18. Mr. President, I wish to take this opportunity to congratulate you on behalf of the Iraqi delegation, on your election as President of the seventeenth session of the General Assembly. Your election to this high office is an act of recognition on the part of the international community of the long and devoted service you rendered to the cause of peace and justice in the world.
19. The General, Assembly has already welcomed Algeria as a Member of the United Nations. I have had the privilege of speaking on this memorable and historic occasion. After 132 years of French colonial rule, and a war which lasted nearly eight years, the Algerian people, who bore heroically the brunt of the eight years' battle with a big Power, have emerged stronger than ever and have demonstrated that a war of national liberation cannot yield to force. This is because the Algerian struggle for independence has also been a revolutionary war, both, in its methods and its impact on the minds of the people as well as on the organization of Algerian society. Although it has been a costly war for the Algerian people, it is hoped that the colonialists would have drawn the necessary conclusions as to, the futility and the dangers, involved in the policy of force, not only in maintaining their position in occupied areas, but also in their endeavour to arrest the march of history in the developing countries. Nobody would dispute the fact that realism has finally triumphed in France, as can be evidenced from the approach to the Algerian question. The liberation of Algeria, we believe, has set the stage for a new development in the relationship between the West and the Middle East, particularly between France and the Arab countries.
20. I wish also to welcome among us the four other new Member States, namely, Rwanda, Burundi, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, and we hope to welcome, in the very near future, yet another new Member, Uganda.
21. The People's Republic of China is still barred from taking its rightful place in the United Nations. This anomalous situation cannot be tolerated much longer. It is utterly inconceivable that the most populous, nation in the world, a country with a rich and ancient culture representing a great force in our world today, should be denied its lawful rights to represent the Chinese people in this Organization. We welcome the inscription of this question as a separate item on the agenda, and we wish to express our thanks to the Soviet Union for taking the initiative in this regard. My delegation will expound its views fully at the appropriate time when the question of China's representation is discussed in the plenary.
22. This session of the General Assembly opens once again in an atmosphere of international tension despite the great efforts made since the last session to settle the major international problems. However, some success has been achieved in the settlement of certain questions which, it is hoped, will lead to creating more confidence in the machinery and process of peaceful settlement of international disputes, and differences. The attainment of independence by Algeria end the settlement of the problem of West Irian provide a new hope for the future and demonstrate the futility of colonial wars to suppress the rights of peoples to freedom and independence.
23. I wish to take this opportunity to extend our congratulations to the Government and people of Indonesia on the restoration of their rights in West Irian, which we have always considered to be an integral part of the Indonesian Republic. A major portion of the credit is due to the Secretary-General, whose patient efforts have succeeded in bringing the two sides together and settling a potentially dangerous problem. The United Nations has embarked upon a new and important experiment which may be fruitfully followed in similar cases in the future.
24. While wide-spread and deep satisfaction was felt on the occasion of the termination of the war in Algeria and the achievement of Algerian independence and on the conclusion of the Agreement between Indonesia and the Netherlands [A/5170, annex] there remain unsolved a number of crucial problems which threaten peace. At this, juncture mention should be made of the German problem and the tension over Berlin, the deteriorating situation in the Congo and the situation arising between the United States and Cuba. Each of these problems is stirring up trouble in an important region, namely;, Europe, Africa and Latin America, respectively.
25. The crisis over Berlin threatens, to unleash a general war. The German problem continues to be serious and has become a factor of delay in the settlement of other international problems. The choice now is in the method of settling this problem. To attempt to solve the problem by employing force would be a complete denial of the realities of the situation, as revealed by the existence of two Germanies, differing in economic and political systems, and a reversal of the whole trend of development of peaceful coexistence. To proceed thus is utterly unrealistic, and the community of nations rejects such methods of force as contrary to the United Nations Charter and the main historical trend of development in the relationship among nations.
26. The situation in Cuba poses a number of serious international questions which have considerable bearing on the maintenance of peace. We all have as neighbours countries with differing social and political systems and no country has the right to impose its system upon others. This is the essence of the accepted policy of peaceful coexistence, and any other policy would inevitably lead to aggression. The people of Cuba are free to choose their own system of government and no State, however big and powerful, has the right to interfere in the internal affairs of other States.
27. The situation in the Congo remains a source of great anxiety and concern. The laudable efforts of the Secretary-General to ensure the attainment of the objectives of the United Nations in the Congo are being continually thwarted and obstructed by Tshombé. Mercenaries continue to be recruited and their position in Katanga has been further consolidated. The United Nations is called upon to take effective measures to defend the unity and territorial integrity of the Congo and to end the secession of Katanga.
