84. I should like, through you, Mr. Vice-President, to extend my delegation's congratulations to. the President on his election to a post from which he will guide the deliberations of the present session of this great Assembly. I should also like to convey to his predecessor, Mr. Mongi Slim, the Minister for foreign Affairs of Tunisia, our appreciation for the successful way in which he discharged his duties during the last session.
85. I should like to take this opportunity too to extend my delegation's. congratulations to all the Vice-Presidents of the Assembly and to the Chairmen of the various Committees. We hope that during this session they will do their best to strengthen the United Nations by piloting the Assembly's activities to a very successful conclusion.
86. I should like to say how happy we in Nigeria are when we remember that during the last session we participated, in the final acts of liberation of Rwanda and Burundi. We are happy that at this session Rwanda, Burundi, Jamaica, the State of Trinidad and Tobago; and Algeria have become full Members of the United Nations. This is important to us because three of the new States are African States and two — Jamaica and the State of Trinidad and Tobago — are States in which Africans and peoples of African descent all over the world are interested. On behalf of the Government, delegation and people of Nigeria I congratulate those States on achieving their independence and becoming Members of the United Nations. We are confident that their small but sensible voices will help to strengthen this Organization in the interests of humanity.
87. I also wish to express the satisfaction of the Government and people of Nigeria and of my delegation at the fact that Uganda has now become another Independent nation of Africa and very soon will be joining us in the Assembly, adding more feathers to Africa's cap — to use an African expression, Uganda will become the one hundred and tenth Member of the United Nations. Nigeria is very gratified at that fact. When we became the ninety-ninth Member we were the baby of the family, but in the space of two years we have acquired younger brothers and can now pride ourselves on being more or less grown up; perhaps we are now in a position to talk with a grown-up voice.
88. On 1 October — that is, about two weeks ago — my country celebrated the second anniversary of its independence. My Prime Minister made it clear when he spoke; here — and I have done so myself on many occasions — that our policy is one of non-alignment. When I look back at these, two years, I think I may say that we have demonstrated in no uncertain terms that to us non-alignment is not just a word but a fact. Many times Nigeria has made definite statements and; taken definite stands on the basis of decisions arrived at in the light of its own knowledge and experience and of the truth as it sees the truth — and not merely because it has wished to please someone. As a country we have religiously tried to relate our actions to the United Nations to which we belong, and to the continent of Africa, where we are situated. We have done everything within our power to be worthy of the obligations that we undertook under the Charter and to be worthy of the principles by which we acceded to independence.
89. Nigeria believes in the United Nations Development Decade. As I said from this rostrum on another occasion, we are, a people in a hurry. We must scale the centuries, Africa wishes to achieve in ten years what others who had more time at their disposal achieved in 100 years. We cannot afford to waste time. The. advances in technology and science cannot wait for us. We must move with great rapidity in order to catch up with the world.
90. We strongly believe that most, problems are human problems. Since we are human beings, we create our problems, our environments, and, the circumstances that give rise to the problems. Since, these are human problems, it. is possible to find solutions to them by adopting human means, by discussing with others and by persuasion. We do not believe in achieving our objective by force. This is shown by the fact that immediately after it had gained its independence and consolidated its political position within its own territory, Nigeria directed its attention to achieving economic independence. Thus, Nigeria took on the responsibilities of planning. how best to make its independence a worth-while thing for its nationals. As I have already said from this rostrum on behalf of the Government of Nigeria, Nigerian independence is a means to an end and not an end in itself. We shall not rest until every square inch of African territory has been liberated from imperial forces. We shall not rest until the humiliation of people of African descent throughout the world has been eradicated from the face of the earth.
91. Consequently, our six-year development programme is geared to creating a welfare State, and not a warfare State - one which will be of service to the people of Nigeria, to Africa and, in our humble way to the world community to which we belong. Anyone who is acquainted with our development programme will see that we lay great emphasis upon the development of agriculture — the wherewithal of existence — and of our educational institutions, because, with knowledge and trained personnel and a thorough understanding of our material and mental and moral environment, it will be possible for Nigeria to play the role which history and circumstances have called upon it to play on the African Continent. We cannot do that with empty minds. Man is not purely a material being.
92. Most of the States that have existed, that have risen and fallen, have been warfare States. Their whole future has been built on war, on conquest, on domination of others. Nigeria has no intention of going on war escapades to dominate anybody. Nigeria rather expects that on the African continent, by peaceful and orderly development and co-operation with its neighbours, big and small, rich and poor, we shall be able to create a new Africa, a new society that Africans can be proud of.
