160. Mr. President, like those who have preceded me on this rostrum, may I congratulate you on your election to this high office.
161. I think those of us who have heard the statement of the distinguished President of Guinea can never say again that they have not had the very acute problems that are facing the new world placed before them. Whether we agree with all that has been said or not, I believe all of us will agree that for the good of the entire world, many of these problems that are becoming more acute should be dealt with as rapidly and as constructively as possible.
162. Again disarmament is the keynote of this general debate; and so it must be until we see at least a beginning. Mankind can know no peace as long as it is compelled to watch nations feverishly accumulate more and more arms, capable of destroying the human race more and more efficiently, while at the same time speeches are made expressing the need for disarmament.
163. It is the tragedy of our generation that after two world wars the long drawn-out discussions on disarmament are held as though we had a choice between war and peace. Naturally, everybody is agreed that peace is better than war, but the assumption is that the choice is there,
164. If only the negotiators in Geneva were to decide unanimously that there was no such choice, it would be a real breakthrough towards disarmament. Once each of us convinces himself that war simply cannot exist as a means of solving international problems, there would be only one path for us to follow: to destroy all the means of war.
165. Since Isaiah spoke of the day when swords would be beaten into ploughshares, mankind has made revolutionary strides in all domains of endeavor — but the sword is still in use and many fields are still untilled for lack of the plough. As long as we choose to live with the illusion that war too is part of international relations, there remains, of course, only one hope for life, namely that a balance should be preserved, so that no one be strong enough to launch an attack.
166. Disarmament would indeed by a double achievement, for not only would it reduce and eventually remove a terrible menace for us all, but it would enable vast resources to be diverted from military purposes toward peaceful ends. We are greatly encouraged by the Acting Secretary-General's report of the Economic and Social Consequences of Disarmament based on the findings of the Consultative Group which was established on the initiative of this Assembly under resolution 1516 (XV). The unanimous conclusion of the group that disarmament would be an unqualified blessing to mankind has our whole-hearted support.
167. We, the small and new countries, emerging into a world of armed camps, suffer twofold. Our immediate aim is rapid development, but since the danger of war still looms over every dispute, we are constantly burdened with defence expenditures to the detriment of our development needs. We too quickly learn the bitter lesson that those who threaten others must be deterred by some equilibrium. And let not those whose declared policy is to attack their neighbour cry out in mock indignation when the latter seeks some means of defence.
168. My Government rejects war as a means of settling disputes. From the day that the State of Israel was established, my Government has called for settling all outstanding differences by direct negotiations. We do not rest content with calling upon the great Powers to find a way to disarmament, and to settle outstanding problems by negotiations and conciliation between them; we are prepared to put this into practice in the dispute in which we are involved with our neighbours. As we have done in the past, we call again upon the Arab States to agree to complete disarmament with mutual inspection, covering all types of weapons, and to accept the method of direct negotiations as the only means for solving all differences between them and Israel.
169. I am fully convinced that none of the big Powers wants war, and that the disarmament talks show evidence of their desire to establish an international system which would make war impossible. We all fervently hope and pray for the success of these talks.
170. We realize that there is an organic connexion between existing political disputes and the prospect of disarmament. Each influences the other. It is incumbent upon each Government involved in a current conflict to exercise the maximum of restraint, and to avoid inflaming that conflict by word or deed, and to resort voluntarily to peaceful means of settling the conflict. This would help create that climate of greater mutual trust, which is essential to progress in disarmament. In this way, whether we are directly participating in disarmament negotiations or not, we can make an important contribution towards the success of those negotiations. Would it not be appropriate to consider a temporary "freezing" or standstill of those explosive international issues which might erupt into war, so that all efforts can be directed towards achieving the most vital and most cherished goal of disarmament? For when that goal is reached, and disarmament will have become the foundation of international relations, all other problems will be approached with the clear consciousness that only peaceful methods can be employed, and the threat of war will cease to play the role which, unfortunately, it all too frequently assumes today.
171. We were most interested to find in the speeches of many distinguished representatives the call for direct negotiations as the only means for the solution of disputes between nations. We fully subscribe to the appeal made from this rostrum by Lord Home [1134th meeting], when he suggested the abandonment of unilateral action and called on us to bury emotions and passions and to carry through the process of negotiation and conciliation, no matter how long it takes. We support the call for the solution of international disputes, in all circumstances, through negotiations and other pacific means, made by the Foreign Minister of Japan [1126th meeting]. The references made by the Foreign Ministers of Austria [1131st meeting] and Italy [1136th meeting], when they described the important progress made in the settlement of the long-standing dispute between them through peaceful, direct negotiations, were both instructive and encouraging. We agree entirely with the Foreign Minister of Yugoslavia [1129th meeting], who noted the progress that had been made during the last year, in regard to various disputes and ascribed it to the policy of negotiation between the parties concerned.
