Thailand

Mr. President, I should like to extend to you at the outset, on behalf of my delegation and myself, our warm congratulations upon your election to this high office. Your distinguished career, your long and rich experience and your high qualifications are well known to us all. I therefore wish simply to say to you that we wish you all the success that you and all of us want. 128. I should like also to extend the warm welcome of my delegation to the new Member States which have just joined our family of nations: Rwanda, Burundi, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. 129. Seventeen years ago, after an unprecedented cataclysm in the form of a most devastating war, a tree was planted to shelter mankind from winds and storms and to give the men and women of the world a new hope for a fuller and richer life. This tree, the United Nations, was meant to be an expression of faith in a society where peace shall prevail, where differences shall be resolved by peaceful and amicable settlements, where efforts shall be joined to ensure to all a prospect of a more promising and beneficial future. Around this tree would rally men and nations from the four corners of the world to meet and devise together the best means to attain the objectives of peace and progress. Unlike previously, each and every participant, whether rich or poor, mighty or weak, would enjoy greater equality and have a say in the affairs which concern and affect him, rather than being a mere shadow witnessing the decisions of the great and powerful of this earth. This, indeed, is a significant advance in the evolution of the international society, a democratic improvement in the functioning of the community of nations which only recently was dominated by a privileged few who reserved for themselves the authority to shape the destiny of the world. It took a world war to bring about the democratization of that authority which is now embodied in this Organization, no doubt to a much greater extent than in any others. It is, therefore, natural that those who yesterday were voiceless and powerless should do what they can to maintain the gains which are now acquired, to oppose any attempt at taking them away and to strengthen the one and only international forum at their disposal which allows their democratic rights to be exercised, their grievances to be heard, and their fundamental aspirations to be pursued. My country, Thailand, is well aware of this situation and will spare no efforts to join with others of like-minded dispositions in upholding the rights of smaller nations to have a decent and respectable place in the sun, to enjoy the protection of their basic rights and interests and to be secure and free in their pursuit of happiness as independent national entities. With this purpose in mind, the Thai people and Government hereby pledge their loyal support for the work of this Organization, reaffirm their faith in the high Principles and Purposes of the Charter as well as their profound attachment to the increasing importance of the United Nations for the sustained progress of our international society. 130. This reaffirmation and this pledge are not mere words which are lightly spoken for a passing occasion. Rather they represent an invariable tradition of loyalty to the Organization, which finds concrete translation into tangible deeds. In 1950, when the United Nations appealed to its Members for assistance in meeting aggression in Korea, Thailand faithfully and promptly responded. In 1958, when Cambodia for the first time and for no valid reasons, broke off its diplomatic relations with Thailand, my Government, animated by the deep desire to see harmony prevail in the area, refrained from responding to this unfriendly act by commensurate inimical actions. Instead it requested the United Nations to use the means at its disposal to bring about a normalization of the relations. Thanks to the helpful efforts of Baron Beck-Friis of Sweden, representative of the late Secretary-General, the relations were restored. 131. In 1960, when differences with our difficult neighbour, Cambodia, sharpened again, my country sought the good offices of the late Secretary-General, Dag Hammarskjold, whose diplomatic tact and skill, joined with those of the Under-Secretary of State of Norway, Hans Engen, were instrumental in bringing about the signing of four separate agreements. However, owing to the other party's failure to observe the terms of the agreements, the efforts so painstakingly deployed by Mr. Hammarskjold and his representative remained fruitless. 132. Even after the lapse of these agreements, Thailand continued to seek a compromise with Cambodia and to live on neighbourly terms with it. This friendly desire found no response and, in October 1961 Cambodia, for some obscure political and psychological reasons of its own, broke off for the second time in less than three years, its ties with my country. This time, however, Thailand has made no move to have the relations restored, for we do not believe that international relations should be treated like a mere doll whose neck can be broken at any one's whims and then glued up again when it suits their purpose. 