Mr. President, allow me first of all to congratulate you most warmly on your election to the Presidency of our Assembly. 8. The election of an Asian, following that of an African, to the Presidency of this high international tribunal demonstrates, without a doubt, the importance of the non-aligned world and its increasing influence among twentieth-century mankind. Le poids du tiersmonde is the title of a recent book dealing with the problems of the under-developed countries. It is an indisputable fact, and it is the conclusion reached in that book, that the uncommitted world is now in the front line of history. But precisely because the uncommitted world is, playing an increasing role in world affairs, because it is assuming ever-increasing responsibilities, it must be conscious of the new obligations which the situation imposes on it. 9. For two years now the post of Secretary-General and Presidency of the General Assembly have been entrusted to African-Asians. Does that betoken malice or confidence on the part of those who give us these heavy responsibilities? We cannot tell. We prefer to be optimistic and consider the honour as a sign of confidence. But if the great Powers, in giving us those responsibilities, had ulterior motive and were saying to each other: "Let us get them with their backs to the wall", it would then be for us to prove that we young nations are highly conscious of our role in the world. Being neither able nor willing to produce and stock weapons of mass destruction, deliberately turning our backs on, this deadly game of the nuclear Powers, preoccupied as we are by the demands of development, the uncommitted countries can and must play a beneficent role in the world by seeking and proposing human solutions, that is, just and reasonable solutions to the problems of bur time. To the philosophy of power we must oppose the philosophy of wisdom; to violence, conciliation and compromise, but with no compromise of principle, "The weight of the uncommitted world" — which is now" a recognized fact — must be a moral weight. That is why, in the discussion of the important problems which are the subject of our present meetings, our contribution will be. to reduce things to their true proportions to give our debates a humane quality and to introduce serenity and calmness in this forum. 10. It is true that this session of the General Assembly opened in an apparent calm and one would be tempted to believe that in the past year we have made considerable progress in the solution of the problems of the day. But a brief examination of our agenda reveals that there is still fire under the embers. The problem of peace, or more specifically the problem of disarmament and peaceful coexistence, is far from solution. Nuclear tests have been resumed. The Berlin wall still stands as the most tangible sign of mankind’s present tragic situation. 11. While some Powers have finally resolved their colonial problems, and others, let us hope, are about to resolve theirs, there are also some who refuse to admit even the principle of decolonization. The essential problem, however, which conditions the future of mankind, the development of the backward areas, has been more the subject of Words than of positive action. 12. We have already defined more than once, in this hall, the general principles of our international policy. We shall not revert to them, but should merely like to state, as briefly and clearly as possible, our attitude towards certain problems, either because of their importance for world peace or because they concern us more or less directly. These problems are disarmament, peaceful coexistence, the building of Africa and decolonization. 13. The prerequisite of peace is disarmament. Some may dispute this elemental truth by quoting the saying "If you want peace, prepare for war". In fact, the attitude of the great Powers is dictated by the strategy of dissuasion. To the balance of peace without terror they seem to prefer the balance of terror — perhaps because they think it more effective. They think that the only way to maintain peace is to produce and stockpile weapons of mass destruction. It is the system of armed peace. We shall not speak of the well-known controversies on the effectiveness of the strategy of dissuasion, we would only say that even if peace could be obtained in that way it would be a most costly peace, swallowing up the major part of the resources of mankind. 14. Would it not be better to establish peace by less costly means? If the great Powers are really conscious of their duties to the needy and wish to liberate Sufficient resources to come to their assistance, the best solution would be for them to devote part of their military expenditure to organized assistance to the uncommitted world. Clearly the achievement of such a solution must depend upon disarmament. If, as we believe, peace can be consolidated through disarmament, why is every effort being made to establish peace by other means, including the mass accumulation of armaments? There lies the whole problem. Between a costly peace and an inexpensive peace, common sense requires us to choose the second — that is peace through disarmament. Moreover, the great Powers are apparently agreed on the principle; but the fundamental element of confidence is lacking. Some Powers want o disarmament but oppose inspection; others want disarmament with inspection. Common sense dictates that any agreement on disarmament must be accompanied by a strict system of inspection, on condition, of course, that inspection does not amount to espionage. On this point we fully endorse the statement made in March 1961 by the Prime Ministers of the Commonwealth countries: "Disarmament without inspection would be as unacceptable as inspection without disarmament. Disarmament and inspection are integral parts of the same question and must be negotiated together; and both must be made as complete and effective as is humanly possible." 