93. I say this because we have listened to people telling us about the European Economic Community and about the great things it holds for us. I have no doubt that that Community has some great things for us. But Nigeria, as an, African country, cannot, in the circumstances of its own existence, overnight change itself into a European country. Nigeria is not a European Country, and therefore the European Economic Community cannot be relevant to Nigeria in the sense of her tying herself to it. But surely Nigeria can negotiate with that Community, deal with it as an independent State, in a bilateral sense and in a friendly manner. We do not think that what is good for us is good for everybody, and therefore we have a sympathetic understanding with regard to some of our sister countries that had institutions closely linked to other institutions: they must have time to adjust themselves to the changing environment, and it would be unfair for anybody to bulldoze anyone else into altering an institution in such a manner that it would produce chaos. Consequently, while Nigeria reserves the right to take its own decision, to fashion the course of its own destiny, it also concedes to others the right to take decisions in the light of their own understanding, knowledge and appreciation of all the circumstances that lead to effective, constructive and realistic decisions.
94. We in Nigeria have tried, in conformity with the policy enunciated by the Government and people of Nigeria, to see that the greatness of Nigeria will depend on its greatness on the Continent of Africa. And its greatness of the Continent of Africa will depend on its relations with its own sister African countries. Consequently, we have made it clear in our African policy that any African State, big or small, rich or poor — it does not matter whether the population is only twenty, thirty, forty, two hundred, three thousand, so long as such a country, exists — is equal to any other African country. Nigeria will not tolerate any black imperialism on the African Continent. We have gone through domination by others. We cannot tolerate and we will riot, support any attempt by any African country — it does not matter how powerful it, is — to bully any other African country. Consequently, for the last few years Nigeria has been in the forefront, in collaboration with many other African countries of fashioning and realizing in fact what hast been so much spoken of in words: African unity.
95. I have emphasized this point because under the Charter we have assumed certain obligations, and, if every Member of this Organization were to observe the Charter not only in words but in deeds, I think that many of our problems would be solved peacefully and amicably. I have tried to say that it is because this is what we have been able to do in the two years of our existence, and, if we are allowed to continue to pursue our policy as we want to pursue it on our continent, I think that when we are five years old Africa will be a better place than we found it when we became independent. We sincerely hope that people will let us carry on our business as we want to do. I say this because, even within these two years, we have discovered that it is possible for countries that are Members of this Organization to be instruments of subverting fellow Members of the United Nations. Some of them will encourage young and irresponsible nationals, promising them certain favours, training them in practices that under normal circumstances they would not find their way to do, with the primary purpose of subverting States that are supposed to be members of a world community to which all of them belong. And what is the objective? Why should one Member of this Organization plan to disrupt the institutions of another Member?
96. I am not lodging any complaints with this Organization, because we are capable of taking care of our own system, I am only saying that there is no need to come to the rostrum and preach wonderful ideologies or hifalutin idealistic rhetoric, only to go home and do something different. The time has come, now that the small Powers are in a majority in the Assembly, when we should begin to cultivate the moral aspect of human society and human life and living. The small Powers are small when it comes to material power, and so on, but I think they are powerful when it comes to making man’s more lasting contributions in this world and bringing them to the surface. And, whenever we see those things that make for disruption, things that create problems unnecessarily, we must not hesitate to point them out firmly and truthfully. And the African countries would be playing a very great role in the Assembly if they pursued the course of their new independence by forgetting power politics.
97. I do not say that we should not take notice of power politics. We should take notice of power politics, but keeping it aside and concentrating on service politics — service to our populations, our peoples and our continent and the development of our continent, so that we can become a show-piece to the world if necessary. I think that in this field we can contribute something.
98. I have devoted attention to this because since we came into existence two years ago it has been possible for at least twenty-one of the then twenty-eight African States to come together, to reason together and to agree on fundamental principles, oh things that are common to them. Indeed, as the result of their agreement and their decisions on matters, we see now that very soon — a speaker from this rostrum has hinted this, and 1 believe it is possible — all the independent African States may find that they have an organization which will cater to their common interests in mutual respect for one another. If we succeed in bringing that to pass I think that we shall be qualifying under the provisions of the Charter in that we shall have shown our capacity to contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security, because if all the African States can come together and solve their problems on their own continent with mutual respect and understanding, the United Nations will not have an area there to have debates about each time, And so the Organization of African and Malagasy States which met in Monrovia and later on in Lagos, sooner or later will become a factor to reckon with on the African Continent for the maintenance of peace and security and the creation of human understanding in that very ancient continent.
