In addressing the General Assembly at this seventeenth session, I would like my first words to be of heartfelt congratulations to the President, on his election to his high office, I know that if I were to embark on an enumeration of the qualities that so superbly fit him for the guidance of our deliberations here, I might run the risk of offending that gracious modesty which dominates his character and which has endeared him to our hearts. Suffice it for me to say that his illustrious career, his contribution to the cause of human emancipation, his universally recognized eminence in the world arena, and, above all, his innate wisdom, afford us full assurance that the work of this session is in safe hands.
2. Let me at the outset also pay my homage to the Acting Secretary-General and to his collaborators, both in the Secretariat and in the specialized agencies, for their self-denying labours in the vineyards of peace and human progress, U Thant was placed at the helm of this great ship when her captain was stricken down by a cruel and, as yet, mysterious fate. With patient skill, he has managed to navigate the stormy waves which had threatened the life of this Organization, and thus he has deservedly earned our admiration.
3. I wish to address a word of particular and brotherly congratulation to the peoples and Governments of Rwanda, Burundi, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago on their accession to independence and their admission to membership of our Organization, This is yet another step in the historic process of making this forum into that universal human family which has always been the dream of the pioneers of international co-operation. I am confident that these new Members will bring with them to our deliberations the vigour of youth and a faith in the principles of this Organization that will further Invigorate and enrich our counsels. On behalf of the Government and the people of the Sudan, I convey to these countries and their peoples our best wishes for success and prosperity. The delegation of the Republic of the Sudan is also looking forward to welcoming during this session the admission of our dear neighbour, Uganda, as a full-fledged Member of this Organization. I need not emphasize the indissoluble ties of neighbourliness and friendship which link our two countries.
4. I am sure that each and all of us assembled in this hall feel relieved and gratified to note that our agenda for this session does not include a once familiar item, the question of Algeria, which has figured prominently in the agenda and debates of the previous six sessions of the General Assembly. Our sense of relief and gratification is no doubt shared by men of conscience everywhere. This is no occasion for reviewing the history of Algeria over the last eight years. It is an occasion to take note of the length and depth of sacrifice to which man can go to vindicate his right to freedom, to honour and to dignity.
5. Algeria does not need to be assured by me that while its case is no longer lobbied in the halls of the United Nations, its proud portrait will occupy a permanent place in the corridors of human history. The delegation of the Republic of the Sudan appreciates the positive step taken by President de Gaulle in the solution of this dilemma, and hopes that his auspicious development will mark the beginning of a new era of friendship between France and the Arab world. We should not forget the role that this Organization played in bringing about the solution that we hail today.
6. Critics of this Organization maintain that the world would be better off without it, forgetting that, far from being an effective world government, this is only a forum for the convergence of the moral forces of the world. We have witnessed this alliance of moral forces in the solution of the problem of Algeria. We have recognized it even more recently in the case of the old dispute between Indonesia and the Netherlands on the question of the future of West Irian, a dispute that, as I have stated on a previous occasion [1065th meeting] from this rostrum, irritated relations between two countries with much to gain from mutual friendship. The moderating influence of the United Nations, through its Secretary-General, in preparing a settlement of this irritant is, in the view of our delegation, significant in the case for the continued existence of this Organization. It affords an encouraging proof that the United Nations can still act as a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations on behalf of the lofty ideals enshrined in the Charter,
7. Ever since our admission into the councils of the family of nations, our position on the major issues that irritate, complicate and, more often than not, contaminate contemporary international life, has always been consistent in form and undeviating in substance. This position was set out in detail by our Chief of State, His Excellency El Ferik Ibrahim Abboud, in his address at the 1036th meeting of this august body on 13 October 1961. If I reiterate these positions and attitudes today, I do so for the sake of perpetuating our record on these issues.
