Iran

May I first, Mr. President, on behalf of my Government and myself, offer you warm congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly. In so doing, I am Confident that I also express the sentiments of all my countrymen, bound to yours by strong ties of amity and brotherhood. The close association of our two countries and the many thoughts and feelings we share in common make your election a source of great satisfaction to us. The increasing participation of Pakistan in the work of the United Nations and your wide knowledge and intimate association with international institutions well justify your election to this high office. 104. I should also like to pay tribute to the outgoing President, Mr. Mongi Slim, whose work over the past years has so. well merited the admiration and respect of us all. His wisdom and patience have added new stature to the General Assembly and have set an example for us to follow in the work that lies ahead. 105. We are happy at this session to see the representatives of Rwanda, Burundi, Jamaica, and Trinidad and Tobago in our midst, and we are confident that our association with these new States in the United Nations will be productive and will be marked by close co-operation. 106. Before making my statement I should like to convey to the Assembly a message of appreciation. This is to voice the gratitude of my Government and that of all my countrymen to the Governments and peoples of many lands who have generously given us aid and comfort in the earthquake disaster which befell Iran about three weeks ago. The immediate response from all parts of the world has been magnificent. We thank them all for their sympathy and generosity. We also extend our heart-felt thanks to the Acting- Secretary-General and the. United Nations for their efforts on our behalf. 107. As we begin the work of the seventeenth session of the Assembly we observe that international tension has been much intensified. Happily, the United Nations has provided us with an opportunity to review the World's problems, to try to understand their cause, to discuss and evolve plans for their solution. We should therefore, address ourselves to those problems la a spirit and in a frame of mind commensurate with the seriousness of the problems involved. We may not be able to make much headway in the solution of major problems, but we should, at least, be able to introduce in our relations that degree of tolerance and understanding essential to a relaxation of world tension. 108. Since we last met a year ago, certain issues of international concern have-been solved, but new crises have developed and, indeed, the dangers of some of the old issues have been sharpened. 109. Nevertheless, in this sombre climate in international relations, a number of heartening developments have taken place. I have in mind, particularly, the attainment of independence by Algeria and the peaceful settlement of the problems of Laos and of, West Irian. The developments demonstrate that the machinery of peaceful settlement can be made to function successfully if it is accompanied by goodwill on the part of the negotiators and by a willingness, to co-operate. We should draw a lesson from these events and never allow ourselves to be discouraged by the formidable aspect of these problems. 110. In July of this year, the world was at last able to hail the independence Of Algeria, attained after nearly eight years of war and at a cost of tens of thousands of lives. The courage of the Algerian people and the trials they underwent during the war were? equalled only by the nobility of their cause and the ideal for which they fought. They have given new significance to the struggle for national liberation and have lifted the goal of independence to a new height. 111. With the end of the war in Algeria and the country's attainment of independence, a major source of tension in Africa and a threat to international peace and security have been eliminated. 112. No one would dispute the decisive role that has been played in the successful Solution of the Algerian problem by the present French Government and its leader. General de Gaulle, to whom we pay warm tribute. With a realistic and constructive approach to the problem he, unhesitatingly, recognized from the moment of his return to power, the legitimate aspirations of the Algerian people and paved the way for their realization. 113. We extend our good wishes for the success and prosperity of the new Algerian State and we are confident that Algeria, strong in the experience it has acquired in recent years, will play a notable part in the family of nations It is with happy expectations that we are looking forward to welcoming the representatives of Algeria among us. 114. Another encouraging development in recent months was the signing, at Geneva on 23 July, of the agreement oh the neutrality of Laos. This marked the resolution of a stormy international problem, which for some time had been the cause of much tension in the area. The agreement on Laos came as a rebuttal of the arguments of pessimists and proved that negotiations undertaken in good faith can result in the settlement of difficult problems. 