Australia

Allow me, Mr. President, at the opening of Australia's statement in the general debate, to express the sincere congratulations and the great pleasure of my country and of myself upon your election as President of this Assembly. The office is one of great distinction, for which your well-known career in public service, both national and international, both executive and judicial, proclaim your eminent fitness. But it is also a place of great responsibility requiring much arduous attention and labour. Australia expresses its confidence in you in these respects and wishes you health and strength to perform your many duties. 69. Your country, Mr. President, Pakistan, has been active in its membership of this Organization throughout the period since it was admitted in 1947. It has served in UNEF and in the Congo forces; it has served in UNCURK, in the Committee on Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories, in the Security Council, in the Economic and Social Council, and it is at present providing troops for the United Nations Temporary Executive Authority in West New Guinea. Your service as President will add to this noteworthy record. 70. The general debate in this Assembly affords each Member nation an opportunity to express its views on some of the great issues of the day, and by that process we are all able to form some judgement of the state of world affairs and some assessment of the trends of the immediate future. Not unnaturally, what is said by the great Powers bulks large in that consideration. On this occasion, the statements of the United States (1125th meeting) and of the Soviet Union [1127th meeting], made on successive days, not merely afforded us the advantage of their views but gave us a clear and indeed a dramatic picture of their contrasting ways of life, of their standards of conduct, and of their divergent appreciation of the rules of international behaviour. 71. The United States speech set out a list of the major questions on which nations are currently divided but, without unrealistic optimism, it also called attention to the progress of the last year as indicating what reason and good will could accomplish in easing the tensions so easily set up in such a divided world could accomplish in easing the tensions so easily set up in such a divided world as that in which we have been living. As a contribution to continued rapprochement and to the widening of areas of agreement, that speech commendable avoided provocation or threats. 72. But it was met and followed by a statement by the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union which was opposite in tone, in content, and, one may lie pardoned for suspecting, in intent. 73. I noted with interest the reference by the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union to his Government’s view that there is no fatal inevitability of war. But Australia, as one of the smaller nations, looks for something much more positive. While recognizing the difficulties and also the unlikelihood of quick solutions, Australia would look for some more positive steps as a way out of the cold war impasse in which we have lived for so long. Those of us who sought hope in the Soviet Union statement for a further relaxation in international tensions were disappointed. The Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union spoke of peaceful coexistence. But peaceful coexistence, as interpreted by the Soviet Government, means the continuation of the cold war. According to Soviet Government policy statements, it means the continuation of the struggle to win the world for the communist system and, in that behalf, to exploit situations in both Western Europe and non-aligned countries wherever they occur. As Soviet theoreticians have said, peaceful coexistence is merely the continuation of the struggle for a communist world without risking in a nuclear war the destruction of gains already made. 74. The Soviet Union — and this was reflected in its Foreign Minister's speech here — tends to describe any issue as a cold-war one when it suits it to do so, though very often basic elements are involved which have to lx? taken into account, cold war or not. The Berlin question, for example, though obviously being exploited as part of the cold war, involves questions of principle — principles of human freedom and free democracy — which cannot be disposed of by talking about the cold war, and which most countries of the world, including Australia, cannot overlook. 75. The Soviet Union has long been embarrassed by the obvious repugnance with which the people of East Germany and East Berlin regard the regime which continues to be imposed on them, a repugnance which is so strongly felt that millions of Germans have crossed the frontier to escape the tyranny. Over a year ago — none of us here can forget — a wall was erected to prevent persons escaping from East Berlin. Nevertheless, Germans still risk their lives to get away from East German communist rule, despite the fact that many of them have been shot in the attempt and callously left to die, In the minds of the people of the world the wall has replaced the hammer and sickle as the symbol of communism. 76. Of necessity I must in this speech select a few facets of world situations of particular concern to Australia. But in doing so I would emphasize my profound belief that the world is one world, truly indivisible as is the peace. Events in one part cannot be ignored by dwellers in another part. Poverty, ignorance, or oppression in one part cause consequences and bear significance for the people of all other parts, even though the Impact of the one on the other may not always be perceived or fully assessed by persons or nations. 