133. Although diplomatic relations with Cambodia remained severed, Thailand readily complied with its obligations under the Charter when the International Court of Justice rendered a decision which was not in our favour. It did so under protest and under deep disappointment that the Court, in my Government's view, has indulged in legal aberrations and inappropriate consideration of both the facts and the principles of law. This attitude of the Thai Government and nation to observe faithfully their obligations while — at the same time, reserving their legitimate rights reflects their readiness to accept and to uphold the rule of law provided, understandably, that such rule of law and the dispensing of justice he fair and just. 134. In spite of my country's moderate and restrained dispositions, our neighbour showed no appreciation. Its leaders, unaware of the already tense situation in South East Asia brought about by their own erratic doings, launched fantastic charges against Thailand, alleging among other things that four hundred Thai marines accompanied by ten United States advisers landed on Cambodian soil. The accusation has not, of course, been substantiated and could not have been. The charge was forgotten as soon as it was made and both the Thai marines and the American advisers simply vanished into thin air. Obviously, the tale was too gross and too crude to gain any credence. Other charges by Cambodia followed the same fate. 135. As you may see, Thailand and the Thai people have been suffering and continue to suffer from uninterrupted pressure, malicious propaganda and provocations at the hands of the Cambodians. Not later than at the last meeting the representatives of Cambodia felt obliged to make untruthful remarks about my country. Procedurally — I would have asked for the exercise of the right of immediate reply. We did not do so because we did not want to disturb the orderly proceedings of this Assembly and because we did not believe in getting involved in polemics, either with Cambodia or with anyone else. However, some of the remarks which had been made this morning have to be corrected, I must say that I sadly and reluctantly do so, just with a view to having the record set straight. 136. In the first place, the Cambodian representative said that Cambodia's neighbours had nibbled its territory — province by province. It seems that the Cambodian representative is in need of refreshing his knowledge of geography. Those who did not only nibble at Cambodian territory but took over the whole of it are by no means Cambodia's neighbours. Moreover, the Cambodian representative may be interested to know that practically one hundred years ago an ancestor of the present Cambodian Chief of State wrote to the then King of Thailand, asking for aid and protection against foreign invaders. 137. Secondly, the Cambodian representative also suggested that the disputes between Thailand and Cambodia sprang from the remote past and had nothing whatever to do with current ideologies. It seems that the Chairman of the Cambodian delegation does not follow very closely statements made by his own Chief of State nor has he been reading recent newspapers published in Cambodia. With your permission, Mr. President, I should like to read just a very short passage of an article written by none other than Prince Norodom Sihanouk in Réalités Cambodgiennes of 27 July 1962, The text is in French. It reads: "Cambodia has chosen to be neutral in the face of the ideological conflict that sets the free world and the communist world against each other. "Thailand and South Viet-Nam ... have chosen to identify themselves with the enemies of the communist camp. "It is this wide difference of ideological preference which makes it impossible to compare the case of our three countries with that of France and Germany." In other words, Prince Norodom Sihanouk considers that the obstacles which stand in the way of friendly relations between Thailand and Cambodia are its differences in ideology, and that is why he said that the countries, namely, Thailand, Cambodia and South Viet-Nam, cannot be compared to France and Germany. 138. Thirdly, the Chairman of the Cambodian delegation expressed the desire that Cambodia should remain an island of peace. I wish simply to say this, that Cambodia can become an island of peace if it has a greater respect for truth. 139. In spite of all this, my Government and the Thai nation prefer to live by ourselves and have observed all restraint. They do not wish, however, to see world public opinion deluded, nor do they think that the puerile, if enervating, practice of inventing stories of imaginary threats and danger should be allowed to complicate still further the already delicate situation; they consequently appealed once more to the Secretary-General of the United Nations to send one or more representatives to Thailand and to South-East Asia to investigate the situation. The Government of Thailand did this because it is innocent of the charges, because it has nothing to hide, because it wants the whole world to know the truth and because it believes in the impartiality and the worth of the United Nations and its able Secretary-General for whom Thailand entertains the highest consideration and in whom we place our full confidence rather than in other more controversial authorities. 