Mr. President, permit me, at the outset of my speech, to convey to you my warm congratulations and those of my delegation on your election to the high office of President of the seventeenth session of the General Assembly. The wisdom and wealth of experience which you have acquired in many decades of public service, in both the national and international fields, will stand us all in good stead as we embark on our deliberations on the numerous and often complex issues which are on our agenda.
2, 1 should also like to take this, early opportunity of extending to our friends from Rwanda, Burundi, Jamaica, and Trinidad and Tobago a very warm welcome to our Organization. The decision to admit them on the opening day of our session was a particularly happy one, and we are confident that our Organization will be strengthened by their presence in our midst.
3, Once again the General Assembly meets at a time of dire peril. The world talks disarmament but practises rearmament in newer and ever more virulent forms; all of humanity, including the nuclear Powers, clamours for the end of nuclear weapons tests, but the- tests, conducted during the past year have transcended everything that gave rise to the clamour. Colonialism, though dying, continues to hold millions of fellow human beings in its last desperate grip; and at a time when man has embarked on the initial stage of his exploration of the stars, two-thirds of his fellow beings continue to exist in conditions of hunger, poverty, ignorance and disease. Such are the paradoxes of the present-day world: persistent and unmitigated conflict at a time when it is generally recognized that there exists ho alternative to peaceful coexistence; and wholesale want in a World of superabundance.
4, In these circumstances it would be easy .and tempting to become cynical about the United Nations. The yawning gap between existing realities and the promise of the Charter cannot, on occasion, but make all of us wonder where we are heading and whether there is not some other way out of our dilemma; But calm reflection can only bring us back to the same conclusion — that there is no other way. Despite its imperfections, and despite its apparent inability to make an impact on some of the most vital of the issues facing mankind todays the world would today be a poorer and much more dangerous place to live in if there were no United Nations. To realize what this Organization means to us, we of the smaller countries, and particularly those of us who refuse to become associated with any political-military bloc, have only to think for a moment, what our situation would be today if the United Nations ceased to exist. This is why Burma has always been a firm believer in the United Nations and a loyal, adherent of its Charter. This continues to be the policy of the Government which I have the honour to represent
5. In this connexion, Mr. President, it might be of interest to you and to the Members of the Assembly to know that on the very day on which it came to power, the Revolutionary Government of the Union of Burma issued the following declaration: "The Revolutionary Council and Government of the Union of Burma, desirous of maintaining and strengthening. Burma's existing friendly relations with all countries, hereby make the following declaration: "1. They reaffirm their unswerving dedication to the ideal of peace, friendly relations and co-operation between all nations based on international justice and morality. "2. They reaffirm their whole-hearted support for and complete faith in the purposed and principles of the United Nations as embodied in its Charter. "3. They reaffirm their conviction that the policy of positive neutrality pursued by the Union of Burma ever since her independence is the policy best suited to her in the context of the prevailing world conditions, and that its faithful pursuance best serves the, larger interests both of Burma and the world. "4. Accordingly, the Revolutionary Council and the Government of the Union of Burma look forward to the continuance of their existing cordial relations with all countries on the basis of the above stated policy.
6. Because we believe that the future of mankind depends on the success or failure of the United Nations, we shall continue to do all in our power, to strengthen this Organization in every way open to us. In saying this, we cannot but be conscious of the fact that we are but one of the 103 countries which are Members of this Organization, and furthermore that we are a small country. This naturally limits our contribution as an individual Member. On the other hand, we also recall that the vast majority of the Members of the General Assembly are small countries like ourselves, so that the operation of the democratic principle puts these countries, collectively, in a position of great power in the Assembly. It is for all of us — the small Powers— to see that this power is used wisely, in the interests both of the United Nations and of ourselves. There are very real limits to what the United Nations, as at present constituted, can do, and we would be doing the United Nations, and ourselves, a grave disservice if we were to ignore or belittle this in our quest for what are admittedly laudable and desirable objectives. In other words, our collective power places on each one of us a very great responsibility.
7. And while on this subject, I should like to say a word about the role of the great Powers in our Organization. We know that in military and economic terms the great Powers stand apart from the rest of us. Without them; and particularly the Soviet Union and the United States, the United Nations would cease to be the United Nations. This throws a very great responsibility on each of them individually, and the future of the United Nations demands that this responsibility be exercised wisely. In particular, we trust that the disproportionate military and economic power which they possess will not distract the great Powers from the purposes and principles of our Charter, and that they will resist the temptation to use the United Nations as a means of furthering their national objectives in “a manner inconsistent with these purposes and principles.
8. Speaking of the role of the great Powers in our Organization brings me to the question of the representation of China in the United Nations. As the Assembly knows, Burma recognizes the Government of the People's Republic of China as the only Government of China. We continue to believe that the absence of the legitimate representatives of a quarter of the human race has been, and will continue to be, a major source of weakness to our Organization, and that it cannot truly be described as a world organization until this glaring anomaly has been eliminated.