115. The settlement of the question of West Irian Was yet another triumph for the concept of the amicable settlement of disputes. Here again a round of negotiations animated by the spirit of co-operation and conciliation bore fruit. I should like to take this opportunity to offer my congratulations on this settlement to the Governments of Indonesia and the Netherlands and to the countries and personalities who greatly contributed- to this end. In this connexion special credit and congratulations are also due the Secretary-General of the United, Nations. 116. This satisfaction cannot, unfortunately, be expressed with regard to the Congo. It is no exaggeration to say that the problem of the Congo, because of its importance to the maintenance of peace in Africa, because of its financial implications and especially because of its repercussions on the future standing of the United Nations as an instrument of peace, is one of the most crucial issues before the United Nations. 117. We believe that the United Nations operation in the Congo has been useful and necessary and that it is justified in the light of the Organization's primary mission under the Charter — namely, the maintenance of international peace and security. 118. We are happy to note that the federal plan evolved by the Secretary-General seems to be acceptable, in principle, to both the Central Government and the Katangese authorities. We hope that steps will soon be taken to implement this plan in a spirit of co-operation and mutual understanding. 119. While I am speaking of African problems, I should like to voice my regret at the conditions in Which millions of Africans are still living under colonial domination, despite the great movement towards the liberation of the colonized peoples. It is our sincere hope that the Governments concerned Will adopt realistic attitudes towards, and show a greater understanding of the human aspirations of our time. 120. We have been equally concerned with the causes of international tension in other pails of the world. In this connexion one is readily reminded of the problem of Berlin. The solution of this problem, in the interests of the German people and world peace, as well as the solution of most current international differences, is, we believe, to be found in respect for solemn undertakings and international agreements. 121. In a sense the problem of Berlin is an example of cases in which efforts towards international co-operation and peaceful collaboration fail to come to fruition because of mistrust and incomprehension. But nowhere is this more in evidence than in the discussion of disarmament. Indeed, the question of disarmament overrides all other questions in the present world situation. There is no vital question, whether of national independence or of economic development, which is not directly or indirectly affected by the current arms race. 122. The climate of fear and mistrust prevailing among the principal nuclear Powers has doomed the efforts of the recent disarmament conference to the futility which has. marked all earlier occasions. This means that we shall continue to witness an interminable and infernal series of nuclear tests with all their baleful consequences. It also means that the door will remain open for others to join the atomic arms race until nuclear weapons are as commonplace as conventional artillery is today. In point of fact, at no time has the arms race been so intensively pursued as at present, and at no time has nuclear testing been undertaken-on so enormous a scale. 123. The nuclear Powers are, indeed, under greater moral compulsion to seek an immediate solution to the cessation of nuclear testing. The conclusion of an agreement which effectively prohibits such testing not only would in itself be a much needed undertaking, but would also serve the cause of general and complete disarmament. 124. While the ultimate responsibility in the matter of disarmament rests with the major Powers, it is none the less true that in a question which, affects the stability and peace of all the world and the repercussions of which may shape the fate of mankind, no State, large or small, can be excluded. 125. It must not be forgotten that today, seventeen years after the end of the last world war, the world is spending roughly $330 million a day on arms. The Secretary-General's recent report on the social and economic consequences of disarmament notes that the $120 billion that the world is spending annually on arms corresponds "to about one-half the total resources set aside each year for gross capital formation throughout the world", The figure is, the report further states, "at least two-thirds of — and according to some estimates may be of the same order of magnitude as — the entire national income of all the under-developed countries". 126. We share the view that the important factor in disarmament negotiations is not mere participation in such discussions, but the attitude and approach of the major negotiators. It is encouraging to note that in the recent round, of negotiations in Geneva the United States has taken a flexible positions on the all-important question of control and inspection. It is this kind of attitude which holds the key to any future agreement on disarmament. No progress can be made if negotiators are cramped by conventions and hampered by suspicion. 