172. The representatives of many other nations, large and small, spoke in a similar vein, and we must all derive hope and encouragement from their statements.
173. I feel duty bound to call attention to another, sad phenomenon on the international scene. I refer to the exploitation by some, countries of the cold war between the great Powers, stretching out for momentary cold-war profits to strengthen their belligerent intentions against other countries. It hot as well as in cold wars, the war profiteer is most objectionable; and I earnestly appeal to all the nations engaged in this practice not to persist in this type of short-term gain. This policy is as unworthy as it is short-sighted.
174. On the question of nuclear tests, I should like to repeat what I said in the Israel Parliament three months ago: "Israel watches with special concern the growing nuclear arming, and it is our declared policy to support every effort made to remove the awful dangers to humanity arising out of the continuation of this process. Israel, therefore, supports every means that may limit and decrease nuclear weapons in the world."
175. We share the general hope and expectation that the discussions on this subject at the present, session will promote agreement on the early cessation of fill nuclear tests.
176. It is most gratifying that on the important question of decolonization the words spoken from this rostrum find a concrete expression. This Assembly has again had the privilege of welcoming new Member States. This, I believe is not a routine matter to any of us. As we stand in awe and wonder before each new-born child, so do our hearts beat faster when we face peoples who have just made their first steps as free and independent nations. The dignity that they have achieved adds to the dignity of all of us. The world cannot be free as long as one nation is dominated by a foreign Power,
177. It is in this spirit that Israel expresses its most cordial welcome to our new Members — Burundi, Rwanda, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, and now Algeria — and wishes them well. Many representatives have expressed from this rostrum their welcome to Algeria. In a statement in the Israel Parliament on 24 June 1962, I said: "As we participate in the joy of the nations now reaching their national and spiritual independence, we cannot but touch upon the agreement reached at the beginning of the year between representatives of France and Algeria. When the Evian Agreements were signed, the Prime Minister of Israel sent his congratulations to the President of France, who through his steadfastness and understanding, became the chief architect of this great achievement. Our feeling of appreciation for both sides who conducted the negotiations found their expression in various documents and declarations of the Government of Israel… I can only say … that We shall be glad to establish with independent Algeria the same beneficial relationship as exists between us and other new States."
178. As we meet here today, a new nation is joyfully celebrating its first hours of independence. Our congratulations and best wishes go from here to the people and Government of Uganda. May they quickly reach the goals they have set for themselves.
179. May the process of decolonization lead quickly to the sovereignty of all the peoples of the world; and let us strive that this should take place peacefully. It would be both immoral and unrealistic to oppose this historic trend.
180. Events in the Congo seem to be moving rapidly towards a decisive stage. As in the pact, we will support wholeheartedly the efforts made by the Central Government in Leopoldville and the Acting Secretary-General of the United Nations to bring about the unification of the Congo. It is our fervent hope that these endeavours will soon enable the Republic of the Congo to play its vast potential role in the political, economic and social development of the African Continent. We call upon the forces in Katanga to cease their obstruction so that the unity of the country can peacefully and rapidly be achieved. My Government has been able, in co-operation with, the United Nations, to extend training facilities and to contribute, technical assistance in various fields to the Congo Government. We trust this aid will in a modest way further the general good.
181. To the many voices that have already been heard from this rostrum during this debate, Israel wishes to add its own in appreciation of the leadership of the Acting Secretary-General, U Thant. He is carrying the responsibility placed upon his shoulders at one of the most critical times in the life of our Organization, with wisdom, patience and outstanding ability. Afflicted with troubles and crises as it is, our Organization could not possibly wish for a better, helmsman than U Thant, and we shall unreservedly support his re-election for the full normal term.
182. One of the essentials is to preserve the independence and the integrity of the office of a single Secretary-General and the international character of the Secretariat; On this matter the views of my Government have Already been placed on record at the last session [1030th meeting] and need not be repeated here at length.
183. Another issue which is crucial to the future of our Organization is the financial problem. My Government has always met its obligations not only towards the regular budget by also in respect of the peacekeeping operations, and we have also subscribed to the United Nations bond issue. We sincerely trust that all Member States will find themselves in a position to bear their share of all the expenses of the Organization, the financial solvency of which should be regarded as the common interest of all its Member States, regardless of any political differences between them.
