Mr. President, it is my honour and privilege to extend to you on behalf of the delegation of the Federation of Malaya our sincere congratulations on your well-deserved election to the high office of President of the General Assembly. Heavy though the burden of your office is, my delegation is happy in the conviction that with your illustrious background as a jurist and diplomat, and your long association with the United Nations, including a successful term of office on the International Court of Justice, you will guide the Assembly towards a sober and fruitful deliberation of the problems that beset our present world.
2. I would like at this Juncture to pay my delegation's sincere tribute to Mr. Mongi Slim, our previous President. This was a heavy task. Not only did he take over the leadership of the Assembly at a time when the Organization was still labouring under the shock of the loss of the late Secretary-General, Dag Hammarskjold, but he also had the unenviable distinction of presiding over the longest session in the history of the United Nations. And in his traditional unselfish spirit, he took the trouble of proposing certain measures aimed at expediting the work of the Assembly. No doubt he had among other things, the interest of future Presidents at heart.
3. The General Assembly is now richer by the admission into its membership of Rwanda, Burundi, Jamaica, and the State of Trinidad and Tobago. To the delegations of these new Member States who are with us in the Assembly, my delegation extends a brotherly hand of welcome. We look forward with the keenest anticipation to close and fruitful cooperation with these new delegations, as with all others in the United Nations, in our joint striving for peace, prosperity and Justice for mankind.
4. Before the conclusion of this session the General Assembly will have the further honour of welcoming two more States, Uganda and Algeria, into the fold of independent countries in the United Nations. My delegation is looking forward to this happy event.
5. The seventeenth session of the General Assembly will have to grapple with enormous problems of far-reaching consequences for the Organization and its future. The first thing that comes to mind is of course the Congo problem which is still unfinished business for the Organization.
6. The United Nations is still confronted with the problem of the reunification of the Congo. In the introduction [A/520l/Add.1] to his annual report, the Acting Secretary-General aptly states that the core of the Congo problem is the secession of Katanga. The reintegration of Katanga into the Congolese Republic is therefore a task of immediate importance to which the highest priority must be given. Regrettably the progress in this direction has been painfully slow. We are therefore relieved to note in recent weeks the considerable progress that has been achieved in the latest efforts towards reconciliation. Both the Central Government and the authorities of Katanga Province have declared their acceptance of the Acting Secretary-General's plan submitted to them in August. We earnestly hope that in the better interest of the Congo, as well as of the United Nations, all parties concerned will exert every effort to implement the plan faithfully in strict accordance with its provisions.
7. The Federation of Malaya has been a loyal supporter of United Nations operations in the Congo and from the beginning has expressed its support both in words and in deeds by way of contributing men and material to the United Nations Force. In thus appealing for a speedy reconciliation in the Congo, the delegation of the Federation is motivated by the same consideration that prompted our Government in the first place to contribute troops to the United Nations Force, We have no other desire than, to see the return of law and order in the Congo and the emergence of the country as a united and prosperous entity,
8. We agree with the Acting Secretary-General that only through reunification can the Congo move forward on the way to recovery and can the United Nations effectively fulfil Its mandate to provide effective and massive technical assistance to tire Republic. The United Nations has a big stake in this task. The outcome of the Congo operations will have a telling effect on the future of the Organization. It is highly imperative, therefore, for the entire membership of the Organization to fulfil their obligations so as to ensure the success of the Congo operations and the future efficacy of the Organization as a force for peace.
9. My delegation is particularly concerned with the acute financial problem besetting the Organization, arising, first, from the continuing need to incur large expenditures for the Congo operations and, secondly, from the failure and refusal of a number of Member States to pay their assessments for the maintenance of United Nations peace-keeping operations in the Congo and the Middle East.
10. However, the favourable response already shown to the United Nations bond scheme encourages us to hope and. believe that the target of $200 million will soon be attained. I am glad to say that the Federation Government has already purchased the bond in the amount of $US340,000. This is perhaps a small amount in relation to the target, nevertheless it represents 30 per cent more that the Federation's share under the rate of assessment on the regular budget. The least we can say is that this purchase reflects the faith and confidence that the Federation Government places in the United Nations as a force for peace.