8. We have always maintained, and continue to maintain, even at the risk of tiresome repetition, that the problem of disarmament must be placed at the head of the problems facing the world today whose persistence constitutes a real and formidable threat to international peace and security, It is lamentable to the last degree that the great Powers and the world community at large have so far failed to reach agreement on disarmament and the regulation of armaments, as envisaged by Article 11 of the Charter. With the dynamic technological and scientific achievements of man's creative genius, the dangers inherent in the continuation of the armaments race become only too apparent. It has been quite some time since the General Assembly as a whole decided on general and complete disarmament under effective international control [resolution 1378 (XIV)], but, regrettably, little or no progress has so far been made. Last year, this Assembly set up the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament which for several months has been meeting in Geneva.
9. The Committee, although in a way handicapped by the non-participation of one of the great Powers, I mean China, had the advantage of the significant participation of eight non-aligned nations. It had been hoped that under the moderating influence of these non-aligned States the disarmament talks would, this time, fare better. But, judging by the negative re suits of the Geneva talks, it seems to us that these hopes still remain to be fulfilled. In our view the problem of disarmament is an unprecedented challenge, particularly to the leaders of the great Powers, because there can be no doubt that the entire future of life on this planet would ultimately depend on how these Powers behave in meeting this challenge. If general and complete disarmament is the ultimate goal, the cessation of nuclear tests and the control and destruction of the existing stockpiles of nuclear and thermo-nuclear weapons is an indispensable first step. To all the Governments of countries which have it in their power to unleash these destructive weapons, we renew a solemn and hopeful appeal to substitute positive actions for words, in order to relieve trembling humanity of its most crushing ordeal. It is our prayer that the echoes of this anguished cry of humanity will not be muffled in the wilderness of mistrust or in the jungles of big Power suspicions.
10. Addressing this Assembly on 13 October 1961, our Chief of State, El Ferik Ibrahim Abboud, stressed the necessity of liquidating the outmoded institution of colonialism in these words: "We are unshakably of the conviction that one of the main causes of the ominous tensions engulfing the world today and posing a direct threat to international peace and security is the continued existence of colonialism, in its classical or modern forms, in many parts of the world.” [1036th meeting, para. 17.]
11. There is no doubt that the post Second World War era has witnessed a spectacular progress in the political emancipation of hundreds of millions of peoples, especially in Africa, the Americas and Asia. The United Nations has no doubt made a considerable contribution to this process. In 1960 the General Assembly adopted, without a dissenting vote, its resolution 1514 (XV) containing the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. Although much has been achieved in recent years, much also remains to be realized, especially on the continent of Africa, not only in the field of eradicating classical forms of colonialism, but also in combating an equally dangerous plague that has come to be known as neo-colonialism. I feel I am in duty bound to mark out, for the record, the most dangerous of these danger spots on the African continent, as we see them.
12. The situation in Angola, first of all, is notoriously unpleasant. The cruel dimensions of the conflict and its deep-seated causes are too familiar to the world community to call for detailed examination. Our position on this issue was clearly set out in the course of the debates on Angola during the last two sessions and I need not repeat it here again, But what I am anxious to reiterate here is our deep regret that the Government o( Portugal has so far chosen to adopt a negative attitude towards the problem. They have preferred to turn a deaf ear to the voice of the conscience of humanity emanating from these halls. We have on previous occasions expressed our regret that blood is being spilled in Angola today, whether it is of Portuguese or of Angolans. Portugal's failure to respond to the realities of the present time is fraught with danger, not only for future relations between Portugal and an independent Angola, but also for the cause of peace and harmony in international relations. Portugal cannot resist the march of history, and the Angolan people, whether Portugal likes it or not, are destined to obtain their liberty and freedom and to join the family of independent nations soon, and very soon. But the cost in terms of human lives and indispensable resources will be heavier the longer Portugal insists on its ill-fated myth.
13. On a perusal of the report of the Special Committee on Territories under Portuguese Administration [A/5160 and Corr.1], we become anxiously aware that the conditions prevailing in other Territories under Portuguese domination are in no way happier than those which are at the root of the present conflict in Angola. Should Portugal passively await a repetition of the bloody eruptions in Angola in these Territories also? We sincerely hope not. It is our prayer that Portugal will perceive, although perhaps unfortunately belatedly, the wisdom of ending its colonial policy, in keeping with the requirements and spirit of the times and the justice of the cause of the peoples under her colonial domination — a domination that has persisted for only too long.