15. These dear principles must guide our search for any solution of the disarmament problem. We understand the suspicions of those who fear that inspection and control maybe misused and that, instead of serving the cause of effective disarmament; they may on the contrary become a means of espionage. But it should not be impossible to organize genuine and effective inspection in conditions that would eliminate all risks for the country in which control or inspection are being carried out. Those are mere details on which it should be possible to reach agreement, given the sincere will to do so. If the great Powers are not able to arrive at such agreement through direct negotiations, then the uncommitted world should take unanimous positive action and should consider and propose reasonable solutions. 16. We Would even say that as peace is indivisible in the world today, the young States are just as much interested in a solution as are the great Powers. We therefore have our word to say in any negotiations on disarmament. Whether the solution be sought within or without the United Nations, it directly concerns the uncommitted world. 17. We have read with interest the reports of the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament; and we have followed that Committee’s laborious efforts to find a solution. But We cannot refrain from reiterating here our regret that no French-speaking African country was represented in that Committee, and we consider that that omission might be rectified in the future. 18. Yet how can one speak optimistically of disarmament when it has not even proved possible to arrange for the discontinuance of nuclear tests? On this point also, our position is clear. We condemn all nuclear tests, whoever conducts them. Last year much was said0 about the denuclearization of Africa. Of course, we welcome any proposal aimed at limiting the nuclear testing zones in the world. But that is not the fundamental problem, Africans will net be protected by the mere fact of a decision that Africa should be a nuclear-free zone. The problem must be dealt with as a whole. The only resolution to which we could agree would be one condemning nuclear tests not only in Africa but also in Asia and any other part of the world. 19. The cessation of nuclear tests followed by general, progressive and controlled disarmament are the prerequisites of peace. It must be realized, however, that while disarmament would obviate the possibility, of military conflict, it would not settle all disputes. At present we are in the throes of an intense ideological conflict. But an ideological conflict is not fatal if neither side tries to impose its ideology by force. There must be ideological diversity if humanity is to progress. Peaceful coexistence merely means that the competition between East and West must be peaceful competition, each ideology striving for victory on its own merits and without pressure or violence. 20. If the Powers which have the major responsibilities in the world were to refuse to accept these ideas, based on common sense, we, the uncommitted nations, should endeavour to organize in order to ensure for ourselves the broadest possible protection. It cannot be too often reiterated that our greatest misfortune Would be to be divided, split into two blocs, for in allowing this we should extend the cold War instead of restricting it, and so increase the chances of a hot war. We should first organize at the level of our-respective continents and then at the level of the uncommitted world. 21. As far as Africa is concerned, you are aware of the efforts to achieve unity which have been going on for the past year. After lengthy controversy about its meaning, the form and the content of African unity, the different points of view seem to be coming very much closer. All Africans now recognize that in the immediate future African unity cannot mean the fusion of all components into a single State organization. It could not even mean, again in the near future, a huge federal type organization, because that would imply some degree of supernationality, which it would be impossible to achieve, in present circumstances, at the level of the continent or even of a major portion of it. 22. It is now generally realized, however, that African unity is a unity of aspirations, a community of views, which is reflected in a concerted policy and in consolidated action on the part of all the independent African States, based on respect for their sovereignty. On these bases, the existing groups — the Monrovia group and the Casablanca group — can and must come together before long and act in concert if the perils threatening us are to be avoided. African unity many not be the only prerequisite for peace but it can help to create a favourable trend and reduce the danger of conflict. We think that our Asian brothers should be working in the same direction. Here you have "the weight of the uncommitted world"; needless to say there will be obstacles in our path. 23. But if we make peace cur paramount consideration, if we deliberately refuse to play the game of either of the opposing blocs, if we have the support of the peoples of all countries, who all, regardless of the continent in which they live, long for peace and wellbeing, we may be able to start an irresistible trend”. Which will stop the armaments race and make it easier to secure peace by outlawing weapons of mass destruction. That presupposes that the countries of the uncommitted world will agree first to play the game among themselves; and this is where I want to examine our conscience. 