26. Comrade President, I should like to take
this opportunity to congratulate you very
cordially on your election to your high and
responsible office. I am particularly happy about
that because your country and the country that I
represent have close and brotherly ties with each
other. I wish you, as well as the
Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, every
success in the performance of your respective
duties. At the same time we wish to convey our
thanks to the President of the thirty-sixth
session, Mr. Kittani, for the great deftness and
prudence with which he discharged his
responsibilities in an undoubtedly difficult
international situation.
27. The present international situation must
give the peoples cause for profound concern.
Never since the Second World War has peace been
threatened more seriously than today.
28. The policy of confrontation and arms
build-up has affected all spheres of life. In
many countries, the state of the economy and,
consequently, the living conditions for millions
of working people, have been rapidly
deteriorating, and unemployment and poverty have
taken on mass proportions. In situations like
that, as history has taught us, there is an
increasing temptation to seek a way out of the
crises that shake the capitalist system by
embarking on military adventurism. It is commonly
known by whom wars have been instigated—no matter
where and when: by the same forces which today
are engaged in an unbridled expansion of military
might and the fomenting of conflicts.
29. Sanctions boycott and trade war not only
set the development of international economic
relations back dozens of years but also thwarts
all efforts aimed at restructuring those
relations democratically and on the basis of
equality. The protagonists of such a policy are
out to undermine confidence and destroy all the
bridges of co-operation built with great effort
as a result of the policy of detente. Worse
still, they are sowing distrust, impeding or
preventing political dialogue, causing strains in
the conduct of international negotiations and
disrupting the normal development of
international relations.
30. Under the banner of anti-communism they
are waging a crusade against all
realistically-minded forces in all spheres and by
all means. And they stop at nothing to achieve
their ends, not even the use of force, prohibited
though this is by the Charter of the United
Nations.
31. What they are aiming at is hegemony and
world domination. And, while both of those goals
are illusory, they are fraught with mortal
danger, for any attempt to achieve them in
practice is bound to push the world closer to the
abyss of a nuclear inferno.
32. It stands to reason, therefore, that
millions of people in all the continents are
joining in the cry for peace and the instant
cessation of the maniacal drive for arms. They
call for the continuance of detente, based on the
beneficial results attained in the 1970s, and
they expect the United Nations, too, to meet its
great responsibilities in this context by playing
its proper part in the preservation of
international peace. The German Democratic
Republic subscribes to the view that it is
necessary to reinforce the protective and
pre-emptive ring of collective security which
should be our common shelter and the most
important task of the United Nations.
33. The challenge flung down to all
peace-loving mankind by those bent on
militarization must be answered with firmness and
determination. The United Nations has a clear
obligation to contribute in all its spheres of
activity towards the development of peace¬ful
relationships conducive to the welfare of the
peoples. The Organization offers unique
opportunities for States to come to terms with
one another. It is legitimate to expect all
Member States to make use of those opportunities
in the spirit of the Charter. Regrettably, those
in certain quarters, including permanent members
of the Security Council, have, especially in the
most recent past, been making attempts to exclude
the United Nations from the settlement of acute
problems and to shirk their moral and legal
responsibilities under the Charter. The efforts
by the Secretary-General to strengthen the role
and effectiveness of the Organization on the
basis of the Charter are therefore very timely.
34. It is the objective of the German
Democratic Republic to help ensure that all the
possibilities provided by this thirty-seventh
session of the General Assembly are used to stem
the danger of a nuclear war, end the arms race
and achieve agreements on arms limitation and
disarmament; to put a stop to ideological
subversion and psychological warfare and ensure
renewed acceptance of constructive dialogue and
peaceful coexistence as the dominant trend in
international relations; to defuse international
con¬flicts and settle them in a lasting way, that
is, on a just basis and by peaceful means; and to
overcome the politics of trade boycott and
destruction of treaty relations and promote ties
of propitious and mutually advantageous
co-operation among peoples.
35. The two mutually opposed trends
discernible in international relations today
manifested themselves with particular clarity at
the second special session of the General
Assembly devoted to disarmament.