14. For the eleventh year in succession the General Assembly is again seized of the question of the race conflict in the Republic of South Africa arising from the policies of apartheid practised by the Government of that country. In spite of the many resolutions passed by this Assembly in condemnation of this practice, and in spite of the countless voices raised throughout the whole world against the continuance of this obsolete myth of racial superiority, we note, with regret and indignation, that no change in the policies and actions of the Government of South Africa in this regard has taken place. On the contrary, it appears to us that the Government of the Republic of South Africa is tightening up these policies and practices of apartheid. In the face of continued resistance from the people of South Africa, the bill entitled "General Law Amendment Bill", popularly known as the "Sabotage Act", passed in June 1961, has further aggravated existing bitterness and tension between the various racial groups in South Africa. Persistence in this policy, which is completely out of tune with the principles of the age, and utterly incompatible with the letter and spirit of the Charter, is a continuing cause of international friction and seriously endangers peace and security. We, in the United Nations, have a duty under the Charter to denounce the continuation of such policies and to appeal to the conscience of man everywhere, including man in the Republic of South Africa, to take the necessary collective measures to eradicate this evil from human society.
15. South Africa's policy of apartheid overflows its boundaries into the Mandated Territory of South West Africa. The conclusions of the Chairman and Vice-Chairman of the Special Committee for South West Africa in their report [A/5212], sustain our point of view. Whatever the contentions of the Government of South Africa to the contrary, the Territory of South West Africa is a ward of the international community. The United Nations must therefore spare no effort to protect the inhabitants of that Territory against abuses, and should supervise their speedy progress to independence as envisaged by Article 76 of the Charter.
16. Our position with regard to the Congo crisis and our conception of the United Nations mission in that unhappy land has on numerous occasions been stated over and over again in these halls. The United Nations went into the Congo at the request of that young Republic's Central Government to help the Government ensure the preservation of the sovereignty of the Republic, its territorial integrity and the stability which is necessary for the progress and welfare of its people. For over two years now the Congo has been the most painful thorn in the sensitive ribs of this Organization. It has constituted the heaviest drain on the resources of this Organization since its inception. On the success or failure of the United Nations undertaking in the Congo may depend the all-too-important verdict regarding the prestige and the future utility of this Organization in meeting similar crises.
17. In the introduction to his annual report, the Secretary-General tells us that "The core of the Congo problem is that of the secession of Katanga" [A/5201/ Add.1, page 1] — a problem born, in our view, of the interplay of power politics and vested interests. We in the Sudan have no sympathy whatsoever for Katanga's claim to secession, because it is a claim that is as devoid of any vestige of legality as it is empty of any moral content. The Congo was born as an independent sovereign State within the boundaries of what was then the Belgian Congo, existing immediately before the date of independence. It was within the full extent of those boundaries that the new State was recognized by the world community. It was to help preserve that territorial unity, so recognized, that the United Nations entered the Congo. All the General Assembly and Security Council resolutions pertaining to the Congo are consistent in upholding this principle of the preservation of its territorial integrity. We cannot, therefore, countenance the United Nations backing down from this firm commitment. What is happening in Katanga is, in our humble submission, nothing less than a treasonable mutiny against the established lawful authority seated at Leopoldville. It should, we believe, be viewed and dealt with as such, if the Congo is to move forward — as it should — on the way to recovery. It is high time that the mandate given by the United Nations be immediately implemented to relieve the whole world, and the Congolese in particular, of this agony, and to end a secession which is beyond doubt sustained by foreign intervention and vested interests.