140. I brought out these facts for no other purpose than to illustrate my country's unswerving loyalty to, and support for, the United Nations. We say so, not only with our words but also with our deeds. At this juncture, opinions seem to agree that the United Nations is in far greater need of supporting deeds and actions than of mere words. For what accomplishment does it bring to this Organization, if wise words flow from this rostrum while bullets also fly elsewhere, like in South Viet-Nam, striking indiscriminately at women and children and at those who refuse to submit themselves to attempts at their enslavement. Similarly, what useful purpose does it serve when themes of freedom and independence are developed in this gathering while a wall grows higher and more impenetrable every day in Berlin, barring people from having access to one another, separating and disuniting those who want to live together, to exercise their basic right of self-determination and to follow their own destiny. 141. Obviously this Organization of ours is facing a crucial moment in its young history and it needs much strengthening through active and concrete support; so that it will be able to play a vital role in our less than ordinate international society and to perform, as we expect it to do, the highly exacting tasks of preserving peace and preparing for a progressive development of our world community. Contrary to what some may say, it is not too much to ask the United Nations to discharge the duties I have just mentioned. There seems to be a certainty that every nation here represented intends to require the United Nations to do just that — for there is no one else to whom we may turn. 142. However, if that were to be the case and if we expect the United Nations to work for us all, it is only reasonable to give it the necessary wherewithals. It is indeed inconceivable to deny it the funds which are needed to carry out its functions. My country, on its part, is ready and willing to bear its share of the financial burden. If it had not yet effected payment of the last assessment of the Congo operations cost and had not yet made a pledge for purchasing its share of the United Nations bonds, it was because we strongly felt the inequity of the fact that those who enjoyed a position of high responsibility and influence had refused to bear their allotment of expenses and let the weight of the burden fall on weaker shoulders. We hope there will be a reversal of such an attitude which will permit this Organization to return to a more healthy and more normal financial position, thus increasing its ability to perform its useful functions. 143. Furthermore, it should be realized that, if the United Nations is to be successful in its momentous tasks of keeping the peace and bringing progress to the world community, it has to depend in no small measure on the Member States themselves. For, after all, this Organization is but a machinery, the sum total of all its Members. It will be strong if the Members want it to be strong. It will remain weak if Members neglect their duties and fail to accept their share of the responsibility. 144. This reality applies with particular force to the thorny problem of disarmament and its corollary, the question of the suspension or banning of nuclear testing. If they remain unsolved, it is no doubt due to the fact that the parties concerned, even with the participation of non-nuclear nations in the deliberations, feel in no mood to consent to the give-and-take process which alone can bring about an agreement. Armaments, conventional or nuclear, remain for some, if not for all, a very important instrument of national policy and ambitions in peacetime and a vital means of victory and survival in time of conflict. Therefore, those who possess them do not willingly agree to surrender them unless they are assured, on the one hand, of adequate guarantees for their own defence and, on the other, of being provided with worthwhile substitutes for carrying out their national policy. 145. As things now stand, the consensus appears to be that the likelihood of an agreement being reached is remote. Perhaps we shall have to wait until the day when the principal parties concerned are themselves convinced that a continued arms race will bring about certain destruction for them, as well as for others; only then may an agreement to halt the arms race be closer at hand. 146. At any rate, even though an agreement were to be concluded tomorrow to put an end to the arms race and the testing of nuclear weapons, it would not seem justified to claim that peace had been won and secured. The most one could say would be that the chances of an outbreak of large-scale hostilities had been somewhat reduced. For, while a total war or nuclear war may be the most redoubtable occurrence, other kinds of clashes and conflicts are also destructive. In other words, even if nuclear testing is banned and disarmament agreed upon, it does not necessarily follow that there will be as yet a real and long-lasting peace. In point of fact, even now there are instances in which Governments proclaim their aversion to war and their longing for peace, but at the same time there are assertions of