28. It is necessary here to draw attention to the disruptive influence of some of the great Powers. By their deliberate obstruction of the measures taken by the Secretary-General, and by their overt and continuous aid to Tshombé, they bear the major responsibility for frustrating the: efforts of the United Nations to restore the peace and unity of the Congo. Their irresponsible actions can only weaken this Organization and impair its usefulness and effectiveness as a vital force for world peace and human welfare.
29. I turn now to some questions regarding the Middle East and the colonial Powers. A number of speakers have already referred, in some detail, to their own regional problems. Let me how refer to some of our regional problems and their impact on the world situation.
30. The Middle East region stands at a meeting line between East and West and has been directly and indirectly dominated by the colonial Powers because of its strategic importance and for its great natural wealth. While some countries of the Middle East have been successful in freeing themselves from colonial, domination, there still remain large areas under colonial subjugation. In general, the main sources of wealth are still in the hands of foreign Powers. The struggle between the peoples in this region and the colonial Powers has been sharpened by the general awakening of the people and their desire to live freely and independently and to become masters in their own countries. The struggle against colonial domination and intervention is consuming most of the energies of the people, thereby retarding their economic and social development, which is the most fundamental aspiration of people everywhere. It is clear that the colonial Powers have failed to understand that the people in the Middle East have one supreme desire: to end their state of under-development and to live in peace and amity with the whole world. Experience has demonstrated that the colonial Powers have one main objective: to prevent the complete liberation of the people in the Middle East in order to prolong the colonial presence in the region, politically, economically and militarily.
31. The maintenance of the colonial presence in the Middle East is a factor of instability. Various means have been employed to foment instability in the region, for the maintenance of positions of strength for the colonial Powers in the newly independent States as well as in the occupied territories. This instability has become a socio-political problem, dangerous both to the people of the region and to the peace of the world. The methods used by the colonial Powers include open warfare, subversion, hostile propaganda, economic and military pressure, the maintenance of military bases and garrisons, instigation to violence, and the causing of friction and hostility between States through their involvement in military blocs.
32. Moreover, the colonial Powers have utilized all the forces that are most eager to keep the peoples of the Middle East in a backward state. This type of intervention falls in the pattern of the traditional colonial policy of divide and rule. And although the colonial tactics have changed from one place to another, their strategy remains one of keeping conditions of instability in the region, so as perpetuate the colonial presence under a state of continuous tension.
33. The period since the last session of the General Assembly has been characterized, in the Middle East particularly, by an obvious increase in the activities of the colonial Powers and their reactionary agents in the region, despite the manifestations of casual friendship and amity. A number of States have received, from the United States in particular, increased aid for military purposes, and military bases have been strengthened by men and war materials. All these activities have not been accidental, but were intentional and are part of an over-all plan aimed at keeping tension and instability in the whole Middle East region.
34. The NATO and the CENTO, as it is well known, are closely interlocked and interdependent alliances. Both the United States and the United Kingdom are committed to CENTO, which operates in the Middle East. It was after March 1962 that both NATO and CENTO decided to step up their military preparations in the Middle East and to increase the pressure on some countries of the region, including my own. Other countries of the Middle East, not members of the alliance, have joined in these activities.
35. The colonial Powers, notably the United Kingdom, have taken Steps to fortify their positions in the area, especially since the rapid progress of the movement for national liberation in Asia and Africa, and the United Nations decision regarding the liquidation of colonialism [resolution 1514 (XV)].
36. The Iraqi national revolution of July 1958 and the decision of Iraq to leave the Baghdad Pact have had a deep impact on changing the policy of the colonial Powers in the Middle East. A new politico-military plan has been worked out with a view to tightening the colonial grip on the region. What disturbs the colonialists further is the adoption of the policy of non-alignment in the area by an increasing number of States and the influence of that policy on public opinion in others. To meet these new trends, the colonial Powers have resorted, on the one hand, to augmenting their military preparedness, and, on the other, to increasing their direct and indirect intervention in the affairs of the countries which submit to their military and political influence.
37. The extent of the new military preparations of the colonial Powers in the Middle East cannot be judged only by the new military measures taken by CENTO or the military expenditures and manpower mobilization in individual States, but should be viewed also in the light of the over-all military planning of the various Western alliances.