24. It is an unfortunate fact that, even within the uncommitted world, there are still some sources of conflict. Some African or Asian States dream of becoming military Powers, when they cannot even provide their peoples with a reasonable living. We have not yet clearly defined the rules of international morality, which would place our relations on a basis of confidence, friendship and solidarity. Many of us encourage subversive groups, just to annoy our neighbours. We fight imperialism abroad, but we do nothing to abolish it at home. 25. More than once — and we will return to this point — we have seen States of the uncommitted world with designs upon their neighbours, which they actually tried to annex. In many cases, they have not hesitated to ask the great Powers to help them achieve their ends. All this must emphatically be denounced as we said before. 26. The only capital at the disposal of the uncommitted world is moral capital. It must conduct itself in an exemplary manner if it wishes to acquire influence0and to keep it in the world. Our policy of non-alignment, of which we speak so often, is questioned by those who watch our doings, perhaps because we do not always suit our actions to our words, or because we do not keep strictly to one line of conduct. We must rethink all our political concepts in the light of the fundamental imperative of peace, and we must make what modest sacrifices we can to further the cause of peace. Any criticisms and suggestions that we may make to the great Powers will have point and weight only in so far as they consider our conduct exemplary. 27. This self-criticism enables me to speak with, freedom about the second problem which affects all of us, that of decolonization. Some observers have said that in Africa the colonial problem is still a major concern of Governments. They say that the Africans are more interested in that than in peace. The controversies about giving decolonization priority over peace that occurred at the Belgrade Conference last year may have given a false impression. 28. It is true that the disappearance of colonialism would contribute to peace, which is perhaps why the Africans attach so much importance to decolonization. It is also true that in Africa there are colonial Powers Which far from having decolonized, have not even accepted the principle of the liberation of the colonized peoples. All this has provoked very violent reactions among Africans and is still doing so; but they should not be taken too seriously. Our attitude to the colonial problem has always been fairly flexible. 29. It is a fact that in recent years some progress has been made with decolonization in Africa. There are more States Members of our Organization every year, and Africa is becoming increasingly important numerically in the United Nations. I should like to take this opportunity to welcome1 the representatives of Rwanda and Burundi, Jamaica, and Trinidad and Tobago, who will soon be followed by those of Algeria and Uganda. There are some European Powers who have already taken the path towards decolonization. There are even some who have decolonized all the African countries which used to be under their domination. 30. This is the time to render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's. In accordance with the undertakings that it gave immediately after the war, France has restored full sovereignty to nearly all the African countries that used to be its colonies. Whatever difficulties there may have been from time to time over de-colonization, France deserves our friendship our respect and our esteem. From this rostrum, we can assure France and General de Gaulle, its amazing leader, of our warmest sympathy and of our admiration for the courage with which it has settled the colonial problem, particularly in Algeria, where it was extremely complex and painful. Today all the French-speaking countries represented in this Assembly are establishing fresh relations with Franco, 31. These relations will be all the more fruitful as they are based on free consent and mutual respect. We have always felt that a prepared and Organized independence, acquired through negotiation, with mutual respect for the interest of the two parties, is the most fruitful. Those colonial Powers which still refuse to decolonize should ponder France's example. Its influence and its prestige, far from being restricted to France proper have grown. The links that bind us have been strengthened. Because of its national character, its culture, which Is our common heritage also, because of the great ideals it represents, France is now on the path traced for it by Destiny, the path of a people, of a nation, that is indispensable to the world because it has a feeling for what is human and universal. 32. We hope that the rest of Africa will soon be de-colonized and that, in particular, the United Kingdom will shortly reach an equitable solution of the disturbing problem of the Rhodesias. 