184. Our Organization had, today more than twice the number of Members than when it was founded seventeen years ago. It is unjustified that the number of members in the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council, or other organs of the United Nations; should remain as it was then. It is only fair that the new Member States be given an opportunity to take their rightful place in these bodies. I am afraid that if this does not happen soon, elections to these bodies may be marked by increased tension and competition between various geographic regions.
185. Doubts have been expressed regarding the constructive value of the General Debate in its present form. We are certainly required to give careful thought to the debating procedures and working methods by which the General Assembly conducts its business, in thegreat expansion both of the membership and of the number of agenda items. Since an item [agenda item 86] has very properly been inscribed on this problem, I would refrain from referring any further to it at the present stage, except for one general comment regarding the tone of the debate. It is distressing that some participants do not always advance their viewpoints with necessary restraint. No matter how serious the differences between us may be, I think we are justified in asking of ourselves and of one another mutual respect and consideration, in keeping with the letter and spirit of the Charter.
186, My delegation was happy to vote for the resolution [1710 (XVI)] by which the General Assembly last year designated the sixties as the Development Decade. We feel that in so doing we have given recognition to two important factors:
187. First, decolonization and political independence, whether achieved with difficulties or by, a peaceful transfer of authority, are merely a first step, opening before the emerging States the opportunity to shape their lives according to their needs as they understand them. Before them now is the task of raising the standard of living of all their inhabitants through many-faceted economic and social development. On the economic front this includes harnessing natural resources, modernizing agriculture, establishing industries and proving the necessary network of transport and communication. And in the social field it means creating for a society in rapid transition, facilities for education at all levels, medical aid, and social welfare services.
188. Secondly, the, very fact that we now speak of a decade of development, of a short ten years, expresses our unanimous conviction that we do not and should not, ask the newly emergent States to be patient, and to accept that their development must be as slow as that of the highly developed countries at their beginning. The gigantic progress of science and technology can, and must, serve us in our concerted effort for the rapid development of the new nations, Two years ago a Conference on the Role of Science in the Advancement of New States was held at Rehovoth, Israel, with the participation of forty-nine countries. Some of Israel's scientists are now actively taking part in the preparatory work tor the’ United Nations conference on the same theme, which is to be held in Geneva next year. Israel strongly welcomes the holdings of the conference. We hope to make some contribution to its proceedings in the light of our experience in using scientific techniques in the development of our country, as well as in our co-operation in this field with many other new States.
189. What are the basic needs of the young countries? I should like to single out three of them: capital, skills and a pioneering spirit.
190. I have already spoken of our hope that capital will be released through disarmament. But, while doing all we can to bring about quick and effective disarmament, we must also here and now find the material means necessary for economic and social development. Such capital must be provided on reasonable terms and without undue delays caused by cumbersome procedures or administrative red-tape.
191. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) has succeeded in recruiting large amounts of capital for investment in developing countries, but its lending terms are of necessity too strict for most of these countries. It is for this reason that its affiliate, the International Development Association, has been created to provide capital on exceptionally easy terms for basic development projects; However, its funds are far from adequate for the urgent needs of the developing countries.
192. In this connexion I should like to draw attention to a proposal made by the Governor of the Bank of Israel, Mr. David Horowitz, at the recent annual meeting (17 to 21 September 1962) of the Board of Governors of IBRD, This proposal would enable IBRD to use its own funds for long-term low-interest credits to developing countries, through using the resources of the International Development Association as a guarantee and subsidy fund. My delegation will go into this matter in greater detail in the appropriate Committee.
193. Now I come to the second basic need: skills. Teaching and training are necessary in order to develop those human faculties which alone can transform nature to satisfy the needs of man. Once largely confined to local or, at most, national boundaries, the dissemination of knowledge and know-how has expanded in range, covering the whole wide world. Simultaneously, it has telescoped the process of development from one of centuries into one in which miracles are performed in less than a generation. There is still another significant change. Only a short while ago it was mostly a one-way traffic from the highly developed countries. Today it is increasingly becoming a two-way traffic, in which the developing to the very under-developed countries themselves play a more and more active role.
194, One need only look at the implementation of the technical assistance programmes of the United Nations and the specialized agencies in order to find proof of this development. These programmes, which only a decade ago channeled the transfer of know-how almost exclusively from Europe and North America to the rest of the world, now recruit over 25 per cent of their experts in Asia, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America, and the use of training facilities in the developing countries themselves is also on the increase.
