Nepal

40. Mr. President, the delegation of Nepal associates itself with all the delegations that have congratulated you on your election to the high office of President of the seventeenth session of the General Assembly. Your personal ability and distinguished record of achievement amply qualify you for this high office. We feel especially happy, at this time when the attention of the Assembly will, perhaps more than ever, be drawn to the problems of the developing countries in Asia and Africa, that the Assembly will be presided over by a man of your deep understanding and intimate, experience of these very problems. Also in this, context it is almost symbolic that a representative of our great Asian continent has been elected President of the Assembly. My delegation wishes you all success in your difficult and Important task. With your permission; I would also like to put on record our appreciation of the memorable services of your predecessor, Mr. Mongi Slim, who guided with unmistakable wisdom, and restraint the work of the sixteenth session, which proved to be most onerous. 41. When we met in this hall at the sixteenth session a year ago, it was under sombre auspices. The tragic death of Dag Hammarskjold had left the United Nations without a Secretary-General. The possibilities for an agreement on a successor to that important post seemed to be very remote. Our Organization was involved in one of its most crucial undertakings ever, the solution of the Congo crisis, and this enterprise was threatened with failure. Many representatives expressed misgivings about the future of the United Nations Itself. 42. It must give us some satisfaction today to recall that nobody eventually wanted to put the existence of the Organization at stake. In the alarming situation that prevailed, the voice of reason and responsibility finally gained victory, An Acting Secretary-General was unanimously elected, the Congo operation could continue and the United Nations proved able to take new, fruitful, positive actions in line with its purposes and aims and to continue successfully its less spectacular, but not less important, work in the social and economic fields. 43. The most significant event was perhaps the election, without dissenting votes, of an Acting Secretary-General. The office of the Secretary-General is one of, the corner-stones of the United Nations. The structure of the United Nations is such that without a Secretary-General it cannot function. We knew already at the time of the election that U Thant would fulfil with honour the duties imposed on him. Today when we have seen him in action for almost a year, we have to give him the highest praise for his dedication to his duties, for his ability, skill and integrity in carrying out his responsibilities and for his vigorous initiative in the implementation of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. 44. To him goes much of the credit for the happy solution of the dispute over West Irian. He will be commended for his firm measures for a settlement in the Congo in accordance with the United Nations resolutions. His initiative and deep interest in the subject of the United Nations Development Decade should appeal not only to the developing countries but also to those who will be more on the giving than on the receiving side. 45. My delegation entertains the sincere hope that U Thant will be given the opportunity to continue as full-term Secretary-General his successful work to the benefit of the United Nations and all that it represents. 46. U Thant has been brought up in the traditions of neutrality and unselfish service. This fact, to which can be attributed this usefulness and the strength of his position, is significant for the situation and the conditions in which the United Nations is working. When it comes to major controversies in the relations between the big Powers, it is to the uncommitted countries and their representatives that these Powers appeal. We may admit that they mostly look for support, each for his position, rather than for assistance in bringing about a mutual understanding. But experience has shown that a short-sighted policy of expedience has been more and more abandoned by these small nations. They know that it does not pay, and I think it is only fair to say that these nations have to art increasing extent found that their purposes are best served by scrupulous adherence to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. 47. Our late Secretary-General used to say, and U Thant has repeated it, that it is the small nations, rather than the big Powers, which need the protection that the United Nations can give. This in itself is reason enough for us to dose our ranks in defence and support of the United Nations. 48. With this in mind, it is surprising to hear from such a distinguished personality as the President of France sweeping expressions of contempt for, or at least lack of faith in, the small nations. We have heard him talking of the irresponsible voice of the multitude. We have heard it being argued that the votes of the small nations are out of all proportion to their contributions to the United Nations and to their capacity for playing a role in international politics. These cynical statements sound like a strange echo of La Fontaine’s famous fable of the wolf and the lamb; "The opinion of the strongest is always the best." Statements of this kind are all the more shocking as they come from countries that once were the champions of the democratic principle that every citizen, be he rich or poor, shall have an equal voice in public affairs. 49. Statements like this, and references to military and economic strength as measures of political maturity, imply as a matter of fact a negation of the validity of the principles on which our Organization itself is built. We in Asia and Africa have to keep vigil, against all such tendencies which may tend to destroy the very foundations of the United Nations. There is no better way to keep this vigil than by demonstrating as often and as frequently as possible our solidarity with the ideals and the purposes of the Charter. 