38. This is no place to discuss the elements and the implications of the new policy involved in the operation of these military alliances. But it would be useful to say a word regarding the extent to which Great Britain alone has recently increased its military preparedness in the region, and the motives which lie behind such action.
39. The United Kingdom has set out its general world military policy in a White Paper issued in February 1962, Statement on Defence 1962, The Next Five Years, in which its military position in the Middle East and the motives for such action are clearly set out as part of an over-all military plan and policy. The military plan for dominating the Middle East envisages the exercise of military power in a network of points, some of which even fall outside the Middle East. According to this, White Paper, they extend from Gibraltar to Malta to Cyprus to Kenya to Aden and the Arabian Gulf; and include points of military importance in adjacent countries to the Arabian Peninsula. This implies the setting-up of military bases and garrisons and the storing of great quantities of military and war material and the stationing of personnel. According to the new British military policy: "Greater mobility by air and sea is the best way of fulfilling efficiently over the next five to ten years the requirement..." as envisaged by the establishment of this military network of bases.
40. The reasons for this military policy, plans and preparations are given in the White Paper. By way of illustration, I quote the following paragraph; "Peace and stability in the oil-producing States of Arabia and the Persian Gulf are vital for the Western world. We are, and shall remain, responsible for military assistance to those States in the area to which we are bound by treaty or Which are otherwise under our protection. We have an obligation under treaty to protect the Arab Rulers of the Federation and other States in the Aden Protectorate and direct military responsibility for the defence of Aden Colony. This has meant stationing a garrison in Aden Colony, and providing detachments for the assistance of Arab forces in the Protectorate. For possible operations in the Gulf we have veiled on Aden as a base and on reinforcing from Kenya. Henceforward, we plan to keep land forces permanently stationed in Aden and the Gulf and to reinforce them rapidly in emergency not only by air but also by means of an amphibious joint Service task force East of Suez capable of putting ashore in the threatened areas land forces, and their heavy equipment, and of providing air and communication support." It was stated furthermore: "At present we maintain in Kenya a part of our Army Strategic Reserve, which is available for supporting the civil power in the African territories for which we are responsible and as a reinforcement for our forces in the Middle East, primarily for operations in the Persian Gulf. "
41. The nature of this military policy and preparation is clarified by the role assigned to the various services, which reveals the general strategy of the West as far as the Middle East region is concerned. The following statement from the White Paper shows the extent to which Western military policy is involved in the mounting tension in the Middle East, as well as the degree of threat to the state of stability of the area. The British Government states: "Our armed forces provide a contribution to the strategic nuclear power of the West. We support NATO and SEATO with land, sea and air forces, and CENTO with our air striking force; In addition we have to maintain both, a military presence in, and a capacity for rapid reinforcement of, some areas where we have responsibilities beyond the scope of these three regional alliances. "This requires forces organized and trained for mobility, both in the United Kingdom and in our overseas bases, as well as the means for moving them. In the United Kingdom we have the Army's Strategic Reserve and the transport aircraft at the disposal of the Royal Air Force. There is already the closest liaison in training and operations between the appropriate formations of the Strategic Reserve and Transport Command. The considerable degree of sea and air, mobility which these forces have already achieved was amply demonstrated in the operations in July 1961 to support Kuwait. Land forces in excess of brigade strength, with their heavy equipment, were gathered from a wide area and landed by sea and air with great speed. This operation showed that the mobile forces we are now building up are well fitted for their task. These include one Commando ship (H.M.S. Bulwark) in commission; another, H.M.S. Albion, is commissioning in July. These ships will normally carry a fighting force of 750 men consisting of a Royal Marine Commando and its associated battery of the Royal Artillery, the vehicles and equipment necessary to support them in operations ashore, a squadron of helicopters and four Assault Landing Craft. In emergency each ship could carry some 1,200 men. In addition, the Amphibious Warfare Squadron, now stationed in the Middle East, will continue to be available to lift heavy equipment and discharge it at the beachhead. The ships of this squadron will be replaced by a new type of Assault ship with improved capacity and speed; the ordering of the first of these ships has already been announced and the Government has now decided that a second will be ordered in the course of the financial year. In addition the first of a new class of logistic ship (the L.S.L.) is being laid down this year for the Army. Air cover for a task force of this kind will be provided by a carrier, and a cruiser will also normally be available providing gun support and the capacity to carry further Army troops or Royal Marines. Similarly, the total lift of the present transport fleet of the Royal Air Force will be steadily increased by the addition of new aircraft. The Comet IV is now entering service and orders have been placed for the VC-10 and the Belfast. Argosies are now being delivered to reinforce the medium range transport force. A small force of mobile light bomber and fighter squadrons is also always available to reinforce the Royal Air Force overseas and to accompany the strategic reserve forces if required."