77. But there are regions of special interest to Australia and to the state of one of these, South-East Asia, I should like briefly to refer. I was privileged to visit some of the countries of this region earlier this year and to talk with some of its leaders. Let me say something of the situation, first in Laos. 78. As a result of the agreement reached by the Laotian leaders and subscribed to by the Powers at the Geneva Conference, a Government has been established to control the whole country, whose members are drawn from all the political parties and which is uncommitted and pledged to a neutral foreign policy, This is in itself a notable achievement, and if the agreement from which it results and the foreign policy which has been announced are genuinely carried out and universally respected, particularly by the Powers signatory to that agreement, a great step forward in achieving peace and stability in South-East Asia will have been taken. The Government of Australia has consistently believed that the test situation for Laos was one of genuine neutrality. This was our publicly stated position immediately after the Geneva agreements in 1954. It was again stated by me, as Acting Minister for External Affairs, in the Australian Parliament in September 1959, when the Laotian situation was engaging the attention of the Security Council, and it was repeated in this Assembly at the fourteenth session [814th meeting] by the then Minister for External Affairs, Mr. Casey, who is now Lord Casey. Genuine neutrality is not a position easy to maintain in the world of today and it is often difficult for nations who espouse it to convince committed nations of the genuineness of their neutrality. Consequently, it is of the utmost importance — indeed I would say of critical importance — that the agreement should be genuinely and scrupulously observed by all the parties in the coalition Government — by all the various forces and organizations in the country — and perhaps above all that there should be no outside interference. If these conditions are observed, then Laos will not be a source of apprehension to other countries, and it will be able, with United Nations and other assistance, to embark on programmes of economic development. Laos, pursuing policies for the social, educational and economic development of its own people, and genuinely neutral, not allowing itself to be in any way used for the purposes of the conflict in South-East Asia, can make a great contribution to the peace, stability and general progress of that region. 79. Viet-Nam is another country which, at the time of the Geneva Conference on Indo-China in 1954, had been torn apart between Communists and non-communists. In this case, the course agreed upon at Geneva was to divide the country into two parts, resulting in a communist regime in the North and in the non-communist Republic of Viet-Nam in the South. But since then the Republic of Viet-Nam has found itself subjected to subversion directed from North Viet-Nam and to infiltration of clandestine and guerrilla agents aided and sustained by that country. This activity has increased steadily over the years and is clearly established in the published report of the international control commission of June this year, agreed to by a majority of the three-man Commission, namely, the Canadian and Indian representatives, with the Polish representative dissenting. If I may, I commend this report to the attention of representatives here in this General Assembly. The object of the Communists is clearly to murder leaders and skilled persons in the Republic of Viet-Nam and at the same time to impose such a heavy burden in men, money and resources on the Republic of Viet-Nam authorities in maintaining law and order that these resources are diverted from economic development. It is no doubt hoped not merely to undermine civilian morale by terror but to reduce agriculture so as to cause economic crises; and in any case to halt the steady continuing improvement in social, educational and economic standards which would otherwise quite clearly have taken place. But the Republic of Viet-Nam does not stand alone, and it should be recognized that it will not be allowed to go under. Surely then it is in the interests of peace and progress in the whole region that there should be an end to this communist subversion and insurgence directed from outside the country. 80. Cambodia has not been the subject of the same internal division that has racked the two countries to which I have made reference. In this, the leadership of Prince Norodom Sihanouk has played a notable part. The international preoccupations of Cambodia lie rather with disputes with two of its neighbours — Viet-Nam and Thailand — as to incidents associated with their borders with Cambodia. The disputes between these countries, and the psychological and other consequences resulting from them, cause great distress to their friends. Some way should be found of allaying suspicion, of putting an end to incidents, and of avoiding differences associated with the frontiers. Australia has expressed its understanding of the foreign policy of Cambodia and wants to see that country's rights and its chosen policies fully respected. We have welcomed the suggestion that a United Nations representative should be appointed with the aim of easing the situation on the borders, and we hope that the Secretary-General will be able quickly to appoint someone acceptable to everybody. 81. On the Cambodian-Viet-Namese border the situation is no doubt difficult for both countries. The insurgent Viet Cong undoubtedly seek to exploit the areas immediately adjacent to the boundaries between the two countries. This must place a strain on Cambodian resources in Cambodia's attempt to keep its territory clear of these insurgents and upon Viet-Namese troops engaged in routing them out of Viet-Nam. It is to be hoped that some means can be devised which will reduce the possibilities of misunderstanding without hampering Viet-Nam in its courageous struggle against the Viet Cong. 82. Thailand, which has common borders with both Laos and Cambodia and whose own security is affected by any threat to their security, is acutely aware of the consequences of developments during the past year in this region, particularly in Laos. Australia is closely bound to Thailand by treaty as well as by less formal associations, and we and other countries took action during the present year to assure Thailand that it was not alone in the face of possible outside communist threat. I might mention that Their Majesties the King and Queen of Thailand have just completed a visit to Australia where they were received with enthusiasm and were able to meet large numbers of private Australian citizens and Thai students studying in Australia as well as Australian Government representatives. 