support for what is called wars of national liberation — which to all practical intents and purposes, means that interference and even intervention will be condoned in national societies which may have dissident elements within their own internal structures. Or, if no such elements existed, efforts would be made to create misunderstanding, to foster local grudges and dissatisfactions so as to develop them into dissenting movements of major proportion. Once a wedge has been driven into even homogeneous entities, intense divisive measures will be progressively applied, with the result that families, communities and even nations may be torn apart. Political support, as well as men and "materiel", would flow into the area of conflict; and if that was still not enough, threats of intervention or even open warfare might be brought into action. These kind of disturbances, which at the start may be purely local, may develop into issues of national or even international significance. The disturbances generally end, either with a complete ideological change of régime, or at an international conference table where agreements concluded after prolonged negotiations sanction the bisection or trisection of the formerly unified and united entity. We in South-East Asia can validly claim to have broad experience in this kind of international venture and are well placed to know that destruction does not come only from general warfare, but may also result from clandestine operations, from infiltration and subversive activities. The outcome is unavoidably the loss of freedom, and if in some cases independence is still maintained for the sake of appearance, it is purely nominal and without much meaning or significance. 147. The issue, then, remains that real peace, real security and stability are yet to be achieved, and this will add to the problems with which the United Nations will be confronted. What this Organization can do to bring this undertaking to a successful conclusion is a matter that requires continuous thinking and preparation. By itself, and with only its limited means, little if anything can be done to bring about the desired results. What is required of the nations of the world is not simply a declaration, but also the willingness to accept and uphold the four freedoms for nations — namely, freedom from pressure, propaganda, provocation and prejudice. 148. Among the occurences a nation has to face in its daily life, pressure is perhaps the most constant hazard. It presents itself in varying degrees, from a more or less gentle persuasion, from threats of the possibility of resorting to certain measures to the actual adoption of those measures. Most important of all, it may come from friendly as well as from not so friendly sides. Its effects may be more or less harmful, depending on the nature of the methods resorted to. In more extreme cases pressure may lead to actual conflict if the victim decides to resist and even to retaliate. Consequently, it may be concluded that pressure may result in the deprivation, of the right of nations freely to determine their own course of action, and in some cases in the compulsory abandonment of a policy or a line of action to the detriment of the interests of those nations, with the result that ill will is created and the seeds of conflict thus sown may develop into more serious disturbances. 149. Propaganda is another common by-product of the present division of the world into many camps. All nations, with hardly any exception, are enveloped by it and have to submit to it, whether they like it or not. Propaganda goes on without interruption day and night, and takes multifarious forms ranging from the crudest to the most subtle ones. Its objective is always the same; to wage a battle of words to capture men's minds and to win them over to a particular cause or ideology. For that purpose, each side will try to expound the merits and virtues of its own political and social system and will not hesitate to claim that such a system represents the coming trend of the future, while other competing ideologies are doomed to failure. This sort of propaganda is particularly aimed at the less developed nations, and is designed to sway the latter's thinking and sympathy in the hope that more practical support will be gained. 150. My country, like many others in the world, has also been exposed to that kind of propaganda campaign. Our people, however, do not feel attracted to any of the systems offered to us. On the contrary, we feel that these systems are tainted with certain peculiarities and have been devised to satisfy the requirements of limited racial or ideological groups rather then the universal human needs. We prefer to keep faith in our own system of human and moral democracy, which is inspired by the teachings of Lord Buddha and transmitted to us through long generations. According to this creed, human beings have their worth and values, not because they belong to certain ethnological origins, or because they subscribe to certain political thoughts, but because as humans they are bound by time- honoured ethical principles and by traditional love of freedom and independence. 