42. It will have become abundantly clear from the preceding facts why the situation in the Middle East continues to be disturbed and the extent to which Western policy is responsible for the state of tension and instability there. The impact of this policy is clearly demonstrated by conditions of unrest and conflict which emanate from the desire of the people to be free, a desire which is being obstructed by the colonial Powers in their determination to keep their colonial presence in the area, with a view to prolonging their exploitation of the great wealth in these countries. The result of such colonial policy is war in Oman and conflict in Aden.
43. As to Oman, the situation continues to be serious in that unhappy country. The people of Oman are courageously fighting to attain their independence and freedom from colonial rule. We are confident that they will succeed in their struggle and that all the peoples of the world who have recently acceded to independence will assist them in their noble cause. This Organization should show in this instance, as it has in others, the moral weight its decisions can have in the world, particularly on colonial questions.
44. Aden, as previously indicated, is an important link in the chain of British bases in the Middle East, Because of its strategic position, Aden has been made the headquarters of the unified Middle East command, where troops, ships, aircraft, heavy equipment, supplies and facilities for maintenance and repair are kept for military operations elsewhere in the region. And it is solely for strategic reasons that the Aden Colony has been joined to the so-called South Arabian Federation by an Agreement between the British and a minority of feudal sheiks and a few unrepresentative people of Aden. The British control over the base will continue, as nothing in the Treaty, it is stated, will affect British sovereignty over Aden.
45. The agreement between Britain and the so-called South Arabian Federation forces the people of Aden against their will to join the Federation and, secondly, consolidates British control over the southern Arabian coastal territories, and separates permanently those territories from Yemen of which they are an integral part.
46. The game played by Britain in granting artificial independence is nothing new. It has already been tried in Kuwait, to separate it from Iraq. This is a dangerous game which cannot escape the notice of the peoples of the countries concerned and the countries fighting imperialism. As in Kuwait, The Observer states: "What the British Government, with its commitment to a larger and better base in Aden, is primarily interested in is to gain a, few useful years and to keep the Arab Nationalist forces at bay."
47. This action taken by Britain has met with wide resistance and opposition in Aden, despite all the acts of violence and suppression employed by the forces of occupation. The people of Aden and the Protectorates are determined to throw off the colonial yoke. They demand the termination of colonial rule and the transfer of sovereignty to the people themselves, in order that they will be able to determine their future status, and not have it decided for them by a handful of decadent and reactionary tribal chiefs.
48. Three years ago we asked the United Nations [812th meeting] to investigate the position and presence of Britain in that part of Arabia. We repeat now, and especially after the sad events in Aden, that it is the duty of the United Nations to take positive steps in that direction and to implement its decision regarding the liquidation of colonial, rule. If the United Nations does not assist in the operation of decolonization, it would be leaving the destiny of millions to the mercy of the colonialists, thus prolonging, their agony and endangering the safety and progress of the whole Middle East.
49. At this point, I should like to ask you to look at the map attached to the text of this statement, which has already been distributed. It is at the end of the statement. You will certainly notice the extent of the British occupation, extending from Aden to Kuwait. Military bases and oil wells have been marked — a fact which shows how oil and imperialism are interlinked in southern Arabia, the Gulf and the adjacent countries. While imperialism came before the discovery of oil, it has remained and, indeed, has expanded to protect its oil interests.
50. Mr. John Strachey, a Labour Member of Parliament and a former Minister in the Labour Government, in his book The End of Empire, reveals the reasons for this British presence in Arabia and says: "... the story of how British, American and to a less extent other European capital became involved in the extraction of oil, above all in the region of the Persian Gulf, is a strange and important special case of modern imperialism. "... the British Empire effected one last major expansion as lately as the end of the First World War. This was the acquisition, in fact though not in form, of much of the Arabian provinces of the Turkish Empire, these territories... have now turned out to be by far the richest imperial acquisition which Britain ever made." Mr. Strachey concludes: "For there is no doubt about it, for sheer wealth there has never been anything in the history of imperialism like the Middle East oil."