83. The Australian Government has watched with sympathetic interest the progress towards the realization of the establishment of a Federation of Malaysia to include Malaya, Singapore, North Borneo, Sarawak and Brunei. This is an imaginative and far-sighted development in an area of immediate interest to us, based on the most extensive practicable consultations between the Governments and peoples concerned, and it could make an important contribution to the stability of South-East Asia. Moreover, it represents a new step in the process of decolonization bringing, as it would, four territories in various stages of dependence to full independence within Malaysia. Australia considers that a stable, viable State of this nature would play a more effective role in South-East Asia and in this Organization than the States concerned could hope to do separately. 84. There are other situations in South and South- East Asia which are of concern to Australia but which I shall not discuss on this occasion. West New Guinea, for example, would have called for special and lengthy mention if I had not spoken on it last Friday [1127th meeting] when the General Assembly adopted a resolution on the recent agreement between Indonesia and the Netherlands [1752 (XVII)]. 85. I was also able to touch on East New Guinea last Friday when I reaffirmed Australia's determination progressively to increase the participation of the Papuan people in government and restated our objective of self-determination. Australia's policies will be the subject of statement by Australian representatives in the Fourth Committee of this Assembly and in other bodies of the Tinted Nations. On this occasion, therefore, I need make but a brief reference. 86. During the year, a Visiting Mission of the Trusteeship Council was in Australian New Guinea. Its report speaks in commendatory terms of the way in which Australia has been performing its most difficult task in this unique Territory and recognizes that the basic work which Australians have clone has prepared the ground for further development towards self- government by these people. The proposals of the Visiting Mission are at the moment under close and constructive study by the Australian Government, and also in the Territory itself by the persons, including Papuans, participating there in government. 87. The Australian Government has not wavered in its determination to bring the people of Australian New Guinea to self-government at the earliest moment at which they are able and desiring to undertake the task for themselves. Nor has it slackened in its continuous effort to prepare the Papuan people to discharge that task. The question of the pace at which effect should be given to the Australian Government's resolve may of course be the subject of some genuine difference of opinion. But Australia has dedicated itself and a substantial part of its resources to the performance of its duty to the people of this Territory; and it will not delay the final steps of self-determination one moment beyond the time when the indigenous inhabitants desire to take them. 88. Our record of co-operation with the United Nations in this Held is concrete proof of our good faith and our resolve. I am sure that this Assembly recognizes that Australia has responsibilities in New Guinea which it cannot abdicate. For our part we accept and welcome the interest of the United Nations In the manner in which these responsibilities are being discharged. We intend to continue to co-operate with this Organization in fulfilling the aims of the Charter of the United Nations, and we look to this Assembly for a realistic assessment of our efforts and un objective endeavour to facilitate our task. 89. This session of the General Assembly will need to take crucial decisions in relation to the whole future of the United Nations. There is, for example, the appointment of a Secretary-General. It is in our view vital for the survival and the further progress of this Organization that there should lie, as the Charter clearly requires, a single person as Secretary-General, able, according to his judgement, to exercise those powers which the Charter and, under and in accordance with it, the Security Council or this Assembly give him. It is imperative that the office be filled by a person who believes in this Organization, is devoted to forwarding its purposes, and has the confidence of its Members. The Secretary-General, as a great international servant, must lead a Secretariat which is also genuinely international and, like him, takes orders from no Government in any respect. 90. Australia believes U Thant, the Acting Secretary-General, to be such a man. He has fulfilled his duties as Acting Secretary-General during a period of great difficulty with distinction and a genuine singleness of purpose which would, I hope, lead the majority of our Members, as it would lead Australia, to support him if he were a candidate. It is well known that his willingness to be put forward for this important post would depend, amongst other things, upon the prospect of an early settlement of the Congo problem and the financial situation of this Organization, No doubt this circumstance will be borne in mind by representatives as these matters pass in review in this Assembly. 91. The financial situation of the Organization has become so serious that United Nations bonds have had to be issued in an attempt to provide the Organization with the financial resources required to meet its immediate commitments. Apart from the United States, whose President has authority to match the purchases of all other countries put together up to $100 million, $73 million has been pledged to the bond issue by almost fifty countries. These countries include many from Africa and Asia and some from Latin America which have recognized the importance of the survival of the United Nations for their own future as independent States and which have therefore felt bound to undertake an additional financial burden because some more wealthy countries have not been prepared to pay their shares, Australia itself has purchased bonds to the value of $4 million. Yet the countries which have declined to pay have nevertheless taken from and through this Organization and its agencies much benefit, whether of national advantage or of prestige or of propaganda. 