompasses
the prohibition of unlawful economic restrictions
and discrimination as well asthe pursuit by
Governments of an active policy to induce
economic units to discharge in full obligations
incurred under relevant international
instruments. We consider the adoption of
large-scale and long-term projects in the basic
fields of international economic co-operation to
be an important element of economic confidence
building.
We are convinced that the elaboration and
subsequent adoption and implementation of a set
of economic confidence-building measures would
also make an important contribution to the
furtherance of the progressive ideas and
objectives of the new international economic
order, and of sound solutions within the global
negotiations.
The existence of the United Nations and its
accomplishments and experience are proof that a
com¬prehensive programme of positive action on an
inter¬national scale is feasible even today, when
various adverse developments in the world have
led to. the weakening of the Organization as a
recognized political authority and forum for the
easing of conflicts. Con¬vincing reference to
that effect has been made by the
Secretary-General in his enlightening report on
the work of the Organization.
The United Nations grew out of the good win of
nations and Governments. Whenever that good will
is lacking, the threshold of its capacity for
effective action is lowered. To act in the
interests of strengthening the role of the United
Nations and the principles of its Charter is to
invest in it the confidence and political good
will of Member States. The success of the
founding fathers of the United Nations 37 years
ago arose Rom the way in which, after the great
tragedy of destruction and suffering, the common
interest prevailed over that of the individual.
The desire to secure one-sided advantages today
only too often takes precedence over the common
good. We have to overcome this tendency and
return to the main underlying ideas of the
Organization. Poland is ready to continue to act
for the benefit of the supreme common purposes of
the United Nations.