51. The result has been that while Britain has been willing, or forced to accept, the demands of our times for independence nearly everywhere, it has in fact, increased its dominance and control over the territories in the Arabian Peninsula. From Aden to Kuwait, British troops are active in fighting the inhabitants, in order to continue to be able to obtain and control the vast wealth of Arab oil.
52. Now while I am speaking about the Middle East, I should like to say a word on the Palestine question. Two weeks ago it was announced that the United States had agreed to sell missiles to Israel, and thus Israel becomes the first country not formally a member of a Western military alliance to receive from the West the supersonic weapons and supporting equipment. In March 1962 [1006th meeting] the Security Council condemned Israel, by a vote of 10 to none, for aggression against Syria and for its "flagrant violation" of past United Nations resolutions. The Israel Parliament, only a day later, by a vote of 76 to 3, adopted a resolution which categorically rejected the resolution of the Security Council.
53. Why should the United States, a great Power and a permanent member of the Security Council, behave in this contradictory manner? Why should the United States supply arms to an aggressor who has insistently violated the decisions of the United Nations? This is not the first time that the United States has supported Israel's aggressive policy, nor the only form in which the United States has built up Israel's military power. Since the creation of Israel, the United States has been rendering colossal material and economic assistance disproportionate to Israel's size and population. Other Western Powers have done the same, and continuously. The West is interested in maintaining and strengthening Israel as a bridge-head for colonialism in the Middle East. The reasons are obvious — to resist the national liberation movements in the Middle East and Africa; to force the new countries to remain within the framework of the Western economic system and under the yoke of colonial domination, and to use it for the implementation of the colonial and military plans of the West. Last but not least, the West is using Israel as a cover for its policy of intervention in the Middle East, Africa and Asia. Israel's role is co-operation in subversion and the perpetuation of tension in the Middle East.
54. There have, therefore, been constant efforts on the part of the western Powers to paint Israel as a peace loving and tolerant little country. Many people have been deluded by this false propaganda, and seem to forget its many acts of aggression against the Arab States, its violation of the decisions of the United Nations, its defiance of the orders of the Security Council, and its lack of co-operation with the United Nations peace machinery. It would be difficult to enumerate here the acts of defiance and aggression committed by Israel. The record of the Security Council is full of such acts. Those who wish to see peace established in the Middle East should look back on this record. By way of illustration, I should like to draw attention to a few cases.
55. More than 25 per cent of the present area occupied by Israel belongs to the Arabs, according to the so-called Partition Plan of the United Nations. Israel moved its capital to Jerusalem in violation of United Nations resolutions.
56. Israel took the Negeb after the cease-fire and against United Nations decisions. Israel refuses to grant to United Nations military observers freedom of movement along the armistice lines in accordance with the General Armistice Agreement. It refuses to allow the United Nations to place patrol boats on Lake Tiberias despite the fact that the United Nations has jurisdiction over the whole demilitarized zone. Israel has resisted United Nations supervision of the demilitarized zones, and its guards have been placed inside the zones. Israel refused to recognize the United Nations Mixed Armistice Commission with Syria and Egypt. Israel occupied Al-Auja, the demilitarized zone which is supposed to be under United Nations control.
57. These are only a few of Israel's many acts of violation of United Nations decisions and authority which were mostly accompanied by use of force, in order to show how false is the pretension of the west regarding the peace-loving character of Israel. It is hardly necessary to recall here the aggression against Egypt in 1956, and the major role assumed by Israel in collaboration with Britain and France.
58. As to the tolerance of Israel, I would only refer to the thousands of Palestinian Arabs driven from their land in Israel-occupied territory into bordering Arab countries. The Arabs living in Israel are treated as second-class citizens in every respect. Control over those Arabs is applied through police tactics not dissimilar to those practised by the Nazis and Fascists.
59. The refusal of Israel to abide by the decisions of this Organization and to co-operate with its peace- promoting machinery deprives the United Nations of its main objectives. This attitude is clearly a challenge to the rule of law in international relations, and therefore threatens peace and security in the Middle East. The reasons for such an attitude emanate from a policy of expansion pursued by Israel since its creation. Increased immigration into Israel, piling up of arms, suppression of the rights of Arabs of Israel are some of the facets of this expansionist policy. It is thus evident that States assisting Israel in the implementation of this policy are working to prevent peace and security in the region.
60. With such a record and with such avowed expansionist and aggressive intentions, it must be clear that the insincere call for negotiations and peace which we heard from Mrs. Meir on 9 October 1962 [1148th meeting] is nothing but a call on the Arabs to surrender all their rights and legalize the aggression committed against them and sanction the usurpation of their homeland.