50. So let us take these statements as a challenge to us. Let them be another reason for strengthening our sense of responsibility. Let us; remember that the display of responsibility by the small, the newly independent and the non-aligned countries during the sixteenth session brought them respect among men of good will in all quarters. 51. Our arguments are neither money nor weapons. Ours shall be the moral arguments, arguments of justice and legality, conscience and truth. 52. Only the thoughtless can minimize the strength, of these arguments. We have witnessed their strength in the past; we are witnessing it practically every day. We know how in almost every question the representatives of the mighty anxiously look for moral arguments. Nobody wants to enter the rostrum empty-handed in that respect. We have seen the principles of justice being implemented in the granting of freedom to colonies, in settling disputes over territories, in investigations in trouble-ridden areas, In the hearing of representatives of depressed groups of people. 53. Our best contribution to the future of this. Organization will be to honour incessantly these principles of justice and morality which are embodied in our Charter. 54. May I now turn to some of the specific questions which are the focus of our attention today and which will be the subject of deliberations in this Assembly? 55. The problem of over-all importance which is inscribed in the Charier as the primary object of all the strivings of the United Nations is the preservation of peace. The United Nations has dh several occasions, and sometimes with remarkable, results, tackled this problem at its very root by trying to remove, the causes, for armed conflict. I have already mentioned the’ latest contribution in this respect, the Settlement of the Netherlands-Indonesian conflict over West Irian, Here the United Nations has gone to the extent of providing administrative machinery for carrying out the peaceful changes on which agreement has been reached. 56. The prerequisite for success in this and other similar undertakings is the existence of a certain amount of good will and trust on the part of those primarily concerned, a common desire to follow the path of reason, and a willingness to give up extreme selfish Interests. 57. Whereas it has been possible to some extent to create trust and confidence between the smaller nations or between conflicting groups within such nations, we are apparently far from obtaining that kind of understanding between the two big Power groups whose mutual distrust finds echo in vitiated charges, and counter charges, the armament race and nuclear explosions. 58. The two main opponents seem to find themselves in a vicious circle. Distrust leads to the continuous building-up of nuclear arsenals, which in turn causes increased distrust. Unless we believe in the balance of terror an a future guarantee against war — and of course, the much talked-of possibility of war by accident makes such a belief difficult to uphold — this vicious circle must be broken. 59. It could perhaps be argued that the remedies which are being sought today — disarmament and, the banning of nuclear tests — do not aim at the roots of the evil but only at the symptoms. But I think such an assessment would not be correct. There has appeared a new, element in the disarmament talks since eight countries outside the big Power blocs have entered the scene. Although it is difficult for somebody who has been able to follow the developments only from a distance to evaluate the prospects of these talks, it seems anyway to be evident that these uncommitted countries have been able to suggest ways which would lead to the lessening of distrust. If that is true, we have another example, and an outstanding one, of the positive role that non-aligned countries, can play in realizing the ideals of the United Nations. 60. The ultimate aim of the talks held at Geneva is to provide for complete and general disarmament. However, we must face the fact that unless a miracle happens at the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, the conclusion of treaty to that effect and the implementation of such a treaty will not be possible without patient work for a long, long time to come. We in Nepal cannot share the view that a ban on nuclear tests must necessarily be coupled with a decision on general disarmament. The banning of nuclear tests would in itself be an achievement of tremendous importance. It would not only protect the health and well-being of the millions in the world who now are being subjected to the hazards off nuclear fall-out, but it would also be a first step towards, creating a favourable atmosphere for the success for the negotiations on general disarmament. 61. The disarmament question focuses bur attention on another matter which has been discussed in this Assembly for more than ten years, that is, the question of- the representation of China in the United Nations. Any treaty or agreement on disarmament will be incomplete without the participation of the People’s Republic of China. If it is true that China within a short time can be expected to be in possession of nuclear devices, it will be all the more obvious how necessary it is to get China to Join in the discussions. 62. At our last session, I stressed the legal considerations which, by any standards of international law, call for recognition at the United Nations of the regime on mainland China as the proper representative of the Chinese people. I do not know whether these arguments, which 1 know are shared by many, fell on deaf ears. I heard of no attempt to refute them. Anyway, I am not going to repeat them today. I rather want to stress the absurdity of the situation, which one day may threaten to impair the whole work of our Organization. Even the strongest opponent of representation here of the People’s Republic of China, that is, the United States of America, has found it necessary to try to talk with that Government. They have had to use rather circuitous procedures. The most remarkable one of these was, I think, when the United States secured. the assistance of the lute Secretary-General of the United Nations for such talks. Can the appropriateness of the recognition of the Government of the People's Republic of China be more clearly demonstrated? 