18. Regarding the unsatisfactory situation prevailing in Southern Rhodesia, our position was clearly stated by the Sudan delegation that, the 1113th meeting of the General Assembly. It remains for me to reiterate once again that, in our view, Southern Rhodesia is a Non-Self-Governing Territory within the meaning of Chapter XI of the Charter. This being the juridical position, as we see it, the obligations of both the United Kingdom and of the United Nations, under Article 73 of the Charter, towards the people of Southern Rhodesia are clear and unambiguous. We are supported in this finding by the conclusions of the Committee of Seventeen in its report. This tense situation is only a natural result of the deep-seated grievances of the indigenous populations of Southern Rhodesia and of the inequitable economic and social structure of Southern Rhodesian society. This sense of grievance has been aggravated by the disappointing provisions of the Constitution of 6 December 1961. We cannot blame the indigenous people of Southern Rhodesia for their rejection of this Constitution which, if carried into force, will further entrench the authority of a small and exploiting minority who constitute only 10 per cent of the population of the territory. It is this situation which has for decades constituted the core of African resentment and which is at the very root of the problem of Southern Rhodesia. We must do all we possibly can to avert a repetition in Southern Rhodesia of the experiences of Algeria or Angola.
19. When speaking about danger-spots, we should never allow ourselves the luxury of forgetting that the Middle East has for quite a long time been pestered by some of the most inflammable of these points of international friction. I am thinking primarily, though not exclusively, of the tragic story of Palestine and the heart-breaking tragedy of the Palestinian Arabs, The United Nations and its Members are, I trust, too familiar with the problem for me to enter into a detailed discussion of it. It is a problem that was created by the United Nations when, in November 1947, it decreed the partition of Palestine in the face of the fierce objection of its people.
20. One year later the United Nations discovered the error and, in order to remedy its injustices, adopted resolution 194 (III) wherein the Arab refugees were assured a free choice between returning to their former homes, and being compensated for their losses. This position the United Nations has confirmed in every session since 1948. Still, after these fourteen years of discouragement and tragedy, this chief promise held out to the Arab refugees continues to remain unfulfilled. As time goes on, some people, in good faith no doubt, begin to argue that an approach to the solution of the problem should be based on what they call "a recognition of the political realities of the situation". Others, no doubt also in good faith, let us assume, think that the Arab refugee problem is one of those tragedies in which time may prove a healing agent. In our considered view, these, or similar arguments, are completely untenable since they tend to ignore the origins of the problem, its present dimensions and the grave danger which its continuance is bound to pose for peace and security in a most sensitive part of the world. All the incidents and convulsions that have been plaguing the Middle East over the last fourteen years are easily traceable to the persistence of this problem. In paragraph 11 of its resolution 194 (III) the United Nations has prescribed a remedy. What the Palestine Arabs are now asking of the United Nations is no more than their right: that the Organization honour its pledge and respect its decisions. A concrete response on the part of the United Nations will not only be a proper discharge of its obligations under the Charter but will also constitute an act of atonement for a grievous wrong done to an innocent nation.
21. The tense situation obtaining in some parts of the south of the Arabian Peninsula, particularly in Oman, should merit the serious attention of this Organization. We have always urged, and continue to plead, that solutions responding to the legitimate aspirations of the peoples of these regions, in keeping withthe.ir right to self-determination, be found without any further delay. We believe that the cause of peace and the maintenance of friendly relations among nations will be further promoted if approaches consistent with the spirit and letter of the Charter be brought to the settlement of the issues involved.
22. Earlier in my statement, when welcoming the new Members, I alluded to the highly desirable ideal of the universality of this Organization. It is in keeping with our desire for strengthening both the structure and prestige of the United Nations and for making it truly an internationally representative Organization, that we wish to see it become truly universal. Since our admission to membership, we have always derived great joy from witnessing so many new States take their places in our midst. However, there are several divided countries in the world which we would like to see united in accordance with the principle of self-determination, and taking their places in this Organization. But the greatest setback so far to this goal of universality is the exclusion of the proper representatives of China, This, we submit, is a great anomaly. The Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China represents well over 650 million people. All the legal and rational arguments in favour of having China represented by the Central People's Government have been raised in these halls time and time again and I need not repeat them. How can we keep talking about the universality of this Organization when the true representatives of nearly one-quarter of the population of the globe are excluded from its deliberations? We believe that the right approach to the issue should not be an approach conditioned by power interests, but an approach based on the over-all principle of justice to all, a principle which is one of the cornerstones of the United Nations Charter.
