77. I would ask the Vice-President to convey the greetings of our delegation to the President of the General Assembly, Mr. Muhammad Zafrulla Khan. His career and standing as a jurist and statesman are well known and have our sincere admiration. In these few meetings we have already seen that he is and will be a great President.
78. He began his work, moreover, by commending himself to Almighty God, "humbly, sincerely, and earnestly", asking for His grace to guide him in his mission. He is thus a man of prayer — convincing proof of the strength and profound idealism of his character. His is a devout soul, and the great Spanish mystic. Fray Luis de Granada, has described devotion as "a virtue which awakens all virtues and makes a man swift and ready for all that is good. In addition, this virtue is greatly praised because it always, goes in company with other excellent virtues which are its fellows and kin".
79. The United Nations too is a movement which seeks the ideal: to overcome the thousand obstacles and difficulties, material and otherwise, of which the web of man’s history and life is woven. To the extent that the United Nations la a healthy force for progress, we ourselves, though we may not be aware of it, represent the best, elements in each of our countries, united in the pursuit of noble ends.
80. This is not mere idle talk nor the outcome of a natural desire to express oneself agreeably in surroundings to which one belongs and in which one has to live. Countries with a culture like that of Spain do not take as easily as countries with a northern civilization to general ideas, which strike the Latin mind as nebulous. In discussing the United Nations in Spanish, it is necessary to express ideas in more concrete terms and in view of our completely unnorthern mentality, to use shorter words to convey spiritual ideas. We can and do say in praise of the countries of the North that the United Nations is in fact a northern creation. We Spaniards find its establishment foreshadowed, as we have mentioned in other debates, by our great thinkers of the sixteenth century. In his statement [1131st meeting], the representative of Uruguay quoted the great words of Father Vitoria essentially expounding the ideas on which the work of the United Nations is based. However, so far as recent events — those within our own memory — are concerned, the initial impetus behind the United Nations was northern, as were the eminent men who first took on the responsibilities of Secretary-General. The language and intellectual ramifications of the great Organization which we, form today are also unavoidably of northern inspiration and are, moreover, outstanding in their quality and range. I must, therefore, apologize or rather account to myself for the need which we of more southern climes feel to use our own more direct and popular forms of expression in our genuine desire to ensure that the United Nations wins the affection and full confidence of every nation.
81. I apologize for speaking about the United Nations without giving the usual list of the problems which we have met to consider. But the United Nations itself is also a problem; our positions and our countries' support of the Organization constitute one of the world's serious concerns and one to which we must give our attention.
82. The United Nations will not be able to solve every problem. Many will always remain to be solved in this complex world of so many different States and so many, races and peoples with legitimate aspirations and attitudes. Nevertheless, I view its presence among the world's concerns as a good omen; although it cannot always be successful, it is bound to achieve much. It will be our own failings and lack of restraint which may make the United Nations into the instrument of confusion which many delegations fear, not the nature of the Organization itself. We, on the contrary, bear in mind the influence of this world-wide discussion which is frequently so enlightening and fruitful and which must act upon our minds and consciences, inhibiting our primitive, impulses in the interest of furthering the paramount concern of the United Nations, the cause of peace.
83. In order to carry out its noble mission, the United Nations must at all times show complete integrity and set itself high moral and legal standards. This is among the purposes of our Organization, and there is no need for me to retrace its history or quote portions of the Charter. Our Organization would be seriously imperilled by the slightest indulgence towards any infraction of its precepts or the rules of justice. If the United Nations were to condone violence, If — under the influence of attitudes and aims inherited from age-old policies — it were to show animosity in dealing with certain problems or a tendency to forgetfulness, sloth, indifference and an insensitivity to the urgent and immediate needs of others, then the prophets of doom — among whom we certainly do not rank — could produce some evidence for their forecasts of gloomy developments and an inglorious end.