63. It has often been repeated in this Assembly that the question cannot be dealt with from the point of view of whether you like a particular ideology or not, or whether or not you agree with some actions taken by a particular regime. In this Organization we have representatives of all kinds of social systems, And that must be so if we want our Organization ever to be universal. And in what concerns disagreement with actions taken by one regime or another, there could be no better place than the United Nations to bring about moderation or even changes in such activities. Those who hinder a proper representation of China are doing a disservice to the United Nations by preventing it from becoming a forum for discussions with the most populous country on earth. Without the presence of the People's Republic of China the United Nations will not reflect the politic reality prevailing in the world outside. My delegation will, as heretofore, join in the efforts to bring about such representation. 64. When we talk of this moral influence that is being brought to bear through the United Nations and which often has effected remarkable improvement in the political situation and also in human relations, it brings to mind the contributions that this Organization has made in the field of decolonization. It is true that other forces might have been more decisive than the United Nations; but to the United Nations and to the exchange of opinions that is going on under its auspices goes much of the credit for the rapid and orderly way in which progress has been made in this field. 65. We welcome the emergence of Rwanda and Burundi as independent States and their admission to the United Nations — the most striking example of a development where the United Nations has played an important role in the decolonization process. We are also pleased to have Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago in our midst. 66. The Congo (Leopoldville) has been the great stumbling-block. But this can, in a way, be considered an exception that proves the rule. The real shortcoming has been that the United Nations has not been able to bring to book the vested colonial interests in that country. Deplorable power politics within the United Nations Itself have also impaired the final solution of the Congo problem. For a neutral observer it is difficult to follow the logic in the recent suggestions from one of the permanent members of the Security Council that the United Nations forces in the Congo should take bold and radical actions aimed at eliminating the vested interests, and then withdraw completely within a pre-set time limit, although political stability obviously will not be obtained in the country within that time. 67. The worst thing that could happen would be if the efforts to establish peaceful conditions in the Congo over two long years were to be given up just at a time when, success seems to be within reach. The set-back that is likely to follow a too hasty withdrawal would be terrible and perhaps irreparable. We should have the right to expect that all the members of the Security Council, and especially the permanent members, will pull together in carrying out their responsibilities towards the Congo and refrain from using the situation for Machiavellian purposes in disregard of the future well-being of this unfortunate country. The judgement of history will weigh heavily against those who are trying to make the Congo a pawn in their devilish game of power politics in utter disregard of their sacred trust to safeguard the vital interests of the land and the people of the Congo. 68. The effect of world public opinion has been so much against colonialism that no country dares to stand up in defence of it. Still colonialism is not dead. It has shown an appalling vitality, notwithstanding the various disguises that have been devised to conceal it. The outstanding example is provided by Portugal. We are being told by this ancient colonial Power that its colonies are as a matter of fact no colonies at all. We are being told that Angola and Mozambique actually are outlying provinces of Portugal, and that the conditions in these provinces are a purely domestic concern of the Government in Lisbon. Fortunately this costly nonsense has been practically unanimously condemned in the United Nations. But apparently there is still quite a long way to go before Portugal can be brought to reason in this respect. All forces of reason and goodwill will have to join in an effort to bring home to this delinquent Member of the United Nations what we expect from it. Portugal has been warned not only by statements, declarations and advice in this Assembly — although their representatives found it fit to absent themselves whenever the matter was dealt with — but also through the violent actions in its own colonies. If Portugal will not care to read the writing on the wall, the consequences are likely to be disastrous for Portugal and its colonies alike. 69. The discussion of the situation in the Portuguese colonies naturally leads us to the consideration of the situation in South Africa. Here is another country that has not been able to heed the "wind of change". It is heartening, indeed, to know that the apartheid policy has not a single defender in our circle. For those of us who believe in the predominance of moral factors in international relations, it is gratifying to note that the Union of South Africa was forced out of the Commonwealth on this very issue. 70. But no measures taken so far have been of any avail. My delegation- thinks that no efforts should be spared to make the South African Government aware of its responsibilities. It must be feared that time is running short. The "wind of change" may rise to a hurricane almost any day. The revolution that is bound to come if a new policy is not introduced in South Africa will mean catastrophe to the coloured and the white alike. Any appeal we can make to the South African Government, any pressure we can bring to bear, will be of no less benefit to the white overlords than to those who suffer from their oppression. 