11. The United Nations bond scheme is by no means a panacea for the Organization's financial crisis. It is only a palliative. But it is an urgently needed one, and if the target of $200 million is realized, I have no doubt it will go a long way towards easing the Organization's financial burden.
12. A more important factor relating to the financial problem of the Organization is the question of the obligation of Member States to pay their assessments on the United Nations peace-keeping operations. In this connexion the International Court of Justice has handed down an advisory opinion confirming that the expenditures for maintaining the Congo operations and the Emergency Force in the Middle East constitute expenses of the Organization within the meaning of Article 17, paragraph 2, of the United Nations Charter and therefore represent binding legal obligations on Member States to pay their assessments for these operations.
13. My delegation earnestly hopes that Member States will react favourably to the Court's opinion. In this regard I would like to endorse the hope and belief so well expressed by the Secretary-General that: .. Member Governments, who are all agreed on the indispensable role of the Organization in the world of today, will take appropriate action to solve its financial problems, which may otherwise severely limit its usefulness for the future." [A/ 5201/Add.1, p. 2.]
14. Against the background of world tension today, replete with the ever-present danger of war, the most urgent issue facing mankind is without question the problem of liquidating the means of war and securing a lasting peace. This is an issue with which the United Nations has been seized ever since its creation. Indeed it is the primary concern of the United Nations as spelled out in the very first words of the Charter — "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war".
15. But seventeen years after the catastrophe of the Second World War, the repetition of which the peoples of the United Nations are determined to avert, what have we achieved? True there have been a series of negotiations on disarmament. The principle of general and complete disarmament under effective international control and inspection has been accepted by us all. Yet we are not nearer to the realization of that ideal.
16. In the past year alone, despite an agreement between the United States and the Soviet Union on several principles of disarmament, despite the disarmament talks in Geneva in which some non-aligned countries are for the first time participating; the deadly arms race has continued with increasing ferocity. Between the Soviet Union and the United States, three separate series of nuclear tests were conducted whose effect, quite apart from the releasing of poisonous radio-active fall-out, is to generate further tension in an international climate already surcharged with mutual fear of war. We have now come to a stage where man has so harnessed his resources, and utilized his ingenuity, towards the perfection of his destructive potential that an all-out war in the future would mean suicide for himself. Thus what was once an issue of preventing wars — and the world has survived many wars in the past — has now assumed a far more serious and urgent character. It is now nothing less than an issue involving life and death for mankind.
17. With every passing day in the armaments race, the world is drifting closer and closer to the brink of total annihilation. Not only will nuclear weapons acquire increasing destructive capability, but there is the danger of proliferation of nuclear arms becoming uncontrollable, which could easily spark a nuclear war. Furthermore, the continuation of nuclear tests, even if there is no actual war, would expose generations of mankind to the deadly peril of radioactive poison. Yet this is no time for despair. Although little progress has been registered in the past year in the field of disarmament, it is encouraging nevertheless to note that serious and businesslike negotiations have been carried out at Geneva in the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament. In the vital interest of humanity these talks should continue, and the least the General Assembly can do is to urge the Disarmament Committee to resume its business without much delay.
18. The enormity and complexity of the disarmament problem call for careful, patient and businesslike deliberations. It is obvious that the problem cannot be solved with one stroke. In this connexion my delegation wishes to reiterate the view that no efforts should be spared towards the achievement of an agreement on disarmament by stages which should be in keeping with the progress of building up mutual confidence amongst antagonistic nations and also consistent with the national security of all nations. In other words, we believe that disarmament has to proceed step by step, stage by stage, until it is general and complete. The first step is to arrest the arms race, and the cessation of nuclear testing is a vital starting point. We note in this connexion that the Western nuclear Powers in the Disarmament Committee, in an effort to reach a workable compromise and to save mankind from further fall-out, have put forward a realistic and practical proposal for a nuclear test ban in the atmosphere, under the sea, and in outer space without inspections and conditions. In the interest of humanity we urge the Soviet Union to accept this proposal as an important first step. We have no doubt that while it may be far from being the solution to the complex problem of disarmament, the cessation of nuclear tests under a properly concluded treaty would facilitate the reserve trend in the armaments race.