99. Coming to the United Nations, I think that at this seventeenth session we should all reflect on the past, the present and the future of this Organization. To my delegation the United Nations is a unique Organization. It is the only Organization of its kind in the world. Those who created it created it for a purpose, and I am sure that the big Powers expected that they would control it and direct it as they wished. But like human beings, who are the most unpredictable of all creatures in. the world, this Organization does not seem to be working strictly according to plan. It is growing like a human being and given the diversity that it naturally has, it will draw inspiration from diverse sources. And, because of its heterogeneous composition, when it forms an amalgam then, just as in the case of any other amalgam, it will be found to be quite different from what those who created it thought it would be. Already we find, as the result of this, the realization that the United Nations is getting out of hand and out of the control of the big Powers. All of us have been reading in the newspapers, in books and so on, that there have been very serious complaints that the United Nations has been bastardized. They say that it is no longer what it was meant to be. If bastardization means that the collective wisdom of man has begun to have a forum in which it can play on the minds of men, like it and my delegation likes it. As for those who do not like it, I will only tell them that they have missed the boat,
100. So, reading the Charter and watching the development of the United Nations, my delegation, the Government of Nigeria and the people of Nigeria still have very great faith in the Organization, and I sincerely hope that all Member States, in spite of the difficulties, trials and tribulations of the United Nations, will do everything possible to prevent anybody from weakening it and will endeavour, rather, to strengthen it. In that connexion we have to show our appreciation for the effort that is being made to settle disputes under the aegis of the United Nations. At the last session and at the session which preceded it we heard so much about Laos and Korea and New Guinea. Today the question of Labs has been settled. Laos has a government, and nobody is lobbying anybody else to decide one way or the other with regard to Laos; Laos has settled down as a Member of the United Nations, peacefully contributing its own quota to our deliberations here.
101. An effort has been made also in West New Guinea. It is imperfect, but the fact is that situation that might have meant calling, on the United Nations for an emergency force, for funds and for all that goes therewith, has been contained, and perhaps within five years we may see a new situation working out to the satisfaction of all. But human organizations and human enterprises cannot be predicted so completely that one can be sure of what is going to happen at every stage of development; so, however, imperfect it may be, I think that We have to show some, appreciation of the effort of the United Nations to contain that situation.
102. I should like now to touch on a very explosive and inflammable topic which has been deliberately kept out of this Organization. It is the question of Berlin. For some reason best known to the great Powers, they have carefully and skilfully taken the Berlin question out of the Assembly. They do not want to bring it within the competence of the United Nations. Either they are afraid of the truth, or they do not want anybody to look into the problem and examine it critically. They want us to wake up one morning to find that they have started a third world war over our heads. I want to sound a note of warning. The time has come when the Assembly should try to find out what is happening in Berlin. We hear and see in pictures that a wall has been built; and people are escaping, people are shot. One plane buzzes another plane. One of these days an atom bomb may be dropped somewhere and, before we realize what has happened, there will be a third world war — a conflagration which will engulf everybody. Why do the big Powers want to keep Berlin out of this precinct? Why do they not want to bring it in? What is going on? In Europe we have had two world wars originating from that area. Will the Assembly keep, quiet and allow a third world war to start from that same area which will engulf our world and destroy everything we have hoped for?
103. I said here from this rostrum that there was a suggestion made some time ago that Berlin should be handed over to the United Nations to be occupied by the United Nations so that the warring camps would be kept out of that danger zone. This suggestion may be unpopular with some people. We find that in West Germany the three Western Powers that have occupied the area have assisted that part of Germany to develop according to their own ideas of democratic and free institutions, and that section has established its own capital at Bonn. The other section was occupied by the Eastern Powers and it has established another system of government which they also tell us is democratic and socialistic. The fact remains that there is a government in that area. But there is this tangle; it appears that the capital of that part of Germany is in Berlin. May I ask: would it not be possible to persuade that section of Germany to transfer its own capital to one of the cities and leave Berlin a free city under the control of the United Nations so that when tempers cool down and if the German people wish it, the two sections may federate into one federal State or a number of federal States if you like, with Berlin as the federal capital? You have a federal capital in the United States; we have, a federal capital in my country.
104. This is most interesting because we have been told from this rostrum about coexistence. We have the Eastern bloc and the Western bloc. The nearest example of coexistence is the question of Germany; the two ideologies are facing each other. Would it not be a nice thing to work-out coexistence within that area? If we succeed in seeing that the two systems can work in harmony, then we may have found a solution to our problem on the question of co-existence, and that may help us to test the sincerity of all those who are preaching coexistence, whether they believe in it or not. I am saying this because the ideological war that is going on may one day precipitate a third world war before we realize what is happening. I have thrown out this thought because, after all, Berlin is in the world; it is not yet on the moon and whatever happens there will affect us. We in Africa would like to be left in peace and not in, pieces. We should be allowed to have some time to develop our continent.
105. The representative of Upper Volta talked about the curious and strange object that fell on the territory of that country. These days jets are moving at a terrific rate and they are trying to perfect planes that will travel at a speed of 1,200 miles an hour, piloted by human beings. Somebody has now traveled at the rate of 17,500 miles an hour and he felt quite comfortable up there. I am not so sure that we are safe at all at any point in the world or at any point of the compass.