71. Before I leave the subject of colonialism, it is appropriate to hail the advent of independence in Algeria after 132 years of subjection under foreign rule and after eight years of armed struggle. It is also fair in this connexion to pay tribute to President de Gaulle for statesmanship and foresight in dealing with the situation. We know that his task has not been an easy one. If nothing else, the assaults against his life give ample evidence of what has been at stake. 72. It seems that the leaders of the Algerian freedom movement have been able to close their ranks with a view to ensuring the growth, stability and prosperity of the new Republic. We hope that the concord will last and that personal or factional differences will not fee allowed to thwart the outcome of the heroic struggle of the Algerian people. We have no doubt that Algeria will have valuable contributions to make as a new Member of the family of nations. 73. My voice in this Assembly is the voice of a small country, a poor country that is making a minimum contribution in terms of money to the United Nations and which is receiving, more aid and support from the United Nations than it is able to pay for. It is only recently that we have ventured to tread the extremely delicate path of world affairs. Our policy in this respect is, and has been, to maintain friendly relations with all countries irrespective of any political ideology they practise, and without committing ourselves in advance to a particular course of action in any international situation that may arise. History has shown, and the deliberations in the United Nations prove, that we have retained and firmly exercised cur independence of Judgement in evaluating each international issue as it arises and on its own merit. We believe that only by pronouncing ourselves clearly and unequivocally on what appears to be right to us, can we reach that stage of objectivity and detachment which is essential for the scrutiny of problems of international import. Our refusal to align ourselves with one or the other of the Power blocs does not, therefore, stem from our desire to sit on the fence or shirk our responsibilities as a Member of the United Nations in assessing international issues. 74. There is nothing passive or immoral about our policy of good will towards all and ill will towards none. We have always been an independent and free nation and the cause of freedom of nations has always been dear to us. We are, as it were, definitely against interference of any kind in the internal affairs of our country — or, for that matter, of any country — no matter where it comes from. Colonialism, as we understood it, is counting its last days; but as our delegation put on record in the course of the general debate during the fifteenth session of the General Assembly [878th meeting], the international situation of today is singularly dominated by what might be called "a big Power complex" not only among the big Powers themselves but among Powers aspiring to play big, a phenomenon which is no less disastrous than colonialism in its effects. The situation has not changed since, and the world stands today in greater danger of the old phase of colonialism being superseded by a manifestation of desire on the part of bigger and more resourceful nations to dominate the affairs of poorer and smaller nations by exploiting the inherent helplessness of the latter's position, 75. Nepal being a land-locked country, our position has deprived us of equal opportunity for developing trade and economic relations with other nations of the world. Nepal has, no outlet to the world except across the vast Indian peninsula and through the snowbound passes of the Himalayas. We have planned to broaden the arena of our relationship with China by venturing Jointly with it in the construction of a highway connecting our capital with the Tibetan region of China, which will give impetus to the local trade in the border area between the two countries. And with India, we have entered into a Treaty of Trade and Transit which, judging from the experience of the past few months, will, I hope, be smoothly implemented in practice. In view of the obligations the United Nations has undertaken under Article 44 of the Charter to promote conditions of economic and social progress and development, on the basis of equal rights, with a view to the creation of conditions of stability and well-being, my delegation urges the United Nations to revitalize its efforts in that direction, especially in the less advanced areas of the world. 76. In conclusion, I would like to stress the fact that our foreign policy, as reflected in our attitude at the United Nations, is aimed at realizing broadly three points: freedom, prosperity and peace. By freedom we mean every nation's right to shape its national destiny in its own way, without being subject to pressure of any kind from any quarter: for the Charter of the United Nations itself is governed by the principle of non-interference and the sovereign equality of all nations, big and small. By prosperity, we mean the economic welfare of the world community as a whole. Peace denotes not only the negation of war, but the creation of a healthy atmosphere of understanding among nations. We believe that there is no better basis for furthering these objectives than the Charter of the United Nations. In the spirit of the Charter we try to promote, by the limited means available to us, fraternity and reasonableness in international relations. We honour the United Nations as the finest, and possibly the only, means of guaranteeing the survival of humanity in an era of atomic explosions, and as the only Organization that has heretofore proved itself equal to the task of averting a new world war and of promoting decency in dealings among nations.