9. As I said earlier, we meet at a time of dire peril. Nevertheless, the dark clouds which hover menacingly over us are not without their silver linings. The long and bitter conflict between Algeria and France has at last; been brought to an end. Having from the very outset given our full support to the cause of Algerian independence, we welcome with a deep sense of gratification the emergence of Algeria as an independent, sovereign nation. For this achievement the credit must, in the main, go to the Algerian people, especially to the Algerian leaders in the National Liberation Front and the Provisional Government who spearheaded and sustained the national struggle for independence; through eight years of extreme trial. To them go our heartiest congratulations and best wishes. It is our fervent hope that the representatives of independent Algeria will before long take their rightful place among us in this Assembly; But since we believe in giving credit wherever it; is due, we cannot allow this moment to pass without referring to the realistic and far-sighted policy adopted by President de Gaulle and the French Government headed by him, with regard to the Algerian question. To them also we should like to extend our sincere congratulations on the successful conclusion of an extremely difficult and delicate task. With this happy ending of the Algerian-French conflict a long-standing threat to international peace and security has been removed.
10. My delegation happily welcomes the agreement concerning West Irian recently concluded between Indonesia and the Netherlands A As the record will show, Burma has consistently supported the position of Indonesia in the West Irian dispute, but it had always been our stand that the transfer of this territory from the Netherlands to Indonesia should be carried out by peaceful means. That such a transfer has now been arranged is a source of deep gratification to us. The major share of the credit for this happy outcome is due to the Acting Secretary-General, at whose initiative talks between the two parties were started and whose patient and undespairing efforts to keep the negotiations going and to guide them finally brought them to fruition. Our thanks are also due to Mr. Ellsworth Bunker who, as special representative of the Acting Secretary-General, played a major role in bringing about a settlement acceptable to both sides. Our congratulations go to our Indonesian brethren on the successful conclusion of their struggle for the peaceful recovery of West Irian and our appreciation to the Netherlands for its spirit of conciliation and co-operation, without which a peaceful settlement would not have been possible. Our gratification at this happy outcome is all the greater because this agreement between Indonesia and the Netherlands, which has already been endorsed by the General Assembly, has removed another threat to international peace and security, and this cannot but make for greater peace and stability in South-East Asia.
11. Coming nearer home, I should like to refer to a similar happy development in Laos, with which country we have a common border and to which we are bound by ties of religion, culture and history. It has long been our belief that, given the geographic position of Laos and the political alignment of most of the countries bordering it, there would be no peace in Laos unless it kept itself outside the struggle of the two great Power blocs. Indeed, we have always considered that it is not only in the best interests of Laos itself, but also of peace and security in South- East Asia, that Labs should adhere to a policy of independence, strict neutrality and friendly relations and co-operation with all nations, .irrespective of differences in political and social systems. Thus we cannot but feel deeply gratified with the agreement concluded recently at Geneva among fourteen nations — compromising Laos; all the great Powers, including the People’s Republic of China; India, Poland and Canada as members of the International Commission for Supervision and Control; and all the other countries having a common border with Laos — an agreement under which Laos accepts for itself a policy of strict neutrality and friendship with all nations, and all the thirteen other signatories guarantee the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and neutrality of Laos.
12. Thus, the Laotian people are at last being given an opportunity to work out their own destiny without outside interference. Burma was privileged to play a humble role at this Conference, and we would like UP draw attention to the fact that the principles set forth in the Declaration on the Neutrality of Laos — namely the principles of, respect for Laotian sovereignty, independence, unity, territorial integrity and neutrality — are universally applicable and binding, and that the Laotian settlement might well serve as a model for application to similar situations elsewhere.
13, I have referred to three areas of the world in which imminent threats to international peace and security have either been eliminated or brought under control. Unfortunately there still exist many other areas where the threats continue unabated, calling for continued vigilance by the United Nations and action where necessary and possible to prevent further deterioration and open conflict. But the fact that it has proved possible, in the course of the last few months,, for agreements to be reached on three areas which had been of deep concern to the world for many years brings us hope that these other issues will also, in the course of time, be resolved through peaceful negotiation. Some of these questions relate to the fulfilment of the aspirations of dependent peoples. With, regard to this, I was much struck by what the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Norway had to say fast Friday, and I would like, with your permission, to repeat it. Mr. Lange said: "The assistance and the services of the United Nations in assuring a peaceful fulfilment of the aspirations of dependent peoples are today being rejected in certain situations in Africa where they are urgently needed. This attitude of non-co-operation is a matter of deep concern to the people and the Government of Norway, because the final choice x) facing the administering Powers is not one between denying and granting the right to self-determination, but rather one between the achievement of legitimate aspirations through peaceful means and their achievement through violence. If the potentialities of the United Nations were recognized, administering Powers which are, now refusing co-operation would no doubt find that the world Organization would once more establish reasonable procedures .and modalities for rendering effective assistance adjusted to the actual needs and circumstances." [1126th meeting, para. 54.]