36. The majority of States regard the removal
of the danger of nuclear war as the highest
priority in inter¬national politics. The numerous
proposals of the socialist countries are directed
precisely towards this goal. The solemn pledge of
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics not to be
the first to use nuclear weapons is of historic
significance. Could a more convincing
demonstration of good will and, indeed,
determination to establish peace be imagined?
37. It is not sophistical arguments, but
simple yet effective steps such as this that will
banish the night¬mare of nuclear annihilation.
The unilateral under¬taking of the Soviet Union
testifies to the seriousness and continuity of a
policy which it has followed ever since its
foundation 60 years ago. It is a policy which is
inherent in socialism and which inspires the
peoples with hope and confidence at this time of
tension also.
38. Together with the overwhelming majority
of States and in keeping with the aspirations of
all the forces of peace, the German Democratic
Republic calls upon the other nuclear-weapon
States to make analogous pledges. This would be
understood and appreciated everywhere in the
world as a sign of genuine readiness to head off
the danger of war.
39. Such action would in fact be decisive in
initiating the adoption of joint measures to
prevent the outbreak of nuclear war.
Unfortunately, the necessary readiness is so far
lacking. And, while many of the participants in
this year's special session on disarmament were
trying hard to identify ways of achieving
concrete disarmament measures, the members of the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization, just as they
did in Washington at the time of the first
special session on disarmament, decided at their
summit in Bonn to strengthen their military
potential even further. They are pushing ahead
with preparations for the deploy¬ment of United
States medium-range missiles in Western Europe
from 1983 on and speeding up the implementation
of their long-term arms program. The line
followed by a number of States at the second
special session on disarmament reflected that
policy -small wonder, since those who on the
Potomac River are busily adopting plans for the
achievement of military superiority can hardly be
expected to agree at the same time on the East
River to measures to outlaw war.
40. At the present session the General
Assembly can draw on a large number of concrete
proposals which were put forward by socialist and
non-aligned coun¬tries at the special session on
disarmament. The German Democratic Republic feels
that there is a pressing need for the adoption
without delay of measures to freeze nuclear
weapons, put a compre¬hensive ban on
nuclear-weapon tests and prohibit the neutron
weapon.
41. At the same time, it emphasizes that
doctrines on the feasibility of fighting,
limiting and winning a nuclear war are inhumane
and hostile to the very concept oflife. Such
doctrines are designed to accustom the public to
the concept of nuclear war and war generally and
to make it seem a legitimate means for achieving
political ends.
42. On 8 February of this year it was decided
in Washington to escalate further the build-up in
the chemical weapons field and to start the
manufacture of new systems, such as binary
weapons. In the light of this development, an
instant and comprehensive ban on all types of
chemical weapons is an imperative.
43. The German Democratic Republic advocates
the speedy drafting of a relevant convention
along the lines of the basic provisions of a
convention for the prohibition of the
development, production and stock¬piling of
chemical weapons and on their destruction,
proposed by the USSR at the second special
session on disarmament.
44. One point, though, should be stressed
here. The heavy responsibility for the
preservation of peace forbids such negotiations
being abused, for instance as an excuse to
escalate the arms drive.
45. In my country, therefore, the public
reacted with indignation when it was reported on
20 July of this year that the United States had
gone so far as to formalize its decision not to
participate any more in the trilateral
comprehensive nuclear-weapon test ban talks in
Geneva. The German Democratic Republic proposes
to the General Assembly at this session to take a
step in the direction of spurring progress in the
Held of disarmament and arms limitation by
reaffirming the political and legal duty of
States to negotiate on these vital issues for
mankind in an honest manner and in good faith.
And here I repeat something that has been said
before: in our contemporary world, peace requires
not lip-service but actions which must be
concrete and have the support of all States.
46. The German Democratic Republic is open
to, and will back up, any proposals, no matter by
whom provided only that they can help achieve
substantive progress.