19. The disarmament problem must inevitably be seen through the perspective of national and international security. General and complete disarmament must in the final analysis be the guarantee of international security, not an opportunity to be exploited by a potential aggressor. This is the basic concept upon which disarmament measures have to be formulated. Consistent with this basic concept, we believe that a disarmament programme must be so planned and phased that at no time will any nation or group of nations gain a military advantage to the detriment of another nation or group of nations. This is highly indispensable if a potential aggressor is to be prevented from violating international security. Flowing from this same consideration, an effective system of international control and verification must be made an integral part of any treaty on any phase of disarmament.
20. The Federation of Malaya hopes and believes that with a business-like order of work and with a serious and responsible approach to the problem the Eighteen-Nation Committee will be able to make some progress and agree on such first steps as are practicable.
21. The emergence of scores of territories from colonial rule to independence in recent years is conclusive evidence of the progress registered in the field of decolonization.
22. Colonialism is an anachronism of this enlightened age. Not only is it contrary to the principle of the equality of peoples and nations and a violation of the inalienable right of peoples to live their own life in freedom and dignity, but its continuation constitutes a major cause of discord and conflict among peoples. Furthermore, the present state of low living standards and general under-development in large areas of the world is in great measure due to the policy and practice of colonialism of the last few centuries — a policy and practice which by the nature of things has been geared to the interests of the metropolitan Powers.
23. Thus, while independence from colonial rule is a desired end in itself, the question of decolonization has to be seen in the larger context of world peace and harmony, within the framework of economic and social advancement and higher living standards for all peoples of the world.
24. The primary objective to strive for is the emergence of colonial territories to the dignity of independence in the most auspicious circumstances possible. In reflecting on this matter, my delegation takes note with considerable satisfaction that a number of once mighty colonial Powers have recognized in time the inevitability of change and have accordingly taken steps to facilitate the emergence of their colonial territories to independence in orderly and peaceful circumstances. It is further gratifying to note in this regard that the colonial ties between the metropolitan Powers and their colonial territories have now been replaced by stronger ties of friendship and mutual co-operation on the basis of sovereign equality.
25. My delegation regrets, therefore-, that in a number of territories, particularly in Africa, the colonial authority has refused to heed the wind of change and is putting up a vain fight. Portugal is an example. In its stubborn determination to retain its colonies the Portuguese Government maintains that its overseas territories are an integral part of Portugal. This is an assertion supported neither by facts nor by logic. Nor can armed action and repressive measures such as those employed by Portugal in Angola defeat the legitimate struggle of the colonial peoples for independence. Portugal will be well advised to admit this reality and adopt an enlightened policy towards its colonies. This is the only way open to the Portuguese to retrieve whatever opportunity may be left for future cooperation with the African peoples on a footing of sovereign equality.
26. Portugal should take a lesson from Algeria. France, with far superior economic resources and with a far greater ability to mount a prolonged colonial war against the Algerian people, saw in the end the futility of its cause and recognized the inevitable. After a long period of senseless war in which hundreds of thousands of Algerian and French lives were sacrificed, France had to abandon its assertion that Algeria was part of France and finally recognized the right of the Algerian people to self-determination, thus paving the way for the independence of Algeria.
27. In congratulating the Algerian people on the successful outcome of their heroic struggle for independence, my delegation cannot let this occasion pass without-paying our sincere tribute to the Government of France under the leadership of President de Gaulle for the far-sighted and realistic policy on Algeria which led to the ending of the Algerian war through negotiations.
28. The peaceful granting of independence to colonial territories and peoples works in the best interest of all concerned. We feel it has been a workable policy in meeting our need in the present process of decolonization. For this policy, in the light of our own experience, has brought about the great degree of mutual respect and understanding that, happily, exists between us and the United Kingdom.
29. My Government and the Government of the United Kingdom will soon arrive at a formal agreement whereby our three million brothers and relatives, kith and kin in the present United Kingdom territories of Singapore, Sarawak, Brunei and North Borneo, will join us as free, independent peoples. Under the projected agreement, the four territories will join the eleven States of the Federation of Malaya in a Federation of Malaysia. All of the fifteen States in the Federation of Malaysia will be equal partners.