33. We must still consider the case of the Powers which resist decolonization. Our attitude to them is still as uncompromising as ever. Last year my delegation demanded the expulsion of Portugal from the United Nations. This year the twelve States of the African and Malagasy Union will unanimously and persistently demand the expulsion not only of Portugal, but of South Africa. If in the best interest of the colonized people, independence is to be prepared and organized, the colonial Power must at least accept this in principle; but Portugal: rejects the very principle of decolonization. In doing so, Portugal openly violates the principles of the United Nations Charter. A member of an organization must either accept its rules and regulations or resign. We shall demand the expulsion of South Africa for the same reasons. The United Nations is a universal organization founded on respect for peoples and races. A State which does not accept these principles has no place among us. 34. While on the subject of decolonization; I should like to say a few words about West New Guinea, Although the United Nations has approved it, we cannot pretend that we are not astonished at the recent concluded agreement on West New Guinea (A/5170, annex). We are just as much opposed to abdications which fail to solve the colonial problem as we are to an obstinate refusal to decolonize. We have always said that we were to favour of self-determination for West New Guinea; but if there is to be real self-determination, certain forms must be respected and certain conditions must be imposed. When one country, is claimed by another, self-determination should precede the transfer of that country to the State that claims it; but when, as in the case of West New Guinea, the country is handed over to Indonesia, we feel that there is no self-determination, whatever precautions have been taken, even if there is an interim period under the United Nations. The most surprising thing is that such an operation, which is nothing but a disguised annexation, should be carried out under cover of the United Nations. We must say that we find this incomprehensible. 35. Certain precedents are dangerous, and certain principles must remain Sacrosanct if we wish our Organization to be respected and to enjoy the unanimous confidence of all peoples. Ata time when the authority and prestige of the United Nations are under attack, we should avoid giving ammunition to the Organization's opponents, “ 36. The Conference of Heads of State of the Afro- Malagasy Union, held0 some weeks ago at Libreville, took a very definite stand on this problem. The Libreville Conference held that self-determination should be exercised during the transitional period and not after West New Guinea has been placed under Indonesian administration. We have no objection to an association or even a merger of West New Guinea with Indonesia. That is not the problem. But where the defence of principles is concerned, our Organization must stand firm if it wishes to maintain its prestige. 37. Finally, while on the subject of colonial problems, would like to Say a few words about the Congo. Two years ago, in this hall, we defended a federal solution to the Congolese problem. We continue to believe that the territorial integrity of the Congo must be maintained and that the Katangese secession must be ended. The integrity of the Congo is, however, fully compatible with a federal system-under which the provinces would have an adequate measure of autonomy. We are therefore glad that a United Nations plan based on a federal arrangement has now been put forward. We shall support this “plan unreservedly, and we ask our Congolese brothers to accept it in their own interests and in the interests of peace in Africa. 38. These are our views on the problems which have engaged our particular attention. I have tried to be brief and specific, confining myself to setting out positions of principle. My delegation reserves its right to speak on particular questions during the course of the session as the various items on the agenda are taken up. We shall make clear our position, which remains unchanged, on the admission of China to the United Nations. We support the admission of continental China, on condition of course, as we have always stated, that it does not imperil the existence of Nationalist China unless that country should decide otherwise. We consider that divided countries should be the subject of a general discussion and that certain clear principles should be established as a result of such a discussion. Where special circumstances preclude self-determination, other solutions should be found which will permit the peaceful consolidation of the existing situation. 39. The overwhelming majority of us Africans are convinced of the fruitlessness of certain struggles between spheres of influence. At the dawn of the interplanetary era, all of us who live on the planet Earth must undergo a change of outlook. We must create a movement of universal solidarity transcending peoples, races and continents. Today all political problems of any importance are indivisible. To believe that one, part of humanity can live in peace and tranquility and, the other in disorder and chaos is an illusion. To suppose that the wealthy section of mankind cp remain indifferent to the misery of the remainder is to deceive oneself. We are all irremediably involved in the same adventure. The duty of universal solidarity is basic to the twentieth-century world. The United Nations has shown Its awareness, of this in trying to translate, the principle of solidarity into positive action. 