106. So I make this suggestion with the hope that the Powers that have, been playing hide and seek in. Berlin may have a second look at the problem in question, and I sincerely hope that the German authorities on both sides will help the world to help them, if need be, to bring this subject within the competence of the United Nations so that all aspects of the problem may be, discussed dispassionately, fearlessly, firmly and without any attempt to please or to favour anyone.
107. As I have said, we have confidence that the United Nations can achieve great things if it has wholehearted support. At one time the Organization was controlled by the big Powers because of their right of veto. Now the numerical strength of this Organization has made it possible for us to be able to sidetrack the veto is most matters, except in those that are strictly within the competence of the great Powers, through the Security Council. So we have been able to achieve quite a lot.
108. The other means of control of this Organization is financial, and we have noticed how some Powers have tried to cripple the Organization by refusing to meet their obligations under the Charter. As a result of this, the Secretary-General was compelled to introduce a new system of financing, that is, issuing bonds. After all, a bond is a loan; you lend the money and later on you have to pay it back. The question now arises: what are we doing about financing the United Nations so that no Power, however powerful it may be, can cripple the Organization by its refusal to contribute its share or to contribute what it has promised to pay? I am saying this because we have been very lucky that some of the great Powers, like the small Powers, still believe in the United Nations, and have gone out of their way to fulfill their financial obligations. But suppose a situation arises in which all the great Powers would team up, particularly those who are financially better off because they have had an earlier start in the economic race, and suppose they were not going to fulfill their financial obligations, that they held us for ransom and that the price was that we should not be able to say what we wanted to say even though we knew it to be the truth. Well, that would mean the end of the United Nations. Consequently, it becomes a very serious problem, one of primary concern for all Members of the United Nations, to think how to finance the Organization itself. We have the contributions which are made Member States, and then there are the bonds, which may be issued and which have to be paid for.
109. May I suggest another avenue that may be explored? The people of the world are beginning to realize that the United Nations exists; various institutions are beginning to take an interest in the Organization,
110. Can the United Nations not set up a body that will actually try to sell the United Nations to individuals, to institutions and to financial bodies that believe in what we believe in, so that there will be various channels through which it may draw its resources? In that way it would not be possible for the Organization to be held to ransom, because there are people who do not believe in the good work which it is doing, particularly in liberalizing society and making man freer than he Is all over the world. I would like such avenues to be explored.
111. Leaving the question of the United Nations, there is one problem that confronts us, namely, the question of disarmament. This is being discussed elsewhere and, therefore, as my country happens to be one of the members of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, I do not think that I can go into this in detail. Nigeria has played a role in the Committee and is willing to continue to play a role, but we would be failing in our duty if we did not make one or two comment on our observations.
112. In the first instance, while the big Powers and the various factions into which the world has been divided talk of disarmament, one has the impression that there is no serious and genuine desire to disarm. The big Powers are playing hide and seek with us. If they would only be sincere with us we could find solutions. But there is always the element of suspicion and fear of each other, and that makes the problem rather difficult. I sincerely hope that it will be possible, through the United Nations to persuade the two camps that control matters to have more confidence in this Organization and to have more faith in humanity and in each other. Once they develop that and do not use these discussions as centres for propaganda, I think that we can make a start, and perhaps in the near future we shall produce some concrete and long-lasting results.
113. The other day we were addressed by the Head of a State whose problems have been brought before the General Assembly. This is another explosive spot in the Western Hemisphere, I refer to Cuba. As I said earlier, the Cuban problem is a human problem and, whether we like it or not, Cuba and the United States must live together within the Western Hemisphere. I would not have commented on this but for the fact that, for some reason or thorough some accident of history, Nigeria, as indeed the other African countries, has an interest in these two countries. The United States has among its citizens millions of people of African descent, and, Cuba also has among its nationals people of African descent. Therefore, we from Africa cannot be completely indifferent to the problems and the difficulties that have arisen between the United States and Cuba. One is a very great Power; the other is a yearling. But it would be a dangerous thing to allow little Cuba to be used as a pawn on the chessboard of power politics.
114. I would only say that my country and my Government — I have not been delegated by the other African countries to speak for them — would be quite willing, if we were invited, to look into this matter and see what can be done to find a solution to the problem that has arisen between Cuba and the United States, so as to prevent the big fellows from using Cuba as a pawn on this international chessboard of power politics. I would not like to hear one of these days that an atomic bomb had been dropped on Cuba, nor that, from Cuba, so someone had sent a rocket to the United States. We have people of African descent there and, in any event, they are all human beings. Therefore, we have an interest. We would like the two countries to live in peace and not to fall to pieces. Therefore, I take this opportunity to appeal to the two countries to think in terms of peaceful settlement and not to slam the door in the face of one another.