127. The difficulties that have beset these negotiations should serve to underline the lesson that problems can be solved if they are tackled before they become too complicated. In this connexion, attention should be called to the question of outer space. Unless machinery for the control and regulation of the uses of outer space is set up now, the arms race may easily, be extended to outer space, in which case the difficulty of reaching agreement on disarmament will be heightened and the danger of annihilation by nuclear war greatly intensified. 128. Although the exploration of outer space has become a new and important field of human activity directed towards a variety of goals, the cosmos is still not subject to the rule of law. There is not even an international agreement regulating the most elementary legal problems relating to outer space, such as, for example, the definition of the boundary of the atmosphere. 129. We note with regret that the United Nations has not yet succeeded in developing a system of regulations ensuring that space-is used exclusively for peaceful purposes. The United Nations can and should facilitate the creation of international scientific centres where scientists of all countries can play their part in this great human endeavour. Any international regulation of outer space must be directed towards the fundamental objective of giving effect to-the portion that space is an international public domain and thus incapable of national appropriation in any form whatever. 130. The primary responsibility for the peaceful uses of outer space undeniably rests with the two great Powers Whose astounding achievements have rightly made them the acknowledged leaders in this field: the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 131. Achievements in outer space serve to remind us even more forcibly of the immense possibilities that are continually opening up for mag to use his scientific and technical knowledge and skills to good ends. 132. When We consider how much constructive work still needs to be done to rid the world of poverty and disease, we wonder anew at man’s tendency to apply his skill and knowledge towards destructive ends. Will the years ahead see an increase in international tension, with the ever-increasing threat of destruction, or will they be years of progress towards man's hope for peace and prosperity? 133. The nineteen-sixties have been designated by the United Nations as the Development Decade, The "Proposals for action" contained in the Secretary- General's report on the United Nations Development Decade point the way toward the goal of self-sustained growth in the less developed countries of the world. But a great effort is needed if these proposals are to be put into action effectively. 134. Let me, as an example of what, the developing countries are experiencing today, cite the case of my own country. In Iran, great efforts are being concentrated on the execution of economic and social projects. These measures, coupled with a vigorously pursued programme of land reform, are designed to ensure social justice and to provide better standards of living, better education and improved standards of health for all our people. 135. In order to carry out these projects we have allocated our resources very carefully and we have made substantial cuts in our non-development expenditures. But as in certain other developing countries, we in Iran have reached the stage in the execution of our development programme in which we need long-term capital on easy terms, 136. Since the early days of the United Nations, the establishment of a capital development fund, under various names, has been recommended. The present economic conditions should give a further stimulus to the consideration of establishing such an agency. In this connexion, I would like to cite a recent statement of the President of the World Bank, who said: "It is going to be harder and harder to keep development projects and programmes moving ahead in an orderly fashion and at an orderly pace, unless the aid mixture has a larger component of funds of a grant basis." 137. Another point which I. would like to bring to your attention is the price that we, the developing countries, receive for our commodities. Our earnings from this source have been fluctuating, and in recent years the fluctuation has been steadily downward. The Commission on International Commodity Trade has found that the average price of primary commodities has declined to its lowest level since 1950. At the same time we have been paying higher prices for the manufactured goods that we import. 138. We wish to receive a reasonable price for our raw materials and minerals, be they cotton or petroleum. If we do not enjoy better terms of trade, our economic development is bounds to suffer. We appreciate the attempts made by the United Nations to remedy this situation. The various degrees of success of the United Nations studies and conferences on wheat, sugar, coffee, and other commodities are a source of satisfaction, But the United Nations must multiply its efforts to improve the terms of trade of the raw material and mineral exporting countries. 139; In the field of economic development, as in the political sphere, the Secretary-General has demonstrated his great, ability in giving voice to our beliefs and aspirations, I would like here to pay special tribute to the Secretary-General. The wisdom and skill with which he has handled the various issues of international concern assure us that the United Nations Secretariat is in the hands of an able and courageous leader. For most of us who„ have staked so much on the prestige and authority of the United Nations, this development is a source of both gratification and confidence. I hope that He will be given the opportunity to continue his valued and much needed services, and we assure him of our fullest support. 