84. Mr. Hammarskjold, our unforgettable Secretary-General, in one of his writings which Mr. Cordier, our eminent friend of long standing and former Executive Assistant to the Secretary-General, recently published in a major newspaper, made the acute observation "that the essence of the United Nations was to find the best way to develop the material and moral resources of mankind, without giving orders". I would stress the words "without giving orders". Mr. Hammarskjold rightly defined the purposes of the United Nations in those concise terms and he added that, in this way, it gave peoples an opportunity to achieve whatever was best for themselves
85. I find this a subtle, wise and perceptive view. "Without giving orders." And this is correct. Let us use our powers of command and sanction sparingly; let us be chary of denunciation and indictment. If we view ourselves in the guise of a Renaissance State, we shall run all the risks of living as a people apart, which is not in keeping with our character. In the cause, of world peace, it may be necessary for us to take emergency action, even action involving the use of force, as is now the case in Africa and as has been the case elsewhere in the past; in that event, it is right for us to proceed as the Secretariat is proceeding now, and my delegation will give its full support to any operations which we are compelled to undertake for sound purposes. Let us not meddle, however, or overstep our authority.
86. No Member country of the United Nations should ever feel threatened by interference in its domestic affairs by the Organization. Strong emotion is sometimes kindled by the criticism of certain modes of conduct. It is the duty of the United Nations, as an organ of legality and concord, to combat such emotions. At present we observe — and have indeed done so today — the wide-spread and often heated criticism, almost a hue and cry, raised against our sister-country which is located on the same Iberian peninsula as ourselves and to which many bonds unite us. Although we Spaniards are subject to many human failings, I do not think that ingratitude towards our friends — especially our friends in trouble — is among them. Although we have our own ideas on the so-called colonial problems and our own ways of handling and solving them in keeping with the nature and range of Spanish experience, and although we support the policy which my delegation is now attempting to outline, we are none the less conscious of the obligations which stem from our cordial relations with that nation and which lead us to plead for reason, calm and adherence to the governing principles of this Organization; when the time comes to take up this controversial subject.
87. "Without giving orders" does not mean refraining from making judgements and taking clear positions, as 1 have already mentioned, in order to conceal one’s real thoughts or to avoid expressing censure when faced with a genuine evil. We lean neither to one extreme nor to the other. If this sense of justice were absent and if the angel with the flaming sword — metaphorical sword though it is — departed from the United Nations, then our Organisation's function as a lofty moral force which marks it as the creation of present-day mankind would be superseded by other and less elevated activities. To settle disputes and reduce them to their most practical and accessible terms is a large part of the mission of the United Nations and one it has often accomplished. But let us recall an observation made by Alfred Capus, a great French wit and a member of the school of humour which was typical of my young days, some time ago now, and which was called the "Boulevard", Alfred Capus said: "Everything always gets settled in the end — whether for, better or worse," If the United Nations were to adopt that way of thinking, it would be forgotten as completely as those same wits of that period of the nineteenth century. If the cynical motto of Alfred Capus were to become that of our Organization, we would have paved the way for its decline by ourselves forsaking and losing faith in its principles which impel us to overcome obstacles and above all to accomplish the often difficult task of restoring justice. That would be regrettable, because the United Nations has brought to all peoples a new ideal of life, an ideal which private diplomacy and purely international contacts did not provide. When we see ourselves assembled here, when we see the representatives of the various countries of the world seated side by side, we are inspired to follow the right course traced out by the Charter.
88. To discuss peoples and subjects in general terms and at a distance is not the same as to be here in the mortal flesh, ready to present: ourselves with our abilities and aims before the supreme tribunal of the United Nations. To return to a point I previously made, since each people's feelings depend on its own character, I should like to say that my remarks are realistic because it is not the spirit of the North but the realism of Iberia which prompts me to place my trust in the United Nations.
89. This Organization in which we are assembled serves as a safeguard and a firm defence of the individuality of each people and at the same time as a lesson in universality. To copy the phrase of a great French leader with regard to Europe — a phrase which I do not think was actually ever used — we might even say that it constitutes the "universality of nations". The United Nations, with its scrupulous respect for the character of the people represented in it and its meticulous observance of its rules concerning the independence and individuality of each country, is promoting universal representation in every sense of the term.
90. A fruitful universality cannot be attained by trampling upon and levelling differences, or by imposing criteria and systems — however lofty — applicable to everyone living on this vast, complex and varied planet. The United Nations is an object lesson in the variety and independence of personalities. Peoples feel stronger in the knowledge that their ways of life are safeguarded by our rules and regulations.
91. Each day, as we assemble for our deliberations, we see represented here a great variety of political systems, regimes and philosophies of internal organization.