40. We have studied with interest the report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Development Decade. Basing himself on evidence derived from the careful study of international relations during the last ten years, the Secretary-General states that during the period it came to be generally recognized that the progress of under-developed countries is one of the most important problems of the world economy, and the principle of partnership of the developed and underdeveloped .countries in solving this problem was accepted". 41. Indeed, it must be recognized that there has always been some kind of association between developed and under-developed countries. During the colonial period the countries of Africa and Asia lived in close association, economically speaking, with the metropolitan countries. Even after acceding to independence, the under-developed countries very often remain linked with the highly industrialized Powers in zones of solidarity. But our task today is to ensure that such associations do not continue to be what they were in, the past — that is to say, a union of horse and rider. The principle of international solidarity means that any association between developed and under-developed countries should be based on the need for general and balanced development. 42. It is true that, some time ago, the General Assembly adopted a resolution on concerted action for economic" development of economically less developed countries" [resolution 1515 (XV)], However, acceptance of this principle by the great Powers is not in itself sufficient to solve the problem. Specific action is needed. We know that as the Secretary-General's report states, actual aid rendered has, "increased steadily year by year and constituted a slowly rising proportion of the national incomes" of the wealthier countries. But it can never be said too often that, before there is any talk of assistance, the under-developed countries should be equitably remunerated for the raw materials they export. In the words of the report: "Primary commodity prices were at a high level in the early part of the last decade, but as it went on they tended to grow progressively, weaker. The proceeds which under-developed countries derived from export sales of primary commodities or of manufactured goods clearly failed to develop the dynamic growth which would be necessary to finance their, economic development at acceptable growth rates. This was all the more disappointing since international trade, as a whole, showed sufficient dynamism to serve as a basis for financing economic development, if only the share of under-developed countries in the trade total could have been maintained. 43. These facts set out in the Secretary-General's report on the United Nations Development Decade confirm that, while assistance is necessary and indeed indispensable for the under-developed countries, the first need is to alter the terms of international trade so as to guarantee a fair return to the countries producing primary commodities — which means, in general, the under-developed countries. We in Senegal are ready to attend any conference called to study this fundamental problem. 44. Let us speak now of assistance. There is really little left to be said on this important question. That fact was pointed out only recently the latest meeting of experts on aid to under-developed countries drew up a report covering 15,000 pages and filling twenty volumes. This voluminous documentation is certainly very valuable. The under-privileged peoples, however, would prefer to hear much less talk about themselves and to see mere concrete notion taken on their behalf. The under-developed section of the world is in many respects comparable to the sick men described by Moliere at whose bedside doctors in pointed caps gathered to exchange learned cabbalistic formulae, leaving the patients to languish and die. Statistics, calculations and discussions have been multiplied ad infinitum: it is now time to act. This was the conclusion reached in a recent study on the problems of the under-developed world. 45. What we need now are deeds — positive and concrete acts. It has been established that the total resources of the under-developed country if wisely used, would make it possible to solve the problem of under-development without detriment to the highly developed countries. In the voluminous report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Development Decade, I find the following eloquent figures: "A flow of capital representing 1 per cent of the, incomes of tee developed countries adds about 10 per cent to tee national incomes of tee under-developed countries, and about 100 per cent to their present net capital formation." The problem of the development of backward regions is therefore not insoluble, particularly having regard to the efforts which tee under-developed countries are making themselves, with the use of their own resources and assets, to escape from their tragic plight. 46. The under-developed countries are open to criticism. We ourselves have just undertaken an exhaustive self-examination. Those countries cannot, however, be accused of failing to make real efforts towards their own economic development; Furthermore, when one bears in mind the large expenditure on armaments of certain Powers, can any serious, reproaches be levelled against nations which manufacture no bombs or guns? 47. I shall end at the point where I began. Disarmament is not only the prerequisite for peace but also the surest means of creating a balanced world, based upon a rational, distribution of the world's wealth. Let us therefore build peace through disarmament. This is the prime necessity of our time.