61. The rights of the Arab inhabitants of Palestine are not negotiable. Justice and self-determination are not negotiable. One's own country and existence are not negotiable. Yet that is what Israel hopes to achieve from direct negotiations — surrender, total and complete. This, the Arabs will never do. The Arab people of Palestine shall never surrender their rights. They are determined to regain their lost homeland, Palestine in its entirety.
62. Allow me now to turn for a few moments and draw attention to some international problems. I will start with the question of disarmament. There is, today, a valid and justifiable fear of a general and disastrous war. No question in the world's history has received so much attention and has been viewed with such grave concern as that of disarmament. General and special meetings and conferences on governmental and popular levels have been held since the last session of the General Assembly. Many declarations were made by responsible statesmen and considerable literature appeared in condemnation of the arms race and in defence of the urgent need for disarmament. People everywhere have been living in perpetual fear of the accumulation of arms, and particularly nuclear arms, which threaten humanity at any moment with total destruction. It is feared that accidents or acts of provocation might lead to an unexpected nuclear war. Public opinion has come, therefore, to believe that the only way to avert such a catastrophe is by general and complete disarmament under appropriate and effective international control. The urgency of reaching agreement on disarmament requires no emphasis, as any further delay in reaching such agreement might render controlling disarmament operations in stages less effective. The present trends in arms production show only too clearly that when the displacement of the nuclear arms-carrying devices becomes generalized, especially when missile bases become mobile, the control of disarmament consequently becomes extremely difficult if not. impossible. Moreover, scientific research will render cheaper the production of nuclear weapons, and the possibility of obtaining them will no longer be confined to the present nuclear Powers but to a much larger number. The nuclear Powers have, therefore, a decisive role in the disarmament negotiations, for without their agreement it would be impossible to proceed either to a liquidation of nuclear arms or to a prohibition of testing.
63. Although the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, held in Geneva in 1962, has not achieved the desired results, it has, nevertheless, proved a useful step in the right direction. The role of the neutral countries has been constructive and the Eight-Nation Memorandum dated 16 April 1962 provided sound bases for discussion and a common ground for negotiations between the two sides, Despite the fact that an agreement on the cessation of tests has not been reached, nevertheless the gap between the two sides on this problem has been narrowed down. With the exception of underground tests, both sides seem to agree that tests in the air and outer space and under water can be detected and identified without international control and inspection. It is hoped that the talks on nuclear tests will reach definite and positive conclusions regarding the cessation of these tests. Without such an agreement, the international situation will remain dangerous. It is a grave error to underestimate the potential danger of war in the present world tension.
64. It requires no emphasis that disarmament has a direct bearing on every aspect of life, national and international. There is hardly any single vital question, be it related to national freedom and independence, living standards or employment anywhere in the world which is not directly affected by the arms race.
65. The report of the Secretary-General on the Economic and Social Consequences of Disarmament is a valuable document which deserves the closest attention and study. What is being spent annually on armaments is also as much as the entire national income of all the under-developed countries of the world. Even if only a small part of the huge amount of $120 billion which is annually consumed by armaments is spent on the development of the underdeveloped countries, then we may reasonably hope to eliminate forever from the world, and within a foreseeable future, the age-old scourges of poverty, disease and ignorance.
66. We are glad that the Soviet Union has proposed an item entitled "Economic programme for disarmament". The important aspect of the Soviet proposal is that the economic programme of disarmament will not depend upon the conclusion of a treaty on general and complete disarmament, but should be dealt with immediately and without delay.
67. In his introduction to the Annual Report[A/5201/ Add.l], the Secretary-General laid special emphasis on the economic aspect of the world situation and its relation to peace, and rightly directed attention to the needs of the developing countries.
68. In its last session, the General Assembly unanimously adopted a resolution [1710 (XVI)] calling for a United Nations Development Decade. For the, first time, it has been decided to make a concerted Attack upon the age-old problems of poverty, disease and ignorance. "The plight of the under-developed world", wrote The Times of London on 7 August 1962, "is once again forcing its attention on the leading industrial western nations. After years of giving aid to Asia, Africa, and South America, it is slowly being realized that, far from the gap between the 'haves' and 'have-nots' being narrowed, it is still widening."