92. The success of the bond issue is vital to the Organization, and Australia hopes that it will be fully subscribed. At the same time, we must recognize that the bond issue Is only a temporary expedient, a short-term measure which cannot provide a solution to the vital longer-term problem of finding a sound financial basis for the operations of this Organization. 93. The General Assembly will have to consider the advisory opinion given by the International Court of Justice, in response to a request by the last session of the Assembly, on the expenses of the Organization. This opinion has been given by the Court with, if I may say so, commendable promptitude after hearing the submissions, written and oral of many Member States. Australia made a submission in writing and also orally by a distinguished representative before the Court. 94. The solvency of the Organization rests on the loyal discharge by its Members of their explicit obligation under the Charter to pay their share of the expenses of the Organization, as apportioned by vote of the General Assembly. A year ago great costs had been incurred, in pursuance of resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, in peacekeeping operations in the Middle East and in the Congo, and many Members did not bear their apportioned share of those costs. This Assembly therefore asked the International Court for an advisory opinion on a question of law — that is to say, whether the costs of these operations were properly included, by resolutions of the General Assembly, among the expenses of the Organization. The Court has now answered "yes" to the question we asked. 95. The judicial organ of the United Nations having thus told us what the law is, we should not for a moment re-open last year's debate on the question, but should act, in respect of the future as well as in respect of the costs already incurred and apportioned, in accordance with the Court's opinion. Australia is prepared to do so. The declaration to the contrary made last week by the Soviet Union was discreditable to a great State and, if carried out, would damage the United Nations. Refusal to pay is nothing but a naked attempt to blackmail those of us who are responsibly playing our part into finding, if we will, the Soviet Union's share in order to prevent the dissolution of the Organization. 96. Acceptance by this General Assembly of the Court's opinion will have a decisive effect on the prospects of finding a permanent solution to the problem of the finances of the Organization. I hope that the Assembly will recognize the importance of working out, on the basis of the Court's opinion, arrangements whereby the Organization will have the means to carry out its tasks. 97. It is no answer to say that the financial troubles really have been caused by United Nations action in the Congo which has turned out different from the liking of some Members. None of us can be happy at everything that has occurred in the Congo or at all the decisions that have been made by United Nations authorities and representatives. In an operation of such a kind there must be some compromise and some room for mistakes. But we must cast our minds back to 1960, when the United Nations first became involved in this operation through decisions of the Security Council, decisions which were not dissented from by any of the permanent members, any one of whom could have blocked the relevant decisions by simply casting a negative vote. The United Nations took action to prevent the Congo from becoming the scene of armed clash and outside intervention by foreign Powers, and to prevent the disturbances there from spreading into a wider conflict. There were also humane objectives such as saving human lives and limiting destruction and disease and also of giving the people of the Congo some chance to establish government and administration in an undivided Congo. Whatever criticisms may be made of the events of the last two years, whatever problems still remain to be solved, and whatever frustrations still lie ahead, the original objectives of the United Nations were not merely good in themselves, but were in keeping with the broad purposes of the Charter. Much has been achieved, even if the original objectives have not as yet been fully accomplished. 98. I have referred briefly to some of the political problems with which the United Nations is dealing or which affect its work; and also to the financial and administrative operations of the United Nations itself. But the economic and social fields also demand our attention, though usually they figure less prominently in the general debate than do political matters because the activities of the United Nations in these fields are less controversial. But they are not less important. Indeed, they require as intensive consideration, as is evidenced by the length and vehemence of some of the debates in the Second Committee and also by the fact that the Commonwealth Prime Ministers have had to devote a special series of meetings, just concluded in London, to the European Common Market. Economic development and stability and social progress on democratic lines are in fact very much at the root of our lives, as nations no less than as individuals. 