30. Needless to say, the proposed greater Malaysia — or, as my Prime Minister has termed it, "Happy Malaysia" — is the result of an enthusiastic desire of the peoples of these territories to be with us once again. This is because the peoples of Singapore and the three Borneo territories are linked with the people of the Federation of Malaya by a common cultural heritage and historical background. We have the same system of administration and law, we use the same currency, and, what is more, we share inherent qualities of tolerance. Although we are a mixture of many races, nowhere in the world does the saying "Unity in diversity" ring truer than in the countries of the proposed Malaysia. Therefore, it is only natural and logical that the peoples of Singapore and the Borneo territories should want to share their political destiny with their brothers in the Federation of Malaya.
31. The Federation of Malaya is a cosmopolitan country, where people of so many racial origins are living together in peace, harmony and goodwill. Just as the Federation of Malaya guarantees complete religious and cultural freedom, so will the new Constitution of the Federation of Malaysia guarantee the human, religious and cultural rights of the peoples in each of the fifteen States which will comprise the Federation of Malaysia. It is proposed that the projected agreement should include detailed constitutional arrangements and safeguards for the special interests of the Borneo territories in such matters as religious freedom, education, representation in the Federation Parliament, the position of the indigenous population, control over immigration, citizenship, the State Constitution, and so on, which would be drawn up in consultation with all concerned.
32. Political freedom is empty and meaningless unless the happiness and economic well-being of the peoples are secured. Therefore, one of the principal objectives in forming Malaysia is to further the economic development of the Borneo territories in particular and Malaysia in general. The new nation will cover an area of 130,000 square miles, with a population of ten million. It would become a viable economic and political unit and, with its varied resources and hard-working population, it would be only a matter of time before a higher and more prosperous standard of living of the people of Malaysia would be achieved through appropriate measures of economic development.
33. The progress being achieved in the sphere of decolonization has brought us nearer to our objective — a happy world society in which there is full respect for fundamental human rights, for the dignity and worth of the human person, for the equal rights of men and women and of nations. But there are other forms of human oppression, beside colonialism, to which the United Nations should give its serious attention.
34. Let me turn in this connexion to the Government of South Africa, whose name has been blemished by, and in fact has become synonymous with, its apartheid policy — a policy aimed at the suppression of its Non-White population in contravention of its profession of acceptance of the United Nations Charter. This policy may serve the arrogance of the governing few in South Africa, but by no stretch of the imagination can it be translated into the happiness of the majority of the population. The South African Government has continued with this policy, thereby not only persisting in its crime against human dignity but also defying the repeated appeals of mankind, which have found expression in successive resolutions of the General Assembly.
35. The racist policy of South Africa is not a question outside the competence of the General Assembly to discuss and seek redress. It is a question of human injustice perpetrated by the Government of South Africa in direct violation of the Charter of the United Nations. As upholders of the Charter, we cannot allow this flagrant flouting of its most sacred tenets. We should therefore, as Members of the United Nations, either collectively or individually take such appropriate action as is necessary to bring about a searching of mind and a change of heart among the molders of policy in South Africa. Consistent with the resolutions of the General Assembly in this regard, my Government, for its part, has severed all trade relations with South Africa, and this severance of trade will continue as long as apartheid remains the policy of the South African Government.
36. Fundamental human rights are cherished by all peoples, of whatever colour or creed. And it is the concern of the United Nations, as the upholder of these rights, to ensure that in all parts of the world they are strictly respected, if they are not already violated, and restored where they are already suppressed. In thus considering the problem in its entirety, my delegation would once again call to the attention of the General Assembly the desperate plight of the Tibetan people, who continue to labour under the yoke of cruel domination by the People's Republic of China. The people of the Federation of Malaya, for whom tolerance and respect for each other's way of life is the essence of their happy and harmonious multiracial society, have great respect for the people of Tibet and deep admiration for the serene life the people of that country lead. The Tibetans are not people who are likely to harm anyone. Their religion preaches friendship with all. Yet it is these very people who have been made the victims of callous conquest by the Chinese People's Republic. Not only have they been deprived of their right to pursue their traditional way of life, but even their basic fundamental human rights are forcibly denied to them, and their identity as a distinctive Buddhist race is in danger of extinction because of the policy of genocide pursued by their oppressors.