69. The FAO estimated that one-sixth of the World population is permanently hungry, and that another one-third endures diet deficiencies that shorten life and reduce strength. Measured in standard dollars, the average annual income in the United States is $2,350; in Western Europe, $850; among the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America, about $100 a year, The difference in income levels between advanced and developing countries is being accentuated by a more rapidly rising per capita income in the advanced countries, and thus the gap "between the two groups of countries is rapidly widening and rich and poor nations throughout the world are moving further apart.
70. The division of the world into rich and poor countries is more real with more serious consequences than is generally imagined. Self-interest and narrow-mindedness prevent a true appraisal of the dangers involved. On the other hand, the mounting difficulties facing commodity exports from underdeveloped areas is on alarming phenomenon facing their developing economies.
71. The President of Pakistan, Mohammad Ayub Khan, stated in this Assembly [1133rd meeting] a fact which deserves repetition. He said: "Even if the most modest targets of the United Nations Development Decade are to be attained, improved access to the world markets for the exports of developing countries must be assured. Without this, those countries could not reach the necessary stage of self-sustaining economic growth. "The prospects of improved access to export markets, however, are getting dimmer with the increasing trend towards the formation of common markets of continental proportions... The time has come for the Western world to decide whether it will make a viable place for the developing countries, or whether it intends to turn itself into a powerful international cartel denying to our manufacturers access to their markets and forcing us to remain primary producers to feed their factories, dictating the terms of our trade and compelling us to pay several times more for their finished goods. If this were to happen, it would amount to re-establishing imperialism of the worst kind, which may lead to disastrous consequences."
72. It is hardly necessary to repeat that European capitalism has taken steps, through the establishment of the Common Market, to accelerate the concentration of industry and capital in Western Europe, which is bound to result in new forms of division of the world markets. On the other hand, as it is a monopoly agreement between the finance oligarchies of Western Europe, the Common Market has become the economic instrument of NATO, thereby intensifying the armaments race. In fact, what big business aims at establishing is a large protected market and a large area in which to operate freely and under more or less uniformly favourable legal, social and economic conditions. This means the erection of obstacles in the way of developing countries to sell their products in Europe, and thus subordinate them permanently to the Western economy by keeping them in the role of producers of agricultural products and raw materials for their industry.
73. The special status in the Common Market offered to certain States outside Western Europe does not decrease the danger of the Common Market to the developing countries of the world. This special status means a privileged position for the agricultural and mineral products of the associated members in the Common Market, and a privileged position for the Common Market’s manufactured goods in the associated States. The Development Fund has been changed from a means of assisting in developing health and education in the associated States into "productive investment" to enhance their capacity to supply raw materials.
74. All this shows that the Common Market is endeavouring to promote a system of neo-colonialism not very different in content from the old type of imperialism. It is, in other words, an attempt to establish a collective imperialism to safeguard capitalist interests by perpetuating Western economic hegemony over the under-developed areas of the world.
75. We therefore welcome the decision of the Economic and Social Council to hold an international conference on trade and development. The proposal of the Soviet Union to convene a conference on international trade problems is timely and constructive. There is no doubt that the present situation in international trade is characterized by harmful and discriminatory practices which are obstructing the free flow of goods and services. This is a situation from Which all nations suffer, particularly the developing nations. An international conference on trade problems will help to normalize and Improve the world market situation. It will also help to eliminate the unsatisfactory practices which curtail free commercial intercourse among the nations of the world!
76. It has become abundantly clear that neo-colonialism is the counter-strategy of imperialism in the era of the triumph of national liberation movements, The Belgrade Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-aligned Countries, in September 1961, has considered neo-colonialism as the greatest threat to the independence of the newly emerging nations, and sounded a note of warning of its grave, consequences. The success of neo-colonialism would mean a new form of domination by political, economic, social, technical and military means. Imperialist strategy employs all these means, although there are differences in the methods used by each colonialist Power. The techniques of neocolonialism are directed by the retreating colonialists towards the acquisition and the maintenance of maximum possible political and military domination and economic exploitation of the liberated countries. This objective is partly fulfilled by making the new States weak at the time of their birth. In certain cases, the method of partition was employed as in the case of Palestine; in others the form of government was chosen under pressure and intervention by the colonialists. For example, in a number of oases the Governments which emerged out of this intervention Were of a reactionary or feudal character. Still other artificially created States have been forcibly separated from the national territory of sovereign countries.