140. Now I would like to say a few words about the United Nations itself. On this occasion we see its membership larger than ever; indeed, there is growth in almost every direction. New responsibilities have been assumed. 141. Yet, despite this trend, the United Nations has never been more criticized than recently. But not all the critics attack the United Nations on the grounds of its alleged weaknesses. Some are critical because in their view the Organization has overstepped the confines of the Charter. 142. There is no use denying that the United Nations has given us no cause for unbounded joy, but I am inclined to attribute this to external factors rather than to any fundamental defect in the machinery or in the basic concept of the United Nations. The United Nations still represents the only human institution which contains the elements necessary for an effective world authority. Until there is a fundamental change In international relations, our task should be one of patient and sustained co-operation, within the bounds of whatever security the United Nations provides and whatever hopes it gives us to cling to. In the meantime, we could undertake certain reforms in order to make the peace-making machinery of the United Nations more effective. 143. This brings me to the question of the reform of the United Nations. The Charter was formulated seventeen years ago in different circumstances. Many things have changed since then. Although the United Nations has proved itself remarkably flexible and has adapted itself to new circumstances without formal change, the desirability of reforming the United Nations is generally recognized. The new methods which have been tested by the United Nations in the last few years, the difficulties encountered in various circumstances, and the profound changes which have taken place in the membership of the Organization all point to the value and the need for such reform. But any fundamental changes must necessarily await substantial abatement of the Cold War. With this in view, I intend to touch briefly upon some of the changes which, in our view, demand immediate consideration. 144. You may agree with me, Mr. President, that small and medium Powers can legitimately expect the United Nations, which is now approaching the end of the second decade of its development, to have its own permanent international force, however small in number and embryonic in concept. The use of the United Nations force in varying forms in the Middle East, in the Congo, and shortly in West Irian is ample evidence that such a force should now be permanently possessed by the United Nations. 145. It would also be useful to revitalize the procedures of pacific settlement of international disputes, both in the Assembly and in the Security Council. Reference has often been made to the need for enlarging the membership of the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council. This is but a logical consequence of the enlargement of the membership of the Organization, and I hope that it will be given due attention. 146. But let me say that even unrevised, the Charter of the United Nations, if scrupulously and consistently adhered to, would provide Member States with adequate rules for living together in peace and harmony. Speaking of Iran, I would like once again to reaffirm our belief in the purposes and principles of the Charter and to renew the pledge of our support to the Organization. We have never failed to meet our obligations under the Charter. We have supported the peaceful operations of the Organization without reservations or limitations. We have contributed to the expense of the United Nations in so far as our national resources have allowed. In this connexion, I want, particularly to mention Iran’s decision to subscribe to the United Nations bonds to the value of half a million dollars. This decision has been taken not under normal conditions, but in a time when the country is experiencing a period of economic austerity. 147. We have always been conscious of our obligations and our duty to live in harmony and friendship with our neighbours, and to settle our differences, if any, through amicable means. Indeed, the cultivation of a good neighbour policy has always been one of the main objectives of the foreign policy of Iran. The recent assurances given to the Soviet Union are a further proof of our good intentions towards our neighbours. Even if, on occasion, we have found that our efforts would help to bring about a better understanding between our neighbours, we did not fail to play our part. As an example, His Imperial Majesty, the Shahinshah, recently embarked upon the task of mediating between our two brothers, Pakistan and Afghanistan. It is our fervent hope that the efforts so whole-heartedly undertaken will bear fruit. 148. In closing, I Would like to reaffirm the profound resolve of Iran in the noble ideals of the United Nations and express the hope, Mr. President, that the seventeenth session of the General Assembly under your wise guidance will play a Worthy role in furthering the cause of peace and international concord.