47. Flourishing international economic
co-operation is advantageous for all parties
involved. It enhances international security
because it is the basis of a shared interest in
calm and stable relationships. The start of
economic warfare, on the other hand, destroys not
only the fabric of international economic
co-operation but it destroys the structure of
international relations generally. The losers on
this policy of sanctions, which is contrary to
international law, are, not least, those who
are—more or less compliantly—helping to put it
into effect.
48. It is a task for the General Assembly to
stimulate constructive co-operation in all areas,
to combat neo- colonialist practices and to
strengthen the economic independence of States.
It is equally necessary to prevent colonialist
exploitation, in whatever guise, being used to
shift the burdens entailed by the arms build-up
and the crises on to the peoples.
49. No forum is more suited than the United
Nations, by patient effort and on the basis of
equality, to discuss and determine global
economic problems affecting the interests of all.
Likewise suited for this would be the proposed
round of global negotiations on international
economic questions.
50. It can, at the same time, be instrumental
in the democratization of international economic
relations as provided for in the Charter of
Economic Rights and Duties of States adopted by
the Assembly in reso¬lution 3281.
51. The German Democratic Republic welcomes
the fact that the Third United Nations Conference
on the Law of the Sea this year has been able
after nine years of undoubtedly difficult
negotiations, to complete and adopt the
Convention on the Law of the Sea.
52. The German Democratic Republic regards
the earliest possible signing and ratification of
the Con¬vention by all States as a duty which
should be fulfilled in the interests of
stabilizing the rule of law on the oceans as well
as for the sake of peaceful co-operation and
detente.
53. The consequences of the imperialist arms
build¬up leave no region of our globe unharmed.
In Europe, detente and the proved policy of
searching for reason¬able compromises are to be
replaced by fomentation of tension and expansion
of the whole range of means for waging cold war
and a shooting war.
54. However, the future of the European
peoples, like that of all other peoples, can be
made secure only if military confrontation is
lessened and the concept of a peaceful synthesis
of interests accepted as the rationale of
political action.
55. A few weeks from now, the Madrid meeting
of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in
Europe is to resume its proceedings. The German
Democratic Republic believes that it will be both
necessary and feasible for that meeting to wind
up its work with results that are aimed at
preserving and reinforcing the basic elements of
European security and co-operation. My country is
a reliable partner in the steadfast pursuit of
that objective. That is why the German Democratic
Republic was quick to express support for the
call by the foreign ministers of Europe's neutral
and non-aligned States that fresh efforts be made
to ensure a successful conclusion of the Madrid
meeting. The convening of a conference on
confidence- building and security-building
measures and disarma¬ment in Europe is still the
primary task; in fact, it is a test of the
readiness of the participating States to carry on
and lend fresh momentum to the process mapped out
in the Final Act of Helsinki of 1975. Those who
have already shown that they have deserted the
road of Helsinki, no matter under what pretext,
and who are bent on increasing the intensity of
con¬frontation still further by provoking a
failure of the Madrid meeting, are taking a heavy
responsibility upon themselves.
56. The solemn signing of the Helsinki Final
Act by the heads of State or Government of the
participating countries came after years of
negotiations conducted with a great deal of
patience. Time and again divergent interests had
to be reconciled and mutually acceptable
solutions ironed out by way of consensus. Should
all this hard work have been in vain, and should
this whole process, the fruitfulness of which has
been recognized by the peoples, be sacrificed for
the selfish interests essentially of just one
country?
57. Attempts are being made to give the
impression that a conference as authoritative and
representative as that of Helsinki was an
everyday affair. It is perhaps fit and proper to
recall the great input of effort in the 1970s,
for especially now in a time of acute
interna¬tional tension much depends on whether,
at the dividing line between the two social
systems and their military coalitions, peaceful
co-operation, in accordance with the Helsinki
Final Act, that is co-operation in the interest
of life itself, can continue.
58. In this context, the relationship between
the two German States is, no doubt, of
significance. By working consistently for normal
relations between the two German States, on the
basis of the relevant agreements and in strict
respect for sovereignty and equality of rights,
the German Democratic Republic contributes
towards stable security on the European continent.