77. Last year, for example, the British Government created out of Kuwait — which is an integral part of Iraqi territory and the richest British oil colony in the Middle East — a puppet State, supported by British arms. Moreover, new arbitrary frontiers were imposed on the basis of former colonial divisions, irrespective of economic, ethnic or ether considerations.
78. Yet another method for perpetuating colonial domination is through military agreements and blocs
79. Last, but not least, neo-colonialism employs economic and financial aid as a means to continue its domination. Such aid is usually accompanied by economic, political and military strings, and designed to perpetuate the grip of colonialism and to facilitate capitalist penetration.
80. Experience has shown that bilateral "aid" extended by colonialist Governments to under-developed countries is a means of exerting political, economic and military pressure on them. Certain Western powers pretend that they are making sacrifices to help developing countries. In reality, most forms of aid amount to investing capital for military and political motives, The idea of sacrifice does not stand objective examination.
81. It is hard to assess the total profit made from investments in under-developed areas because the real figures are kept secret. Nevertheless, it is certain that imperialists spend far less in aid than the profit they derive as a result of unequal trade and capital investment. It should be noted that unequal trade is one of the economic scourges of underdeveloped areas. Raw materials and agricultural products constitute nearly 80 per cent of the exports of Latin America, Africa and the Middle East, and about 65 per cent of the exports of Asia and Oceania. The prices paid for these exports are low, while high prices are charged for manufactured goods from Europe and America.
82. In the liberated countries, the pressing and urgent tasks of national economic and social development and progress cannot be achieved except by solving the problem of under-development and destroying feudalism, the ally of colonialism. When foreign capital and aid are used to orientate the economic and social policy in the developing countries on colonialist patterns, the colonial economic structures are bound to remain, although quantitative growth is achieved. The objective of the under-developed countries is, and must remain, to translate their political independence into real economic and social progress in terms of higher living standards.
83. I would only say a few words in conclusion regarding the United Nations role and the new world order. The United Nations today is clearly more representative of the nations of the world than at any time since its creation. For the majority of nations, it has become the forum in which to meet and express their views and aspirations, with the hope of promoting the broad lines of a generally acceptable policy covering the basic elements of the new world order. The rapid growth of the United Nations membership in recent years has rendered the representative character of this Organization an extremely significant factor in building up the future foundations of the international society of nations. Thus, the position that is gradually assumed by the United Nations in the world's political, economic and scientific development makes it incumbent upon all nations to abide by the formulae worked out by the various organs of the United Nations. In the past, national interests have been generally accepted as the guiding criteria in dealings between States; but the growth in the interdependence of nations has set a term to the old criteria of national interests, and is bound to force States to look beyond these criteria in order to achieve peace and progress.
84. At present, the powers of small and underdeveloped countries are circumscribed by the world's political and economic forces more than by purely Internal factors. The great changes in the world are often beyond their control, although they may affect them and impress upon them the need to alter their own internal and external relations. Thus, the differences between the two world ideologies on the one hand, and the endeavour of former colonial Powers to retain their privileges on the other, have had a disturbing effect on the small countries' effort to build their own societies. Nevertheless, these forces have led, in the international field, to the birth of the policy of non-alignment now followed by a large number of countries. In the internal field, most countries have adopted a policy consonant with their pressing social, economic and political needs and possibilities. What the new nations, and especially the uncommitted, aspire to — as the world now realizes — is economic and technical aid and a sympathetic understanding of their political aspirations for independent existence.
85. There is, therefore, little point in Western endeavours to sell these countries systems of economic individualism which have long since been superseded in many Western countries. The imperative choice for the new countries is between different brands of socialism. Both East and West should realize the need of the new nations for democratic forms of socialism, which would ensure respect for individual freedom while providing the economic bases for development and growth. They should also realize that the relationship between them and the newly emerging countries should be that of equals and not of spheres of Influence. If these general lines are observed, at this stage in world development, then the transition from the old to the new world order would be assured peacefully.
86. It would be redundant to repeat here that, at this stage in world history, the only way for achieving this transition is by adopting a policy of peaceful cooperation. It must be realized that the mere dread of destruction by nuclear war, though very real, is not enough to bring about new relationships between nations and a new world order. It is too negative a force, and there must be something more positive. The belief in the inevitability of growth and progress, as factors through which human society and civilization can continue to exist, would be the appropriate outlook for our present world.
87. The possibility of international action, sufficiently powerful to bring about changes in the present international order of relationships, lies in accepting the fundamental premises of peaceful coexistence and co-operation. The United Nations can play a beneficent role in bringing about such co-operation.