195. At the same time, direct mutual aid and technical co-operation between developing countries themselves is playing an important part in their progress. This welcome development is often a direct outcome, of the earlier phase: people who received their own training through technical assistance, whether multilateral or bilateral, are now in turn serving in technical assistance programmes for the benefit of other developing countries. Thus, many countries which still receive technical assistance are now also dispensing it.
196. May I illustrate this by a few facts from our own endeavours in this field. At this time over 600 experts from Israel are serving in African, Asian and Latin American countries, and over 1,600 students and trainees from more than fifty countries are undergoing individual or group training in Israel in the current year.
197. But learning and training are not mechanical processes. It is essential that the pioneering spirit inherent in all youth should be furthered, that pioneering spirit from which springs the will to acquire knowledge and skills and to apply them in order to create a progressive society. We have found in our own experience that those who have come to Israel in quest of training and information have come with enthusiasm, with a feeling that they have a mission to fulfil for their own people in their own country, and their achievement has been outstanding.
198. As to the concern expressed here by some Arab spokesmen regarding Israel’s relations with the African countries, I think it proper that they should speak for themselves in this regard. Let me but say that I do not think that these countries have gained their independence in order to be told by a self-appointed guardian what is beneficial and what is detrimental to their welfare. Israel is proud of its bonds of friendship with them.
199, The inner theme of the Development Decade is the growing consciousness of the unity of mankind, of the interlocked human destiny, of the new epoch of international co-operation which is now unfolding. I would suggest that the Organization consider possibilities for instituting a universal programme of education designed to impart to children and youth the significance of the Development Decade, the importance of the pioneering spirit, the need for preparation for the historic task of sustaining and deepening co-operation between developed and less developed countries, the sense of common destiny. We must lay foundations in the spirit and mind of the young for lasting dedication to the challenge of the new age and new world. My delegation may return to this question on an appropriate occasion.
200, It is now my sad duty to touch on a subject with which, when this Organization was founded, it was thought inconceivable that we should have to deal again. The United Nations came into existence amidst the ruin and destruction of the Second World War. Every objective historian, analysing what brought about this disaster, must conclude that one of its primary causes, if not the mo3t important one, was the nazi racist doctrine. It was this poison, poured into the souls and minds of millions of young people, that made possible the worst horrors in the history of mankind. It was this doctrine that made any individual who was different on grounds of creed, race or colour, an object of humiliation, tyranny and finally of annihilation. I belong to a people that has been ravished by this madness more than any other, and is now deeply disturbed by symptoms of a revival of anti-Semitic acts. We recognize, though, that however terrible our past order, whatever our present anxieties, this is part of a world problem which concerns many groups and peoples. The United Nations is seized of this problem as a result of what took place in the winter of, 1959-1960 when, in various parts of the world, the horrible swastika appeared again on Jewish and Christian houses of worship, on public institutions and private homes of individuals of different faiths. I would here stress my firm conviction that the reappearance of the swastika is not only a matter of concern to my people but a challenge to us all, because under its sign the most unspeakable crimes were committed against the entire human race.
201. There is smother aspect of discrimination. It is that of a minority that is not allowed to give expression to its religious and cultural needs and aspirations. This too, we believe, is not in accordance with the vision which the founders of this Organization had after, the Second World War.
202. My delegation will have more: to say on all aspects of discrimination when it is debated in the appropriate Committees. Racialism, and discrimination in all its forms, is indivisible, and no one group can be its victims without other groups being affected. It is discrimination itself which must be attacked and eradicated wherever it occurs, against whomever it is directed and in whatever from, and whether it is based on differences of creed, race or colour.
203. I now turn to the region of which Israel is a part. There are many that are misled by two fallacies regarding the Middle East, The first is that it is an Arab region. In fact, there are more non-Arabs than Arabs—Moslems, Christians and Jews. This composite pattern of peoples of various faiths and cultures has always been the pattern of the Middle East — each people “with its historic continuity, past, present and future. The second fallacy is that all would be well in that region if it were not for the tension between the Arab States and Israel would be the last to underrate the difficulties and dangers which arise from that conflict. But this is only one source of tension in a part of the world which is unhappily the scene of much political instability, economic and social backwardness, rivalry and friction between different countries and regime, and the pressures of the cold war. Anyone who follows the affairs of the Middle East knows that during this last year the focus of trouble in the area has been the bitter struggle within the Arab world, which has made of the Arab League no longer even a facade of unity.
204. Israel longs for the day when the political independence and territorial integrity of every single State in the area — Arab or non-Arab — will be assured, and when we can all concentrate on the welfare of our peoples. When I refer to the turmoil in the Arab world, it is because we are a Middle Eastern country, and therefore affected by all that affects the peace of our area and retards its peaceful progress.