92. Our United Nations is the best illustration of universal respect for the wishes of nations, first of all because nations are admitted to the Organization, not on the basis of their population or territorial area — which arc merely matters ox political or physical geography, but on that of their actual existence as individual products of evolution. They are depicted on the map in different colours, to distinguish them from one another. All the flags fluttering before our doors are a tribute to the reality of their existence. If the United Nations were, as some say, a body with confused universalist and doctrinaire pretensions, those colours would not be making such a splendid display out there and God knows what curbs might have been imposed on our true personalities,
93. If these efforts to subdue and oppress the consciences of peoples, efforts entirely alien to the thinking of this house, were to prevail, it would mean the invention — and let us hope that this has not yet occurred — of a new colonialism, to use the term of opprobrium we hear most frequently today, the doctrinal colonialism which, by attributing divine origin to its own principles and imposing its own systems, would put an end to the freedom of peoples and deprive them of the priceless satisfaction of living as they choose. It would be an "ideocratic" force, as dangerous as that of the political and state control with which we have long been familiar and under which we have deeply suffered.
94. Fortunately that system does not prevail. Inevitably there are in every country — or at least in many countries — ardent political groups which seek to export their views and to impose their own ideology on others. Fortunately, with the, notorious exception of one fanatical group, namely the Soviet, neither States nor peoples are guilty of this desire to dominate. It is only embittered minorities which demand proof of doctrinal orthodoxy and seek to exclude from society those who do not accede to their wishes.
95. In many countries, specifically in Spain in the not too distant past, there have been — and there are to this day in others — military orders of the nobility with a restricted and select membership based on rigid personal qualifications and strict standards with regard to conduct, purposes and, of course, lineage and family. I do not know whether it is true, but it was said that in order to join some of those orders an applicant must never have ridden an inferior horse, one which was not the product of the breeding and selection which gave the name "caballero" in Spanish or its equivalent in other Latin languages to those who belonged to such orders.
96. Yet today we still see contemporary inquisitors determined to uphold similar doctrinal demands in respect of the internal organization of nations, demands which it is certainly not within their competence to make. They demand an unblemished doctrinal pedigree, impeccable political conduct and a record of never having ridden the horse of tainted doctrines or ideas, in violation of the tradition which rules in those exalted circles. Spain, being fully convinced of the correctness of its own political conduct, says this in all sincerity.
97. This is assuredly not the system which prevails, nor is it the standard for mankind. On the contrary, the admirable association within the United Nations of all the different systems and aspirations in an atmosphere of mutual respect provides the most reassuring reply to the misgivings of peoples Jealous of their dignity.
98. The full flowering of the United Nations coincides with the entry on to the international scene of countries which, as a result of readily explainable historical processes, hitherto lacked a characteristic and complete personality such as is primarily derived, in international relations, from the full attributes of statehood. These countries are ready to assume all the duties and responsibilities inherent in such a personality.
99. Whatever we may think of these various processes, the present situation as a whole gives us ground for rejoicing and hope. There has been a vernal flowering of races and peoples, especially on the African continent, and it is only fair to recognize the magnanimity and the timeliness with which the old countries, those that brought the most ancient and distinctive cultures to other lands, guided the course of development to which wo owe this happy emergence of nations. In the past few days we have admitted Rwanda, Burundi, Trinidad and Tobago and Jamaica, to whom we extend the most cordial and friendly welcome.
100. Only if we follow the path of justice and general goodwill rather than that of violence and disregard of the spiritual realities in the countries which are still the subject of controversy, can we reach the point — as has already happened in many cases — where these new nations are truly nations in the full and complete sense of the term and can join, with the older nations in serving the cause of peace. Any tendency to force their development, to disregard realities and wishes or to subject to a demanding and baseless "ideocracy" the evolution caused by the spirit of the times will aggravate the existing problems and do violence to justice. We need an atmosphere "where States old and new can work together to help bring into-existence in lands not yet free the conditions essential for successful nationhood", as the United States representative said in his statement at the beginning of cur debate. His thinking, precisely because it reflects the purposes of a nation adamantly opposed to any form of colonial domination, has special value and sets a standard for us. If we want justice and right to triumph, if we calmly evaluate all aspects of problems facing us, we cannot but agree that these developments which enrich humanity must take place, as they already have in so many instances.
101. In view of this fact, which is no mere coincidence but a fundamental truth, let none of us be asked to deny ourselves the satisfaction of witnessing the new flowering and sensing the aspirations of those who are emerging into national life and who so often speak not with rancour but with grateful remembrance of those Who, in the course of history, contributed to their material and moral advancements
102. We Spaniards, who for centuries were so much involved in the process of establishing colonies (and I use this word although it is not very much to our liking or to that of our chroniclers in the past) would find it very difficult to dissimulate our keen satisfaction or to appear downcast or unmoved at this hour when a new world is being born. That a greater number of people should live happily, with a greater sense of their worth as human beings and with greater freedom coupled with greater responsibility, is indeed cause for rejoicing.