151. Another source of difficulty in the present world stems from acts of provocation which unfortunately are frequently resorted to by far too many nations. Short of actual hostilities, they disrupt friendly understanding and relations among peoples and may endanger the peaceful and orderly life of the international community. In particular, when such acts of provocation take the form of military measures, including the provision of arms and military equipment, the danger to international peace obviously is greatly increased. We readily subscribe to the indignation that has been aroused in this Assembly against the so-called "stuffing" of a nation with all kinds of arms. We believe that such measures are not calculated to enhance the chances of peace and good understanding. Much to the contrary, they contribute to the deterioration of existing situations. It is our hope that nations will refrain from carrying out such disturbing actions, especially in areas which are already afflicted by international problems and disputes which may turn simmering crises into larger conflagrations. 152. As regards the problem of prejudice, one may say that while their effects are felt mainly within the bondaries of nations, they may have also far wider repercussions in the international scene. The Thai people have never shared those feelings of prejudice against anyone, and will steadfastly oppose the prevalence or practice of such prejudices. We hope that as time goes on and progress is brought about in our present world, they will completely disappear and be replaced by feelings of human brotherhood. 153. These requisites for international understanding, goodwill and harmony may be a long-range hope and prospect for a better world community, but we firmly believe, however, that they are worth striving for. If achieved, they will bring the most satisfactory dividends, as well as the assurance of a genuine friendship and co-operation among all the peoples of the world. 154. Thailand is a small nation which is devoted to peace, to its freedom and independence. Our means are limited, therefore our interests cannot be extended throughout the world. But within the limits of our means, we intend to play an active and, we hope, a useful role for the peace, progress and prosperity of our region. We want to serve our own people, but at the same time we intend to be helpful to our neighbours, for we fully realize that the stability of our region will be beneficial, not only to ourselves, but also to the world at large. That is why we fondly cultivate the friendship of neighbouring nations, and, with only one unfortunate exception, we may claim to have succeeded. The Thai people feel rewarded by the cordial feelings reciprocated to them by those friendly nations of the area. My delegation is particularly touched by the cordial and generous words spoken by the Chairman of the Australian delegation, Sir Garfield Barwick. I can certainly say that the Thai nation highly and heartily values the friendship of such a stalwart and progressive people as the Australians, with whom we are gratified to be closely associated. We are convinced that, as the result of the Royal Visit and many other joint endeavours for the good of our respective peoples and the region in general, our mutual co-operation will continue to grow and prosper, 155. Likewise, in a similar manifestation of friendly and practical collaboration, the Association of Southeast Asia, which joins together the Federation of Malaya, the Republic of the Philippines and Thailand, has made encouraging progress within a short period of only a little more than a year. There is no doubt that such a mutual undertaking, which aims only at increasing the prosperity and welfare of the peoples concerned as well as those of the area, responds to the present needs and provides great opportunities for their future development. Instead of staying apart, we want to see our nations and peoples joined together, not for the negative purpose of being opposed to anyone, but in a common, constructive endeavour to build up a promising future. 156. This encouraging trend has been further strengthened by the settlement of the West New Guinea or West Irian question between the Governments of Indonesia and the Netherlands, which portends a greater stability and a more fruitful co-operation among all concerned. 157. In a world marked by deep division, by incessant struggle and turmoil, Thailand wants to be its own self. It wants to be free and independent to follow its own destiny without being tied to anyone's coat-tail. None of the political concepts so far advanced by the various groupings now in existence appeals to it, for each and all of them suffer from apparent defects and do not suit the character or the aspirations of our people. Nor do we wish to derive benefits wherever they offer themselves. What we seek is to be truly free to determine our individual and national life, to be completely objective in facing both national and international issues, and, finally, to be fully independent in order to reach decisions on our own. In this manner, we hope to serve the interests of our nation as well as the cause of peace and international amity. It is our earnest hope that the United Nations, as well as those who are friendly to us, may help us to achieve this high objective.