59. The meeting which the General Secretary
of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity
Party of Germany and Chairman of the Council of
State of the German Democratic Republic had with
the Federal Chancellor of the Federal Republic of
Germany in December 1981 has confirmed the
accuracy of the following conclusions. First,
especially in a time of political tension, the
conduct of businesslike dialogue, based on the
pursuit of a peaceful synthesis of interests, is
not only necessary but also feasible. Secondly,
if such dialogue is to yield results, it must be
based on the principle of sovereign equality and
on strict non¬interference. Thirdly, if such
dialogue is to benefit the people, the
interlocutors must focus their efforts on the
paramount issue of our time—the guarantee of
lasting peace—and, of course, political dialogue
presupposes realism and a sense of proportion.
Fourthly, and finally, political dialogue also
requires the awareness of the parties that
good-neighborly relations cannot prosper in the
shadow of new missiles intended for use in a
nuclear first strike.
61. It would be of great significance for
European security-because of the resulting
encouragement-if the Vienna Talks on Mutual
Reduction of Forces, Armaments and Associated
Measures in Central Europe could at last be
crowned with success. The German Democratic
Republic and the other socialist participants
have expressed readiness to reduce their forces
in Central Europe and also their respective
weaponry, on the basis of reciprocity. The NATO
countries object to that. As has been mentioned
here earlier, even unilateral advance concessions
like the withdrawal of 20,000 Soviet troops and
1,000 tanks from the German Democratic Republic
have been answered by the other side with a
build-up of its military potential and the
announcement of plans to move the United States
troops in the Federal Republic of Germany still
closer to my country's border, that is, to the
dividing line between the Warsaw Treaty and NATO
countries.
62. Whether in Vienna, Geneva or
elsewhere-the proposals of the Western side are
invariably aimed at gaining unilateral military
advantages. This approach is a careless one, but
ignoring that attitude would be even more
careless.
63. The policy of strength and the
intensified arms build-up have resulted in an
exacerbation of interna¬tional conflicts and
encouraged aggressors to flout the right of
peoples of self-determination.
64. In the Middle East, another sovereign
country, Lebanon, has become a victim of the
aggressor. The Palestinian people and their
legitimate representative, the Palestine
Liberation Organization [PLO], are to be
physically destroyed. It would be possible to put
a stop to the genocide in Lebanon, to the still
con¬tinuing systematic extermination of the
Palestinian people patterned after the worst
Fascist atrocities, quite simply by forcing
Israel to comply with the relevant United Nations
resolutions. In actual fact, however, the
aggressor is receiving political and military
support under an agreement on so-called strategic
co-operation.
65. Intrigues, lies, cynicism, brutality and
terror -one would not believe it, but that is
what makes up the internal posture of that
regime. It is to be wel¬comed also that among the
Israeli people themselves more and more forces
are speaking out against this. Israel's leaders
and those who support them here also at the
United Nations cannot by any means absolve
themselves from their guilt.
66. The German Democratic Republic demands
the immediate withdrawal of Israel's troops from
Lebanon and from all other occupied Arab lands.
Its support is for the Palestinian people who,
under the leadership of the PLO, are fighting so
courageously for self-determination and the
establishment of a sovereign State of their own.
67. The latest pertinent proposals of the
Soviet Union point out the path towards a lasting
solution of the Middle East conflict. They accord
with the points considered by the Arab States at
the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference in Fez to
constitute the elements for a comprehensive
settlement of the conflict.
68. The time has long been ripe for
compelling South Africa to end its illegal
occupation of Namibia and to cease its aggression
against Angola. AH relevant decisions of the
United Nations, in particular Security Council
resolution 435 (1978), must be complied with. At
the same time, it is necessary-and the majority
of States in the Organization will watch
carefully- that effective steps be taken against
all attempts to despoil the Nairobian people of
their independence and their right to
self-determination by means of neo-colonialist
maneuvers. The German Democratic Republic is
committed to a policy of steadfast solidarity
with the South West Africa People's Organization
and the Namibian people. As regards the People's
Republic of Angola, which is the target of
persistent acts of aggression by South Africa, my
country is maintaining close links with it in
accordance with a treaty of friendship and
co-operation.