14. These are wise words, and I pray that our South African, Portuguese and British friends will pay heed to them, coming as they do from a source which is free from the emotionalism with which some of us are sometimes charged, before it is too late.
15. No mention of the peace-keeping efforts, of the United Nations would be complete without a reference to the situation in the Congo. The present situation in that unfortunate country is described by the Acting-Secretary-General; in the introduction [A/5201/Add.1] to his annual report, as "particularly crucial", with this description it is difficult to quarrel. The situation is indeed crucial, both for the Congo, itself and for the United Nations as well. Believing that the United Nations, has the duty to explore all possible means of bringing about the peaceful reunification of the Congo, my delegation was happy to note that the Central Government of the Congo and the Katanga authorities had responded favourably to the recent initiative of the Acting Secretary-General, and we trust that this will bring about the desired reunification without any further delay.
16, One reason why the Congo question has become crucial is its impact on the finances of the United Nations. The financial crisis which the Organization faces as a result of its Congo operation cannot but be of the gravest concern to all those who value the United Nations. Burma has done what was within its capacity to meet this crisis, and it is the hope of my delegation that we shall be able, during the course of this session, to agree on ways and means of meeting extraordinary expenditures of this kind.
17. Burma was privileged to take part in the Conference of the Eighteen-nation Committee on Disarmament which met at Geneva earlier this year. The reports of that Conference eye to be placed before this session of the General Assembly. would not be frank if, I did not say that in regard to general and, complete disarmament there is little or no progress to report. But, to my delegation, that is hardly surprising. The very magnitude of the problem and the complexities involved make it impossible for agreements to be reached quickly, and where, as we found in Geneva, the essential element of mutual trust is not only completely absent but is replaced by complete mistrust, the stage has been set for a complete deadlock. In any event, my delegation and other like-minded delegations took the view that it was unrealistic to enter into a serious discussion on general and complete disarmament without first stopping all nuclear tests, since nuclear tests constitute the most dangerous aspect of armament. We therefore concentrated on the cessation of nuclear tests.
18. On this question of nuclear tests; I believe it is not untrue to say that we made some progress. The joint memorandum of 16 April 1962 tabled by the eight nations at the Geneva Conference which belong to neither of the military blocs was designed to bring the two sides closer together and to provide them with a basis for further negotiation. Unfortunately, it was not so used by the two parties, both of which declared that they accepted it either as the basis, or a basis for negotiation. In prolonged discussion, each side insisted that its interpretation of the memorandum Was the only correct interpretation, with the result that there was no serious negotiation on the basis of the memorandum. However, there were indications towards the end of the last session of the Conference that the memorandum was beginning to have some effect, and it is our hope that it will, before the end of this year, bring about an agreement on the cessation of nuclear tests. Despite the manner in which it has been treated, we remain convinced that the eight-nation memorandum offers the best possibility for a settlement of this question and it is our intention to seek the Assembly's endorsement of it as a basis for continued negotiations between the nuclear Powers.
19, Several speakers who preceded me in this general debate have referred to the fact that almost half the present Members of the United Nations acquired their national independence since the birth of the Organization. It is an impressive record, one made more impressive by the fact that the process is a continuing one. But the achievement of independence is only a beginning, not an end. It is the beginning of what should be the progressive realization of a richer and fuller life by those who have been politically liberated. Otherwise, independence would have no meaning.
20, Experience, over the past fifteen years has shown however, that such a progressive realization is not easy to achieve. The progress of the newly independent & countries has been hampered by lack of development capital and of technical and managerial skills, and by the progressive deterioration in their balance of trade vis-a-vis the developed countries. Furthermore, the rapid growth of population in most countries has tended to cancel out any advances that might have been made. Indeed, we now face a situation in which the gap between the advanced countries and the developing countries is widening rather than closing, thereby leading progressively to a situation fraught with the gravest dangers. Unless we succeed in arresting and reversing this trend, the certainty is that we are, all of us without exception, heading for disaster.
21, Unfortunately, there is a fast-growing awareness of this danger, both among the highly developed and the developing countries, as is evidenced in the case of the latter countries by the deliberations of, for instance, the Bandung Conference and the Belgrade Conference and also by the recent Cairo Conference which produced the Cairo Declaration which is one of the items on our agenda. We also welcome the various steps taken by the developed countries to help meet this problem. But the needs are much greater than the resources available today, and new and fresh efforts are needed. We therefore warmly endorse the United Nations Development Decade, which was launched during, the sixteenth session. We believe that the energetic implementation of this imaginative plan will do much to make political independence more meaningful to hundreds of millions. of people in Asia, Africa and Latin America and thus to restore the balance of what is already a dangerously imbalanced world. Powers had confused the opinions of the leaders of mast of the independent States of-the day.