23. Turning to the economic and social fields, let me reiterate my conviction that the general welfare of mankind has, more than ever before, emerged as the one uncontested prerequisite for tranquillity, peace and progress in all directions, By the same token the responsibility of the United Nations as a channel and a focal point for guiding the economic and social development of the developing nations has become wider in scope and greater in magnitude, than it ever did at any time in the past. The developing countries themselves, as well as other countries, have by their own choice elected to channel the major part of their combined efforts through this Organization. They advocated the internationalization of economic aid and technical assistance, without prejudice to bilateral arrangements; they called for the strengthening of international finance and monetary institutions and, most important of all, they emphasized the role of national effort and self-help as second to none in the process of sustained economic growth.
24. While we recognize that the ultimate responsibility for economic and social progress rests with the developing countries themselves, we must realize, first, that most of these countries cannot but start from a low income level, a fact which renders any subsequent increase, if any, extremely insignificant. Secondly, they lack the minimum capital requirement and technical know-how and, thirdly, they must rightly give the highest priority to social investment which, although unquestionably essential in itself, is not productive in the short period and can therefore have little immediate effect in terms of income. This inescapable process is unfortunately psychologically disturbing to the masses of the developing countries, but understandably so in view of their urge for a fast development of their economic and social potential.
25. The impact of this new consciousness has spread and deepened with the advent of scores of territories to the family of independent nations. While under colonial rule, the hopes and aspirations of these territories for a better life in larger freedom found little expression outside their own boundaries. Now that they have acquired their liberty and become independent and sovereign, they came to realize that what they had achieved was only the beginning, and that the road to national maturity in all its aspects is long, winding and difficult.
26. I submit that this situation calls for increased concerted action on the part of the United Nations and other international organizations and makes it the grave duty of all countries to regard the problem of the economic development of the emerging nations as their collective responsibility.
27. I have heard it said in many quarters that this collective responsibility has a limit; and in the view of some this limit has been reached. Similarly there is a popular contention that the maximum that could be done has already been done in terms of contributions: the creation of new agencies for managing economic and technical assistance, the holding of special meetings and conferences to define the problems, and suggesting appropriate measures for coping with them. Hence, there was the unnecessary delay in the establishment, by its resolution 1521 (XV), of the long overdue United Nations capital development fund; hence there was the reluctance in accepting the idea of a new specialized agency for industrial development; and hence there was the scepticism regarding the value of a world conference on international trade and development.
28. I submit that the need for development is insatiable, that there is no limit at which our efforts can stop, and that the multiplicity of agencies and conferences become wasteful and uneconomical only if inadequately prepared for and carelessly co-ordinated. The Conference on the Problems of Economic Development held in Cairo from 9 to 18 July 1962 which my country had the honour of co-sponsoring, was a typical example of the type of international meetings we need. Here we had a meeting of minds on vital economic problems which affect the life and well-being of two- thirds of the world population and may greatly influence the state and prospects of international peace. The outcome of the Conference in Cairo was a clear identification with the main problems common to most developing countries: a plan of action and priority; a recognition of self-help as a major element in economic and social development; and a cry for increased international cooperation within and without the framework of international institutions. The Conference further stressed the important role of this Organization as well as of other international organizations. Finally, it transferred the entire problem to the United Nations and called for an international economic conference, under Its auspices, to be held as early as possible in 1963.
29. The recommendation of the Cairo meeting happily coincided with, or shortly preceded, a resolution [917 (XXXIV)] by the Economic and Social Council at its thirty-fourth session concerning an international trade and development conference to be convened in 1964. It is, however, our earnest hope that the General Assembly will recognize the urgent element in this question and appreciate the considerations which have prompted the conferees in Cairo to call for this conference early in 1963.
30. It is a happy coincidence that the United Nations Development Decade should coincide with the Sudan Development Decade, officially known as the Sudan Ten-Year Plan. While the former was proclaimed on 19 December 1961 in General Assembly resolution 1710 (XVI) and will not practically be, implemented until early next year after the General Assembly has approved the programme of action proposed by the Acting Secretary-General, our Ten-Year Plan was proclaimed on the ninth of this month but actually started on 1 July 1961.