115. I think that what the representative of Upper Volta said represented the general reaction of all of us who come from Africa. Although It is not strictly a matter that should come before the Assembly, since it is an internal affair, as far as we In Africa are concerned, it affects us fundamentally. I refer to the history that was written in Mississippi. I should like, on behalf of my delegation, to put on record its appreciation and that of my people of the effort that is being made to remedy a situation which, to put it very mildly, is rather atrocious. I do not need to say more than has been said before. The fact that the weight of United States authority could be used to see to it that the rule of law obtained irrespective of who was affected, and that the right of an individual, a parson of African descent who had been denied the right to which he Is entitled under the laws and the Constitution of the United States, was upheld, the fact that the Administration had the courage and the boldness to carry that out, I must say, made very refreshing reading to us. And I would say here, rather than castigating that country, that we shall always have a sympathetic understanding of the problem involved, knowing the historical and sociological factors that gave rise to such a situation. As long aa there is a move forward in that direction, the Government and people of Nigeria will always have a sympathetic understanding and will give the United States encouragement in eradicating the situation as rapidly as possible.
116. Now I should like to touch upon some political issues affecting Africa very intimately. As everybody here knows, my delegation, my Government and my people are committed, right up to the neck and up to the top of the head, to the complete abolition of all forms of colonialism, imperialism and domination of peoples on the African„Continent or anywhere else.
117. And so I start from the lighter problems; they are problems, but they are lighter. I am looking forward to being able, by next year at the very latest, to come to this rostrum to welcome Kenya into the family of nations. I sincerely hope that the United Kingdom Government and the leaders of Kenya will do everything possible to see that this becomes a fact at the next session of the General Assembly. I will not make any further comment on that.
118. I want to say from this rostrum that I sincerely hope that the United Kingdom Government, right now, before is too late, will consider very seriously the resolutions that have been adopted by the General Assembly, one at our last session and one recently. From this rostrum, we put forward a compromise proposal which we expected the United Kingdom Government would by now have weighed very carefully. This is the barest minimum that any African State can consider. It will not satisfy us to think that the United Kingdom, which has maintained such a very good record, will fail when the really crucial test as come in Southern Rhodesia. The situation in southern Rhodesia is very bad, and the United Kingdom Government cannot divorce itself from the responsibility of seeing that justice is done to the people of Africa in that unfortunate land.
119. We sincerely hope that what has happened here in the United Nations, when one of the United Kingdom’s representatives finds it impossible to continue to accept the position as it is now, will be a reminder to the United Kingdom Government that something which should be done ought to be done before it is too late. It is quite clear that whether the minority likes it or not, the people of Southern Rhodesia must be independent, the majority must rule that territory, you know that must be so, why not start doing it no? Do you want them to begin to murder each other, as they have already started to do? Three million people cannot be held in bondage for any length of time by three hundred thousand people. This is the jet age.
120. We have been very mild in our attitude towards this, but I want to say that we cannot go below the compromise which we have offered, and if this is ignored, I am afraid that the choice of the people of Nigeria cannot be in doubt. If it is a question of casting vote for the obdurate and stubborn minority it is trying to save or casting a vote for the rule of law, justice, good government, order and clear conscience, then I think we will vote for the latter. It is not our habit to embarrass our friends, but we have always adopted the attitude of giving a firm opinion and expressing ourselves honestly and sincerely in the honest belief that those who are concerned will reflect very carefully on what we have to say.
121. With regard to the question of Angola and Portugal, we have begged Portugal to do three things: to recognize the leaders of Angola; to introduce measures that will transform the society which they have kept in thraldom for five hundred years without doing anything to improve the lot of the people, and to get rid of that archaic, decrepit, disused and untenable notion that any part of African territory can be a province of Portugal.
122. The rulers of Portugal are still stubborn; they do not want to see the red light. It is a fact that there are leaders of established authority in Angola, whether lie Portuguese authorities like it or not, and if the Portuguese do not heed the warning, I have no doubt in my mind that the African States, which have pledged all moral, financial and other support, will in time pledge more than moral support, it would be a sad day if a holocaust raised its head in that area.
123. We appeal also to the members of the Assembly who are members of NATO to stop assisting Portugal to use deadly weapons against the defenceless Angolans. We do not solve a problem by being violent about it, but we can solve a lot of problems by being reasonable about them, by discussing them and by trying to be sensible about them, Portugal should need the warning. The African States may be patient or awhile, but they cannot be patient indefinitely, the time will come when our patience will dry up, and instead of a few Angolan nationalists fighting against overwhelming odds, we may have in the forests and villages more effective forces applied to repel the stubborn imperialists who do not yet realize that their time is up, that the days of imperialism in Africa are numbered. They are not over yet but they are numbered, and I sincerely hope that instead of producing to us here in the Assembly curious individuals who are supposed to be Portuguese Africans, the Portuguese authorities will do their homework and create a situation that will give confidence to the members of the Assembly, so that harmonious relations may be established between the future rulers of Angola and the outgoing imperialist authorities of Portugal. Portugal is a small, poor country, and I believe that economic and trade relations and cultural ties between that country and the future Angola will result in their mutual benefit. Why does Portugal want to sacrifice the future for the past and the present, which is impossible?