37. Tibet is but one example of a new form of imperialism which is endangering the existence and integrity of small countries. This same danger is now evident in South Viet-Nam, where outside forces are conducting subversive activities, and, in some provinces of the country, even open aggression. This is part of a world-wide campaign of subversion, particularly evident in South-East Asia, the objective of which is to overrun, dominate and ultimately bring the small countries under the subjugation of a new form of imperialism. This new type of imperialism, because of its negation of the fundamental principles of personal freedom and liberty and of all the sacred tenets of democracy, is more demoralizing and more damaging than the old. It is extremely subtle in its forms and of a ghastly viciousness in its execution.
38. The people of the Federation of Malaya are fully aware of this danger, because they have lived with it. Even now, after failure to gain control by armed means, the anti-national elements, working in the interests of the chauvinistic and expansionist ambitions of outside forces, are continuing their campaign of subversion in various forms and by various means, seeking to destroy our democratic processes and our system of parliamentary government, to disrupt the harmony that exists in our happy multiracial society, all with the ultimate objective of bringing our country under the yoke of a new form of foreign imperialism.
39. We feel it our duty to alert the United Nations to this fact, so that, in its dealing with colonialism and other forms of human oppression, it may not concern itself exclusively with the traditional and more easily recognizable form of colonialism, but should also be aware of the dangers of a new and more subtle form of Imperialism.
40. The Federation delegation would again reiterate its position, which it has stated on several occasions in the past, namely, that liberty and freedom are the birthright of all peoples. The violation of this right, wherever it occurs and by whomsoever it is perpetrated — be it in South Africa, or in Tibet, or in Hungary, where, despite successive United Nations resolutions, thousands of Hungarian patriots are still incarcerated — must, in our view, be deplored without distinction. Only by taking a consistent stand can the United Nations rise to the expectations of the peoples of the world, who have placed their faith in the Organization, and thus become truly the powerful defender of freedom and justice that it should be. Only in this way can the United Nations become the pricking conscience of the bedevilled few and a deterrent factor thwarting their iniquitous ambitions.
41. It is not only the Small countries which are in danger of falling victims to the expansionist drive of outside forces. The encroachment by the Chinese People's Republic upon the territory of India is indicative of the fact that the communist Chinese regime, in its drive to satisfy its expansionist ambitions, has no qualms about provoking a big and well-established country, such as India. The Government of the Federation of Malaya deeply regrets this aggressive conduct of the Peking regime. The fact that it constitutes a serious threat to international peace and security makes this act of aggression all the more deplorable.
42. The compelling urge to improve living standards and to secure a better way of life was never more evident throughout the world than it is at this time. This is especially true in the newly independent countries. The force of nationalism which had won for the people their freedom from colonial bondage is now finding expression in the drive to develop their economic and social potential, as a basis for better standards of life and for satisfying their emergent aspirations for self-respect and dignity.
43. The drive for economic and social progress is very much a universal concern which calls for concerted international co-operation on a global scale. It is therefore appropriate that the accent on economic and social development is being reflected more and more in the increasing attention paid by the United Nations to the over-all task of helping to raise living standards and to bridge the gap between the developed and the developing countries. The launching of the United Nations Development Decade, for instance, is a timely and imaginative effort in that direction. To make the Development Decade a success, and not a mere slogan, is a great challenge to the United Nations — a challenge which calls for extraordinary vision and imagination, as well as co-operation from all quarters, both in terms of money and material, as also of human resources and technical know-how.
44. It is obvious, however, that the success of any national economic development programme, and the stability of each country's economy, must necessarily depend to a large degree, and in the ultimate analysis, on each country's own efforts and resources. International assistance, both bilateral or through the United Nations system, important as it is, can only supplement but not be a substitute for national efforts. Conscious of this, the Federation of Malaya, while recognizing the role of foreign aid in helping the developing countries, has always put the accent on trade rather than on aid.
45. As in most countries which have recently emerged from colonial rule, the economy of the Federation of Malaya is heavily dependent on the export earnings of its primary commodities. Although a concerted effort is currently under way — and with considerable success — to broaden the base of our economy, we shall continue for a long time to be dependent on these commodities. Fair and stable prices for them are therefore a matter of extreme importance to us if we are to implement successfully the many large scale development projects designed to improve the lot of our people.