103. At the great Council of Trent we Spaniards were champions of human equality. Our theologians argued that ail men had sufficient grace to attain their own salvation and an equal capacity to win eternal life. If they were worthy of such a supreme destiny, how could they be denied that essential equality in their earthly existence? When the time for practical action came, although material errors were made, the treatment of the Indians by the Spaniards safeguarded those essential principles and paved the way for the racial fusion which was the pride of Spain's expansion and the source of new civilizations. Our theory of equality is not limited to the mere acceptance of lofty principles or even to the sharing of common ideals. In the course of history we have brought about not only a spiritual but also a physical fusion which provides supreme and conclusive proof of our concept of the races of man, of their kinship with each other and their equality before God.
104. In America, at the time of its discovery and for three centuries thereafter, we Spaniards were the protagonists of many historical developments, Including that of emancipation. When Africa's hour struck — I am thinking in particular of the midway point in the nineteenth century — Spain had an infinitely smaller role to play. We were given only a very minor part in the great African drama of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Other peoples reaped the benefits and the glory, those peoples who, at the cost of danger and sacrifice, made African colonization possible. We barely had a place at that banquet table. To quote a well-known verse, we might call ourselves "the ill-starred guest at the banquet of life". That is why our responsibilities are so limited today. I need hardly add that we consistently accept those responsibilities in a spirit of co-operation with the United Nations and of support for its principles.
105. A possible danger in the United Nations is that the beneficent and at times decisive trends towards liberation will be exploited by groups interested in creating political disturbances and able to feign ideological fervour and liberal enthusiasm for the sole purpose of stirring up those who are honestly pursuing that aim and of inciting them to hot-headed action which serves the purposes of such groups.
106. In the debate on independence for the colonies the Soviet Union and the countries associated with it politically have attempted, to some extent successfully, to exert such an influence on the groups which are pressing for liberation. On the whole, those groups have shown considerable circumspection and have not taken the temptations spread before them by the great enemy of freedom at their face value. Complete abstention would have been contrary to human nature; it is very difficult to resist the desire to make use of allies, even where the situation is highly confused and the lack of sincerity is all too apparent.
107. Is it realty possible to imagine anything more curious than the call for a struggle against colonialism so persistently made by the delegation of the Soviet Union in this Assembly? If the motives were not so grim and if the problems involved were not such as to transcend petty tactics and comedy, those antics would make a farce of our deliberations. I often recall an article published in The New York Times of 24 September 1960 which deals with what that newspaper palls the Soviet lack of sincerity and notes that those who ordered the Hungarian revolution drowned in blood dare to shed crocodile tears over the fate of other States which are now Members of the United Nations and which have won their freedom in recent years without a struggle of any kind.
108. This has been pointed out by a number of eloquent speakers in the course of the debate. I shall not, however, express myself in such heated language as, for example, did the representative of Guatemala. Such language reflects an intemperate approach which is not ours. I shall remind the Assembly of a statement which was calmer both in its terms and content, that made by our eminent colleague the Canadian Secretary of State for External Affairs. On 25 September [1130th meeting] the Secretary of State had the following to say: "In 1960, the Prime Minister of Canada reminded the General Assembly about the position of subject peoples within the Soviet empire. Many millions there cannot today exercise the right of self-determination which the Soviet Government demands for others. "This denial of human rights and fundamental freedoms casts grave doubt" — I emphasize this — "on the Soviet Union's whole position on colonialism. When the United Nations is examining situations in many other areas of the world, it should not ignore the areas under Soviet rule." I regard the Canadian Secretary of State's reference to his "grave doubt" about Soviet conduct as most correct and charitable. The unique talent for understatement of the British literary mind has clearly spread to the Commonwealth. I fear that the rest of us, if we were to speak our own minds on the matter instead of leaving it to others, would have used expressions stronger than "grave doubt". For example, the representative of the Federation of Malaya [1140th meeting] warned the United Nations against the danger of concerning itself exclusively with the traditional and more easily recognizable form of colonialism without being aware of the dangers of a new and more subtle form of imperialism. The violation of the right to freedom, said the representative of the Federation of Malaya, constitutes imperialism, whether it appears in Tibet or in Hungary.