205. As far as the Israel-Arab dispute itself is concerned, it is as well to see clearly what is the basic problem. It is the denial by the Arab States of Israel's right to exist. If this attitude were to change, and if the Arab States and Israel were to discuss their differences at the conference table in a frank and open manner, I am positive that solutions could be found on all the specific issues. Year after year, Israel has come to this rostrum with one demand — peace between it and its Arab neighbours. May I say here that we were grateful to the Deputy Foreign Minister of Ghana [1143rd meeting] when he drew our attention again to the important statement of President Nkrumah during the fifteenth session [869th meeting] of the General Assembly in which he called for recognition of the political realities in the Middle East and for insurance against aggression. We are entirely in agreement with that view now, as we were then.
206. The Arab denial of Israel's right of existence has a direct bearing-on the distressing refugee problem. We are willing, and always have been willing, to discuss with the Arab Governments what can best be cone to secure the future of the refugees in the light of the political and economic realities in the region.
207. But a natural solution to the problem is frustrated by the Arab dream of destroying Israel and the openly proclaimed Arab intention of using the refugees for this purpose; This design has been openly propagated even from the rostrum of this Assembly: this small spot of land, in which the Jewish people have revived their ancient home and nationhood, must again be wrested from them, and they again be scattered to the four corners of the earth. Our neighbours have tried to achieve this by various means — open or guerrilla warfare, economic boycott, propaganda and threats. Negotiation and conciliation are proclaimed from this rostrum by thorn as the road to solve all other problems in the world except this one, which must, according to these spokesmen, be resolved by force. For every other nation, they claim coexistence practiced in peace; for Israel, non-existence to be achieved by war.
208. This doctrine not only runs counter to the basic principles of the United Nations Charter. Its acceptance strikes at the roots of our Organization. The world of today is overwhelmed by ideological disputes, international conflicts and economic controversies.
209. In face of this situation, the basic concepts of the Charter — on the eschewing of force, on the unremitting search for peace, on international co-operation, on negotiation as the means to solve problems — have gained a new depth and significance. As long as negotiation is sought, there is hope. Those who rule out negotiation in the Middle East, those who year after year engage in sterile and stereotyped speeches of hostility, should know that there attitude is irrelevant to the basic theme of the international community and can have no echo in an Organization which has proclaimed peace to be synonymous with human survival; they should know that they are assaulting the foundations of human progress.
210. The policy of the Israel Government has been and continues to be peace. It is peace not only for the world, but also between us and our neighbours. We believe in coexistence and co-operation everywhere, and we shall do everything in our power to achieve that end.
211. However, as long as Arab belligerency continues, Israel will take all necessary measures to be-capable of protecting itself. Thus it is ironic that, when Egypt amasses a fleet of heavy bombers, and when President Nasser proclaims that his rockets will be able "to hit any place south of Beirut" — that is Israel, of course — an Egyptian spokesman should complain loudly from this rostrum when Israel is acquiring missiles which can be used solely for protection against attack from the air.
212. I do not wish to create the impression that Israel subjected as it is to hostility is preoccupied only with this sombre aspect of its existence. Some of you have been to Israel, and I venture to believe that you have found a people which is developing with enthusiasm the long neglected deserts and rocky hills. There is a steady progress in all phases of our economy, in the development of our educational and scientific institutions. People who came to our shores, driven either by the need for refuge or by the desire to participate in a great endeavour, are not only reclaiming a country but also regaining their human dignity. Those who have come to us from scores of countries, speaking many tongues, share the great revival of our Biblical language and our ancient culture. We have received these newcomers with love and. devotion, and they have ceased to be destitute refugees and have become a constructive, vital element in our life. Had the Arab nations put their minds and energies into developing their lands, the refugees who dwell in their midst could have been drawn into productive life and become a real asset for the development of their countries. That is what happened in Israel with the more than one million refugees, of whom over 600,000 came from Arab lands.
213. We are happy to note that, despite frustrations and setbacks, there is a growing consciousness in some of the Arab countries that the direction of their energies and talents towards constructive endeavour is more vital to the welfare of their peoples than the perpetuation of sterile rancour. These tendencies should be encouraged by the international community.
214. Despite all the speeches which we have heard from the Arab representatives, we are convinced that for us and for our neighbours the day must come when we shall live in amity and co-operation, Then will the entire Middle East becomes region where tens of millions of people will dwell in peace, and only then will its economic potentialities and rich cultural heritage achieve fulfilment. This Israel believes, and towards this end we shall devote all our efforts.