124. They say we are savages and they are men of wisdom. I do not understand that at all. It looks as if Portugal is living in the stone age. They have not realized that we are in the twentieth century. I would like the Portuguese delegation to understand — we do, not count South Africa as an African State — that when Uganda becomes a Member of the United Nations we shall be thirty-one independent African States, With the development that is taking place, there will be more independent African States. The movement is, in that direction. Therefore, why not prevent the avalanche from tumbling on Portugal's head? Why they cannot see this I do not know. They have a long history and have had a long association with Africa. Why, they cannot learn from their experience I do not know. At this seventeenth session — and we say this with all sense of responsibility — I would sincerely hope that Portugal will learn the lesson before it is too late.
125. I come now to South West Africa. I shall not bother to discuss this question here, but again this is a matter which requires very serious consideration. It will be considered in the Committee to which it has been allocated for discussion. But we sincerely hope — although our expressions of hope have never had any affect on South Africa will not continue to import aliens into South West Africa with the hope that they will be able to out number the indigenous population in order to have a majority when a plebiscite is held. If that is their intention, they are just deceiving themselves. Unless South West Africa is handed over to the United Nations so that that Territory may be developed in the interests of the people concerned, any exercises that South Africa may, perform will never be recognized by my Government. As far as we are concerned. South West Africa was a mandate of the League of Nations and it would normally has come to the United Nations as a Trust Territory. South Africa refused to: hand it over. As far as we are concerned, on the African Continent, whether it is decided one way or the other, there will be no question of legality or illegality about it. Our law is clear. South West Africa is an African territory. The minority in South Africa cannot do anything to change that.
126. I shall not waste my time on South Africa, except, to make one comment. My Government is very much concerned over the new legislation that South Africa has introduced to repress and suppress the people of Africa in that area. We sincerely hope that nothing they do will in any way result either in the death or destruction of some of the South African nationalists who, we know very well, have been seized under this so-called new law against Sabotage. We would never forgive them if any one of these leaders is destroyed by bogus trials as a result of trying to exercise their political rights. The perennial question of South Africa is being discussed, in another body, and when the matter comes before the Assembly we shall deal with it in greater detail.
127. This brings me to a question, that has been before us since we became Members of this Organization, namely the question of the Congo. I shall not go into any details of the Congo question, except to say that my country is not very happy that the question has not been settled up to this moment. We hope that the time has come when the African countries will take more interest in handling the affairs of the Congo in order to settle the question. For a long time we have left this question to be handled by everybody. When a matter of this nature is handled by everybody, it means that it is nobody's business. My delegation feels that the time has come when the African States themselves, in co-operation with the united Nations and the Secretariat, should set up a body that will examine the question of solving the problem of the Congo once and for all. We have been told that the finances are running out and that it would be a tragedy if we left the Congo as an unfinished job. It would certainly not be to the credit of the United Nations. I believe that the African States themselves must play a more positive role in dealing with the settlement of this question. They can do this in co-operation with the Assembly, the Secretariat and the Congolese authorities themselves. I say this because each time we hear "Katanga", "Katanga", "Katanga", as if Katanga were the only area in the Congo. Under the present set-up there are six provinces, and there may be mere later on. But the Central Government has effective control over five and a half of them. I think we can make a good deal out of the five and a half and make it impossible for the remaining half to continue to defy the established authority of the Republic of the Congo. In this respect, the African States can be of great help to the Secretariat.
128. I feel, my delegation feels and my Government feels that we cannot stay indefinitely in the Congo. We do not agree with certain proposals that we should pull out in one month. But certainly we must have some time-table for finishing our job in the Congo, for getting out and for allowing the Congolese to govern their country. We cannot sit down in the Congo and appear to be fairy godmothers and not allow the Congolese to take up responsibility for their future and direct their own destiny.
129. I do not want to go into the details of this subject, but I am submitting these views because time is winning out and money is running out too. It would be a disaster if we did not tie up the loose ends before the two run. out completely.
130. This brings me to the question of African representation in the essential organs of the United Nations. This is a problem which is very difficult. In this respect, I want to bring to the notice of the Assembly a resolution on the United Nations which was adopted at the Conference of Heads of African and Malagasy States and Governments meeting in Lagos from 25 to 30 January, 1962. The resolution reads as follows: "The Conference of Heads of African and Malagasy States and Governments; meeting in Lagos; from 25th to 30th; January, 1962. "While recognizing and anxious that they should co-operate as far as possible with other States and Governments on matters that may come before the United Nations from time to time ... "Decides that in the best interest of African and Malagasy solidarity and unity: "(a) The African and Malagasy Members of the United Nations Organization should constitute themselves into a distinct and independent group in dealing with all the problems, particularly those that are peculiar to Africa and Malagasy, that may henceforth come before the United Nations; "(b) This group should strive strenuously to obtain a revision of the Charter in order to have a fair and equitable representation of African and Malagasy States on the Security Council, Economic and Social Council, Secretariat and other organs of the United Nations."