69. Inside South Africa, the regime is
intensifying its terrorism against the majority
of the population Cannot be reformed. In the
interests of humanity and peace, its roots must
be tom out completely, so that it will disappear
for ever. This calls imperatively for the
immediate cessation of any kind of
support-political, economic or military- extended
to the South African regime by some Western
countries and transnational corporations.
70. States in the region of the Indian Ocean
have been making great efforts to achieve the
establishment of a zone of peace in that region.
The German Democratic Republic is committed to a
policy of promoting those efforts.
71. On the other hand, the expanding
imperialist military presence, the greed for
bases and the im¬perialist war against the
Democratic Republic of Afghanistan are making ^he
situation still worse. The convening of a
conference on the Indian Ocean must not be
delayed any further if peace and security in that
region are to be strengthened.
72. In South-East Asia every attempt is being
made to call in question the right of the
Kampuchean people; to determine their own
political status and to choose their own road to
development. The methods employed range from
direct intervention and economic and political
pressure to the setting up of a so-called
coali¬tion Government ' outside the country. This
contrasts with the constructive proposals which
the States of Indo-China have made for
strengthening peace and co-operation in
South-East Asia and which have our full approval.
73. The German Democratic Republic also
supports the proposals put forward by the
Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the
solution of the Korean question, including the
demand for the withdrawal of the United States
troops from South Korea.
74. In the Caribbean and in Central America,
on¬slaughts by imperialist forces on the freedom
and independence of the peoples of that region
are on the increase. In particular, a vote in the
United States Senate of 11 August 1982, which is
designed to open up possibilities for the use of
military force against socialist Cuba, a member
of the non-aligned movement, has resulted in a
dangerous deterioration of the situa¬tion in the
region and endangers world peace. The German
Democratic Republic supports the efforts and
constructive proposals by Cuba, Nicaragua and
Mexico, made with a view to normalizing the
atmo¬sphere in Central America and the Caribbean,
and believe that they can lead to a more stable
peace and enhanced security.
73. As regards the conflict in the South
Atlantic, the German Democratic Republic favors a
settlement based on the Charter of the United
Nations and the resolution adopted at the
Ministerial Meeting of the Co-coordinating Bureau
of Non-Aligned Countries in Havana in June 1982.
76. The German Democratic Republic reiterates
once again from this rostrum that it feels
strongly about the need to solve the question of
Cyprus in accordance with the Charter and the
pertinent United Nations resolutions aimed at
maintaining the independence, sovereignty,
territorial integrity and non-alignment of
Cyprus. Indispensable prerequisites for such a
settle¬ment are the withdrawal of all foreign
troops from Cyprus and the cessation of all kinds
of interference in the island country's internal
affairs. A representa¬tive conference on Cyprus
under United Nations auspices could, no doubt,
help pave the way to a life in peace for the
people of Cyprus.
77. A world in which peoples can live
together in peace needs the fostering and
propagation of the great humanist ideas of
international understanding. But warmongering and
hatred against other peoples or races have
already reappeared and are once more poisoning
the international atmosphere. In fact, as a
result of the politics of threats and resort to
force, they find ever new breeding ground. If, as
the Charter requires, such Fascist and
neo-Fascist activities imperiling world peace are
to be brought to an end, as they must be in the
interest of peace, effective action by both the
Organization and its Member States individually
is imperative.
78. So it is evident that the present
international situation must worry the peoples.
The danger of a thermonuclear war which is facing
mankind lends ever greater urgency to the task of
implementing the Soviet proposal to call a
special series of meetings of the Security
Council at the highest level.
79. All States will have to make a choice. To
opt for the policy of peaceful coexistence is to
make a choice for life, for progress and for a
peaceful future for man. This policy corresponds
to the interests of the people of the German
Democratic Republic and they will not deviate
from that course. The German Democratic Republic
will unswervingly continue the building of a
socialist society and make every effort within
the framework of the community of socialist
States to advance the cause of peace, detente and
international co-operation.