99. The General Assembly will be considering the United Nations Development Decade on which the Economic and Social Council has made some recommendations. Economic and technical assistance from other countries is clearly not enough, even if it were increased. A great deal has to be done by each country for itself. Furthermore, and particularly in the case of countries such as most under-developed countries which are dependent mainly, and in some cases solely, on the export of primary products, it is essential to sustain reasonably economic prices for those products, with some assurance against violent fluctuations in the prices. Australia itself is a country whose balance of payments is very much dependent on its exports of commodities such as wool, wheat, meat and metals. Australia has therefore long been prominent in work by international bodies in the field of commodities, and we share with countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America concern at the worsening terms of trade for countries mainly or solely dependent on the export of primary products. 100. Australia has also a very great interest in the United Nations Conference on the Application of Science and Technology for the Benefit of Less Developed Areas, which is to meet in Geneva next February. Australia took an initiative in this General Assembly in 1958 when the then Australian Minister for External Affairs, Mr. (new Lord) Casey, made as a main feature of his speech in the general debate the need for the United Nations to play a greater role in the scientific field [759th meeting]. Australia introduced a draft resolution [A/C.3/L.668] on this subject which was adopted with amendments by the General Assembly as resolution 1260 (XIII). Since then, we have continued to push our efforts and we welcome and attach importance to the forthcoming Geneva conference, particularly because it is related to the practical application of science and technology to economic development. We know from our own past and present experience in Australia that a vital problem is how developing countries can apply for urgent practical purposes effective doses of the vast amount of scientific and technical knowledge available. This is less of a problem in advanced countries, though even they cannot be said to have solved it, but it is very difficult in less developed countries to bring about sufficient and effective use of scientific and technical know-how. I suggest that thought be given to this in connexion with the February conference. Another problem is how to stimulate research by scientists and inventors into the problems peculiar to the developing countries. This may require novel measures, such as wider and more specific contacts and co-operation between national research institutions. 101. I hope that the political leaders of Member nations will take some account of the fact that this conference is to be held and will make possible the attendance of those scientists and others in their countries who can contribute to the work of the conference and who can benefit from the formal meetings and from the personal contacts that will profitably occur during the conference. Australia will play its part and our scientists at Geneva will look forward to meeting there many others from both developed and under-developed countries. We expect to learn from others, as well as to pass on to them the results of some of our own experience. 102. The present session of the General Assembly is, as I have said, confronted with great political and economic problems. Some of them have been before us for a long while, a fact which attests to their complexity. One such question is disarmament, to which the Australian Government, like most Governments of the world, attaches great importance. We believe that the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, which has been meeting in Geneva, should press on with its work without delay. The cessation of nuclear tests seems one aspect of arms control on which some agreement should now be possible. We should prefer a treaty covering tests in all environments, properly inspected and enforceable. But if this cannot be achieved immediately, agreement seems feasible right away on a cessation of tests in the atmosphere, in outer space, and under water. 103. The process of decolonization will continue to engage the attention of this session of the General Assembly and other United Nations bodies. We have been happy to admit four new Members at the present session, two of which — Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago — are fellow members of the Commonwealth and nations with which Australia has had friendly contact over many years in trade, in sport, and in other ways. In the field of decolonization, Australia favours as rapid progress as possible, recognizing the need for the transfer to independence to be as smooth as possible, with the new State being endowed with a functioning political, economic and social structure and with as good an economic basis as possible; and believing likewise that administering Powers have an obligation to facilitate and speed the evolution of self-government and independence. 104. For this Organization itself, too, the present session is important. I have referred to the appointment of a Secretary-General and to the financial situation of the Organization. This, it seems to me, means that we must have a hard, long look at what I might call the housekeeping side of the Organization so that it will remain solvent and can operate efficiently. It means, to my mind, that within this Assembly we must more than ever act responsibly in shaping the resolutions that are adopted, aiming at achieving the maximum possible area of agreement, and trying to ensure widely based support for resolutions that are proffered. 105. I mentioned earlier that the events of the past year gave some promise of what may yet be achieved by and through this Organization. I have called attention to the gloomy prospect which the uncompromising attitude of the Soviet Union might warrant. But, without being unrealistic, I think we should face the times with a degree of confidence, confidence that patient pursuit of reasonable solutions will have some success — at least enough to avoid the cataclysmic events of a modern war. 106. Australia believes in the United Nations. We have demonstrated that by our support in many directions, such as our financial backing and our willingness to make contributions in men and resources. We believe that informed criticism in a constructive spirit is also an element in a positive approach. These are the principles that determine Australia's part at this session of the General Assembly.