109. The point is that all the activities of the United Nations, the activities peculiar to the Organization, cannot keep us from considering the basic problem of international politics. Our efforts to solve United Nations problems are sound; attempts to reduce partial conflicts are commendable and measures to promote friendly relationships among peoples, none of which must be excluded if we are to achieve our true purpose, are most useful. The clear statement made yesterday to that effect by the representative of Honduras — who :did not fail, to note the part played in this task by the Hispanic world — was deserving of the highest praise. But all this is not enough to make us forget the fundamental fact of our times: the division of the world into two great politico-military camps, pursuing conflicting goals and locked in a struggle — fortunately so far bloodless — to decide what course the evolution of our culture, our civilization and our very life is to take.
110. The delegation of Spain — let me repeat this as I do every year — is not neutral in its attitude towards this conflict, much less neutralist, for the concept of neutralism reflects a doctrine and a position which it is sought to impose on others. Yet we have many good and close friends in these camps. For ourselves, we are not neutral nor do we not aspire to persuade, other peoples to fold their arms and adopt an attitude of indifference towards the present conflict. With all due respect for the views of others, I say that the world seems to us today to be divided into two camps, one of which constitutes a real danger and, if allowed to have its way, will destroy all the values of civilization, while the other is committed at the cost of effort and sacrifice to the defence of those values and to the necessary preparation of the instruments which would be needed if at a crucial moment it had to resort to violence in defence of those principles.
111. I beg the Assembly's indulgence for this lack of subtlety in our statements, which is the fruit of a Spanish tradition of realism in art, literature and human relations; we speak in accordance with that tradition and we speak with complete sincerity. We do not desire, we do not relish and we do not seek these clashes and this state of permanent hostility. Who could think that we do! It is simply the reality confronting us: on the one hand evil, on the other a position which is right, a position which is good, to put the matter with simple but well-weighed candour. We believe that everyone has a duly to apply his best efforts, his heart and his soul, to the defence of the principles symbolized for us by the so-called Western Powers, which are headed by the United States of America, no doubt because of its spiritual leadership and material power. A cordial European spirit, such as that with which we are imbued, is perfectly compatible with the words and thoughts of our delegation on this point. We Spaniards, after all, spent much of our substance on the process of expansion towards the Western hemisphere and to that memory, which is a, reality today, we remain faithful. European harmony in no way impairs this definition of Spain's approach to world affairs.
112. This clear statement of principles, it need hardly be said, does not imply that, where political matters not affecting the general policy of the Western community are concerned, we are unable to adopt a position different from that of some of the countries in this bloc.
113. In this Assembly we always reiterate our honest desire to praise the great Powers when their strength is placed at the service of law and provides a safeguard against possible infringement of law. As long as Germany, one of the most illustrious European nations, lives at the mercy of violence, its national unity destroyed, its territory divided into two by an invader infinitely ruthless towards its inhabitants, whose dramatic escapes from oppression are a sobering daily occurrence, it will be impossible to speak impartially of the activities and precautionary measures of both sides — and I emphasize those words. We cannot but feel that it would be derisive to speak in measured tones while such a violation of right continues with impunity, as if proclaiming the slogans of anarchy and of disregard for the traditions of law.
114. The whole of political international life is vitiated by the peculiarities of the Soviet moral code. As a result of the application of its current principles, nominal debate is replaced by interminable communist points, of order, disruptive and ever threatening. Therefore — as I have said time and again — when we hear talk of disarmament and observe enthusiastic choruses and concerts zealously advocating that goal, we too are willing to sing along and to play whatever instruments we should in the orchestra for peace — of course we are! — and quite sincerely; but only provided that this does not jeopardize to the smallest degree vigilant strength of those who stand for civilization by, as it were, increasing their isolation under moral pressure. We find it impossible to address ourselves simultaneously to the two political divisions of mankind and to join, at the seventeenth session of the General Assembly, in urging "both" without distinction to limit their armaments, to out down excessive expenditure on military preparations and to reach agreement on precautionary measures. Our first concern is that the group defending the eternal principles of morality and law must remain vigilant and alert so as not to be taken by surprise by the other party. Let not our well-meaning appeals serve to dishearten, or at the least to confuse, those who defend us. Let us stand at their side ready to cooperate with them. We feel that this way of thinking makes us no less human than others; only, in our modest way, we are somewhat cautious.