131. At least twenty-one States met and decided that the African representatives in the Assembly must carry out this injunction. Broadly, it was said that as the Organization stands today, and considering the numerical strength of the African States, Africa does not have a fair representation in any of the organs of the United Nations. Therefore the question of the enlargement of these organs becomes very urgent, We have been told by a certain Power, a Member of this Organization, that this will not happen until after certain occurrences. As far as we know, the provision for amending or altering the Charter does not envisage such amendment or alteration as being a rider, and the African States, will consider it an unfriendly act for any nation, however powerful it may be, to stand in the way of the African States in their effort to achieve effective representation in the various organs of this Organization to which they belong, in other words, for any nation to use — to deprive the African States of their legitimate rights, under the Charter — the powers that have been given it to exercise with a sense of responsibility. I take this opportunity to reiterate once more that the African States still demand the reconstitution of the various bodies so as to give them representation commensurate with their number and the contribution they are expected to make under the obligations they have assumed under the Charter.
132. When this matter came up, we argued on the question of the gentlemen's agreement of 1946. We were told that nothing could be done, that the Charter would have to be amended. In spite of that, nothing has, been done. At first we challenged this agreement, to which we were not a party, and by raiding the frontiers of Western Europe when we found that Portugal was available as a candidate, we succeeded in establishing our right to occupy a seat in the Security Council. But in spite of that warning the view has persisted that the gentlemen's agreement cannot be altered, and the African States have decided, at this session, while reserving their rights and pressing for the re-allocation of seats so as to enable them to have seats on the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council and other organs of the United Nations, to contest the election at this session under the gentlemen's agreement; in order to test the sincerity or insincerity of this agreement, and to find out whether we are justified in hoping that the so-called gentlemen's agreement is really a gentlemen's agreement. I say this because at first, for some reason or other, we were not given to understand the full implication of this agreement, but we have been able to do some research to find out about it and to learn how it was concluded.
133. For the seats on the Security Council, the gentlemen's agreement grouped the Members of the United Nations into the following: the British Commonwealth, Eastern Europe, Western Europe, the Middle East and Africa, Asia and the Pacific, and America. That was in 1946. At that time there were only two States of Africa geographically below Senegal that were members of the League of Nations and that became founding Members of the United Nations, namely Liberia and Ethiopia. Since 1946 these two African States have never occupied this seat for the Middle East and Africa group. These facts were published in The New York Times in connexion with the candidature of Nigeria.
134. Now, at first Nigeria wanted to contest the election on these broad principles, challenging the gentlemen's agreement. But the African States decided to contest the election on the basis of the gentlemen's agreement, and they came together and selected Nigeria to contest the election on their behalf. Ethiopia and Mauritania withdrew in order to make that possible.
135. So that in the United Nations now those gentlemen who made the gentlemen’s agreement will either honour, it or not honour it. I say this because we have examined the representation in the Security Council since 1946 in respect of the Middle East and Africa seat. The Middle East and North African countries which occupied seats in the Security Council since 1946 are as follows: Egypt in 1946, Syria in 1947-1948, the United Arab Republic in 1949-1950, Lebanon in 1953-1954, Iran in 1955-1956, Iraq in 1957-1958, Tunisia in 1959-1960, the United Arab Republic again in 1961-1962. At no time during all these years was Liberia or Ethiopia elected to occupy this seat.
136. Now for the first time the African States are saying that it is time for them to occupy that seat. We have been told, with regard to our occupying this seat, that Ghana is a member of the Security Council and the Commonwealth. Now under this gentlemen's agreement we have the British Commonwealth. That is a distinct seat. That does not represent Africa at all. It is not even possible for Nigeria or any other of the African countries to occupy that seat next year, after Ghana has vacated it, because Cyprus and, I understand, Malaya and others want to contest it as members of the Commonwealth. Australia, New Zealand, India and Canada are entitled to contest the seat. Therefore, to say that this seat can by any stretch of the imagination, under the gentlemen's agreement, be considered to be an African seat and that Ghana is standing for Africa is simply a deliberate attempt on the part of someone to deceive the Assembly.
137. I am saying this because I read in The New York Times of a certain attempt to suggest that Nigeria will automatically succeed Ghana. That is not true. Somebody must have sent out that propaganda to deceive people.
138. Then there is the suggestion that the African nations have split. As far as I know, there is no question of anybody splitting. What follows from this is the decision of the African States to contest this particular seat. This is quite obvious. With regard to the gentlemen's agreement and those who said that we did not want to observe the gentlemen's agreement, and that is the reason why they oppose Africans having the seat, may I say that the Africans themselves have decided now that they want to observe the gentlemen's agreement.