31. This perfect and rather unusual coincidence is regarded in the Sudan as a sign of good omen which will give our own plan vigour, vitality and encouragement and allow a large measure of co-ordination for the benefit of both. Indeed, the United Nations Development Decade is not intended to substitute for, but to supplement, organized national efforts which can only be attained through integrated and well-conceived plans.
32. May I be permitted to state that our Ten-Year Plan represents the successful culmination of a hard, persistent and painful process which went on for years before yielding any results. It was preceded by close scrutiny, by a survey of economic potential feasibility, by research into possibilities of internal and external finance, by availability of manpower, and by preparation of well-studied projects which took into consideration the nature of our economy, the existing deficiencies in its structure, the requisite order of priorities, the immediate targets and the long-term objectives. The Plan is firm in its concepts and basic philosophy and yet sufficiently flexible to allow the necessary adjustments which may be dictated by changing circumstances.
33. The Ten-Year Plan of the Sudan calls for a total expenditure of £512 million, equivalent to approximately $1,500 million over the next ten years. Out of this, $855 million were assigned to major projects in the public sector, $156 million for improvements of existing schemes, and $425 million for industrial projects in the private sector. The percentage distribution of the planned public investment is as follows; Per cent Agriculture and irrigation 29.9 Social services; education, health, medical services, housing, etc 29.9 Transport and communications 22.1 Industry and public utilities 14.1 Others 3.5
34. This percentage distribution is in complete harmony with the nature of our economy and the needs of our people. Agriculture and social services receive the highest priority followed by transport and communications and industry. The latter, however, will figure highly in the private sector, because by its very nature it benefits the private "entrepreneur”. The over-all percentage of industry in the entire Plan will therefore be much greater.
35. To conclude this part of my address, I should like to point out briefly that the main objectives of the Plan are as follows; first, the Plan aims at strengthening and broadening the base of the economy by increasing the national income, removing the barriers and impediments of the past and diversifying agricultural production. Secondly, the establishment of basic industries which use locally produced raw materials and which will substitute for imported finished goods. Thirdly, the creation of employment opportunities, the training of labour and the development of skills. Fourthly, improvement of education and health services with the object of creating a cultural and social environment capable of meeting the requirements of the new economic life. And fifthly, the continuation and expansion of scientific research and experimentation in order to assess the country's potentialities and determine the possibilities of utilizing resources for the next plan.
36. These are only the highlight objectives of the Plan, I should add that the Plan aims at a global increase of 63 per cent in the national income over the ten-year period. Taking the population increase over the same period the ten-year per capita income will grow by 25 per cent at the end of the Plan. This would mean that on the average while the national income will increase at the annual rate of 6 per cent, per capita income will increase by 2.3 per cent.
37. Finally, I wish to impress on this august Assembly that our Plan is built mainly on our own resources, our own ability to finance it and the sacrifice which the Sudanese people are willing and desirous to make. Nevertheless, we welcome any assistance from the United Nations, from other international organizations and from friendly countries. The portion which we hope we may obtain from external sources is only $390 million over ten years out of a total plan of $1.5 million million. This represents a very insignificant part of the total cost.
38. In conclusion, I wish to voice a note of warning; although since its creation seventeen years ago this Organization has undergone considerable transformation in line with fast developing political and economic events, there is yet a marked tendency to undermine its authority and to regard it as a mere forum for the exchange of views and a debating society where everybody can talk and nobody listens. If this tendency persists, it will be the beginning of the end of this unique and, indeed, indispensable society of nations for which the world has no substitute.
39. This Organization derives its power from the devotion and support of its own Members. It can be an effective instrument of international peace and economic emancipation to the extent its Members Want it to be.
40. So let us back it with all our force in unshakable conviction and genuine sincerity, and uphold it in the most crucial hours of its existence — if man is to survive the hazards of the gathering winds on the political horizon.