115. We welcome, quite as warmly as all the representatives who have spoken here, the fact that meetings of the great Powers are taking place with the participation of others which, although smaller, also have an interest in the matter, to try to attain general and complete disarmament as speedily as possible. The results achieved have been meagre, but there is something constructive in the fact that the meetings have taken place and may continue in the future with the helpful participation of eight countries which do not belong to military blocs and whose activities have earned the praise of the other participants. We long for the discontinuance of nuclear testing, and we hope that rapid agreement may be reached, with adequate international safeguards, so that the countries now carrying out the tests will be able to abandon them without fear that their good faith may be abused, as has happened in the past.
116. It is also gratifying to note that the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space has held a number of meetings and is submitting its report on them to the Assembly, thus giving hope of better co-operation between the various countries in this connexion in the future. Let us hope, too, that the debates at the present session of the General Assembly may help to point the way to solving the legal problems which arise from the ration and use of outer space but on which the Committee has made no specific recommendations.
117. We would speak in greater detail to demonstrate our total attachment to right principles and purposes, were it not that our aspirations, as a nation without up-to-date weapons, are so Platonic. We leave it to others, like the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom who has ably done so, to enumerate, recount and speculate. Speaking from a position of strength based on massive armaments, he shrewdly said [1134th meeting] that it was unheroic and degrading that in the twentieth-century men should depend for their existence on the balance of terror, but that we must accept that it was so and must not disturb the balance of power while striving to base peace on interdependence.
118. If there is no respect for basic security, if it has not been possible to establish these firm foundations, and if those who lead the forces of civilization in the face of tremendous dangers have found no respite, let us not harass them with our importunity; let us all, as our strength allows, tread the path of sacrifice.
119. The introduction to the annual resort of the Secretary-General [A/5201/Add.l] states that the division of the world into rich and poor countries is much more real and explosive than the division of the world on ideological grounds. We find it difficult to share this belief, which is based on a philosophy different from that of my delegation. Let it be noted, moreover, that we speak for a country which is not particularly prosperous, a European nation which leads a somewhat austere life quite different from the splendours of those who occupy the apex of contemporary society. And yet this belief seems to us confused, doctrinaire, and a traitor to the truth which it purports to serve. Seldom do the poorer sections of any country feel envious of other countries. Such feelings usually relate rather to individuals or classes but are quite alien to the complex and emotional makeup of national entities, with all their aspirations and illusions. We say this to the credit of human nature, which is not so materialistic as it appears.
120. However, this difference of outlook does not prevent us from participating fully in the task of assisting the various peoples, and we most fervently welcome the United Nations Development Decade, which may lay the foundations for satisfying the legitimate aspirations of a large part of mankind, unable to supply even its most elementary needs.
121. Despite what I have said, the great Powers do have a duty to heed the just demands of other countries for a uniform political and economic development of international life. The Spanish delegation would not therefore oppose conferences or meetings which might facilitate understanding economic and trade matters if they can be kept free of political considerations hostile to our fundamental beliefs.
122. The representative of Chile has well said during this debate: "We are running the risk that we shall soon conquer the moon, which is a dead planet, without being able to conquer the earth, which is a live planet. To conquer the earth means to make it habitable and capable of providing education, a decent dwelling and sufficient food for the millions of men who at present lack basic essentials" [1135th meeting],
123. This assistance by some peoples to others who are in need and the disinterested support given to improve conditions on the hard pathway of life are a credit to the public conscience — and the United Nations has made a great contribution in this regard. We ourselves have received economic assistance from other countries — particularly the United States — and we recall this in order to express our gratitude and affection towards those who thus sustained us in times of difficulty.
124. In the Preamble to. the Charter, the United Nations expresses its desire “to promote better standards of life in larger freedom" and "to employ international machinery for the promotion of... economic ... advancement". Seventeen years after this statement of purpose, the problem of economic development is one of those which receive the greatest attention in the work of this Organization. Progress thus far has been very slow. While a great many countries — by gaining their independence — have achieved political development since the United Nations was founded, very few have succeeded in that period in overcoming their state of economic stagnation. In recognition of that fact, we adopted resolution 1710 (XVI), containing a complete programme of action known as the United Nations Development Decade, to which I have already referred.