139. Since 1946 the various members of this group have been put to occupy this seat. The time has come when the African should occupy this seat. It may be argued that of the names that I read out here there were three African countries, In the northern fringe of Africa. I remember that we, all co-operated to elect the United Arab Republic in 1961-1962. At that time the Algerian, question was very real and very hot. Consequently, it was only fair and right that one of the States which was dose to that problem and knew it intimately should be able to speak in the Security Council on that particular matter. But now Algeria, happily, is a Member of the United Nations and is no more a problem in that area to threaten international peace and security.
140. The problem which is now facing the United Nations is in Kenya, the Congo, Angola, Northern Rhodesia, Southern Rhodesia, Nyasaland, Bechuanaland, Mozambique, South West Africa, Basutoland, Swaziland and South Africa. In all those areas the majority of States, which are contiguous to this territory and have intimate knowledge of the problems involved, have decided and agreed that now is the time for them to have representation in the Security Council in order to be in a position to speak more effectively and represent the interests involved in that area.
141. In order to make it absolutely clear, I state that Nigeria today is no longer a candidate just by itself. It is a representative candidate of the African States. And if we consider it strategically, Article 23 of the Charter of the United Nations says the following with regard to the basis of the election of the non-permanent members: "The General Assembly shall elect six other Members of the United Nations to be non-permanent members of the Security Council, due regard being specially paid, in the first instance to the contribution of Members of the United Nations to the maintenance of international peace and security and to the other purposes of the Organization, and also, to equitable geographical distribution."
142. If it comes to a question of a contribution to international peace and security, the African candidate qualifies, because the Assembly and the Secretariat know the role which Nigeria has been playing in the Congo in terms of contribution of forces, police and also money. Geographically, one finds also, whether it is a question of population or area, or numerical strength or resources, that those States occupy, the dominant areas on the African continent. Surely if those States decide they have a, candidate, it is a question that could be simply settled.
143. I have, decided to say this because I listened to some strange arguments that were being put up. The argument was that we did not want to observe the gentlemen's agreement. The African States now want to observe the gentlemen's agreement. In other words, it has always been said that we were, threatening the Latin American seat, that we were threatening the Western European seat, that we were threatening the Eastern European seat. None of them have been threatened. What we want now is our own seat, which we have not occupied since 1946 because of the numerical inferiority of the African States, There were only two of them in that area and consequently they could not muster a sufficient number of votes.
144. But now, as a matter of principle, we are asking the gentlemen to honour the agreement. I sincerely hope that our Middle Eastern friends will see the reasoning in our arguments. It is a simple matter. Our Western European friends will find that we are not after their seats. As regards Latin America, we are not after their seats. We are after our own seat. It will be noticed that a majority of those people in that area have already occupied the seat at least once or three times, and that none of the Charter Members have occupied it even once.
145. I sincerely hope that the facts which l put before this Assembly will show the justice of the cause we are pursuing and that it will be possible for all concerned to come together and get this matter settled because of the mischievous article that was written by one person called Sam Pope Brewer in The New York Times.
146. I want to take this opportunity to warn the Afro- Asian group that this is an invidious means of causing a rift in our Organization — and the African group, too. When President Sekou Touré of Guinea spoke here, he spoke of African unity. It is now time to demonstrate that African unity. Surely, when by a democratic process the majority of States decide that they have a candidate, it is a contribution to African unity to acquiesce to the wishes of the majority; or they should all get together and have the matter settled so that the Africans can have one candidate and one candidate only. I believe the good sense of our Middle Eastern friends will make them realize that they have been occupying the seat for so long. And since we are entitled to it, as they are, it is only reasonable — the first time we are making this request — for them to yield to our legitimate request.
147. I have brought this up because this is very serious as far as the African countries are concerned. We want to contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security. We believe that if we in Africa — the African States — using the methods which have been adopted now can help to solve the problem which is tickling the United Nations and if we are able to have peace and security in our continent, we should be helping the United Nations to solve the problem and to maintain peace and security in the rest of the world.
148. As I said at the beginning of my statement, my delegation, my Government and the people of Nigeria have infinite faith that with good sense and mutual understanding this Organization can continue for many more years to serve humanity. We must now begin to reform our thoughts, to think in terms of the standard of greatness. What constitutes greatness? Is it the ability to go to the moon? Is that the only thing? What of making our world a better place to live in, making our respective populations happier, making humanity get to know itself better? If the United Nations does nothing else I think it does this, because this is the one international and inter-racial club which meets once a year, with all races of mankind, with all the faults and character of man. We meet here and exchange thoughts without any fighting, without anybody breaking his head, except that once in a while somebody bangs his desk with something because there must be some excitement to make the place lively.
149. I have put these thoughts before the Assembly in the hope that we will all do our best to contribute to the building of the United Nations and to making it more effective in dealings between States.