125. This foreign aid may be channelled through certain kinds of mechanisms — and mainly through external trade — but it cannot be regarded as a panacea. The main development effort must come from the nations themselves, each, country imposing upon itself the sacrifice and self-denial which are needed to set the economy in order, without expecting lottery prizes. I speak, moreover, for a country which is certainly no stranger to lotteries.
126. In this connexion, perhaps I may cite the case of Spain as a significant example. By modernizing economic methods, overhauling its structures and making better use of its resources, my country has achieved, primarily by its own means, a notable rise in the level of living, a definite stability in its currency and the formation of reserves which provide safeguards of every kind as. we confront the vast development programme now in progress.
127. On the basis of this experience, we can affirm that the establishment of a realistic exchange rate, an effort to increase exports and an overhaul of domestic structures are essential prerequisites for attaining the results desired of foreign assistance.
128. It is true, of course, that if an effort to increase exports is to produce results, particularly in the early stages when the necessary degree of diversification has not yet been achieved, there must first of all be an effective stabilization of the international commodity market. This is a matter of concern to almost every country, as it will secure those countries against price fluctuations that can ruin their plans. In this connexion, international agreements on specific, commodities may prove to be a useful approach, and one perhaps more practical than a conference — although we do not reject that idea — which would try to cover all the problems raised by world trade. In our view, the existing agreements, including GATT as-an outstanding example, are adequate for the purpose.
129. Because the United Nations has to contend with so many problems, it is only logical, before concluding, to give some thought to improvements in its working and in its structure. Where the United Nations itself is Concerned, as I said at the outset and as my statement has indicated, we should seek whatever measures will make it more useful and effective. The greater our faith in its purposes — and we have such faith — the greater the effort we should make to achieve these benefits.
130. We appreciate that the introduction of certain changes in working methods has become necessary so that the United Nations will be able to meet the needs of the times and to act in accordance with its true character, which differs greatly in many respects from that of 1945, when the Organization was established at San Francisco. In particular, an increase in the size of the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council appears called for in the near future so that they may reflect the growth of membership in recent years.
131. Pending the institution in a constitutional manner of the necessary reforms, my delegation feels that we must make use of what we have and must try, in that way, at least to improve the working Of the United Nations, if it is not possible to improve its structure. In this connexion; we are in general agreement with many of the comments put forward by the President of the General Assembly at the last session, the representative of Tunisia, with a view to expediting the work of the Organization. This must be done not only by adopting certain formal resolutions but also by bearing constantly in mind the need to shorten the debates, to avoid points of order that are not absolutely necessary and to reduce to a minimum statements on secondary questions which sometimes divert the attention of the Assembly to the detriment of its essential work. If this were done, it would be possible to avoid the indefinite prolongation of sessions and to ensure that the Assembly — and this is the most serious aspect of the prolongation of sessions — does not decline in importance and interest in the eyes of the world by becoming a kind of permanent deliberative body.
132. In speaking of changes in the structure of the Organization, we should like to comment on the idea supported by some Member countries that its executive organ should be replaced by a kind of triumvirate — the so-called "troika" system — which, according to the Soviet Union representative's statement, should, also be extended to other principal organs of the United Nations, thus converting it into an established organization of disunited nations divided into three blocs.
133. My delegation does not share the outlook of the Soviet representative, and it strongly supports the retention of the office of Secretary-General in the hands of one person as the only way of making effective the organ which typifies the executive aspect of the United Nations and whose prestige in the world is beyond question. Much less can we accept the setting up of a system of three rigid groups in other United Nations bodies, which would introduce a basic opposition between those groups and would allow of no flexibility in coping with political realities at any given time.
134. Happily, the office of Secretary-General is at present vested in a person of calm temperament and proved competence, whose capabilities and political skill we know well, having worked with him in the Assembly and particularly in the First Committee, where his statements will always remain alive in our memory. We hope to see consolidated on a permanent basis — and we shall do our part to that end — the provisional status of an official who has the qualifications for playing one of the major roles in working for peace. We are happy, too, that the civilization to which he belongs, a great civilization that has shaped the history of the world, should be thus honoured.
135. Therefore, with both reservations and endorsements, neither disregarding realities nor losing hope because of therein the betterment of mankind and in co-operation between all peoples, let us continue, in this seventeenth session of the General Assembly and in the whole life of the United Nations, a work worthy of universal trust and of the application of our best endeavours to the task of perfecting and improving that work, and worthy also of the blessings of the Almighty, who never fails noble endeavours.