46. The extreme urgency to secure fair and stable prices for primary products, which is a problem commonly shared by most developing countries, has been given further emphasis by recent studies in this field. These studies, including those carried out by the Commission on International Commodity Trade of the United Nations, have revealed the alarming trend in the post-war years of growing disparity in the terms of trade between the industrialized countries and the developing countries arising from the failure of the prices of primary products to keep pace with the increase in the prices of manufactured goods. The persistence of this trend will undoubtedly jeopardize the efforts of the developing countries to realize their aspirations for higher living standards and a better way of life for their peoples.
47. It is thus our hope that in the over-all consideration of the economic development of developing countries more attention should be given to the commodity problem. Not only should studies be made to find out ways and means of securing fair and stable prices, but the countries consuming primary products should alert themselves to the fact that their co-operation in this respect is as much in their own interest as it is in the interest of the producing countries. For even in purely economic terms the extent of the sale of manufactured goods which form the earnings of the industrialized countries must depend in the long run on the capacity of the primary-producing countries to import them, which in turn depends on the prices they are able to fetch for their commodities in the world market.
48. But more important then those purely commercial considerations Is the moral obligation of all countries to contribute in every way they can towards the general welfare of mankind, as a basis for a just and enduring peace. For poverty is a prime cause of discord and conflict, and in this shrinking world of ours its evils cannot be for long confined to one particular country or territory. They will be felt throughout the world. As is made so amply clear by the Secretary-General in his annual report [A/5201], the evils of poverty, disease, hunger and illiteracy, which are the lot of more than two-thirds of the world's population, are not only affronts to human dignity; each intensifying the other, they menace the stability of Governments, aggravate tensions, threaten international peace,
49. In concluding my remarks on this particular subject I should like to make a brief but highly important reference, from our point of view, to our own special problem. As the world's largest producer of tin, the Federation of Malaya attaches great importance to the effectiveness of the International Tin Agreement. I cannot emphasize too strongly the anxiety of my Government to obtain the cooperation of all tin consumers and producers to ensure a fair and stable price for this important commodity. For only through a fair and stable return for tin and for our other major primary product, rubber, can we successfully implement our social and economic development projects which mean so much to the welfare of our people and to the stability of our country.
50. While the world is still beset by many long standing international issues, it must be noted with satisfaction that the past year has witnessed the settlement of some major problems. With regard to Laos, for instance, my Government feels relieved at the agreement arrived at recently by all the Powers concerned to make the country neutral. This, together with the Netherlands-Indonesia agreement on the future of West Irian, is ample proof of the efficacy of the principle of a peaceful and friendly approach by all nations towards all international issues. My Government feels that there is no international issue that cannot be solved by peaceful means.
51. Thus it is to be hoped and prayed that such outstanding problems as the Berlin question may be resolved by peaceful means consistent with the obligations of all concerned. However, until there is a permanent and peaceful solution, the human problem deserves priority in our consideration. It is painfully evident that restrictions on visits between East and West Berlin are a violation of elementary human rights — rights which all ideologies recognize or profess to recognize. The tragic consequence of the Berlin wall has been the separation of husband and wife, parent and child, brother and sister, physician and patient. The sanctity of these fundamental rights transcends the political issues between forces from either side of the Berlin wall and the merits of their respective positions.
52. The violation of these rights is present and continuing and the need to put an end to the violation is immediate and urgent. The protection of such rights is fundamental to the Charter and the responsibility of all. It is therefore incumbent upon us to take cognizance of the denial of fundamental human rights inherent in the Berlin situation. The General Assembly must bring its influence to bear on the opposing forces in Berlin and marshall world opinion to demand at least the restoration of those fundamental rights until a comprehensive settlement is reached.
53. The Government of the Federation of Malaya is of the firm belief that co-operation among nations can be obtained from even a small beginning. Our association with the Commonwealth of Nations is an example of close co-operation on an international, plane for the benefit of all. Our participation in the Colombo Plan is another example. But in recent times the Association of Southeast Asia, a partnership of a few countries in our region, namely Thailand, the Philippines and the Federation of Malaya, is another effort at close co-operation among free, independent nations. The aim of this Association is the solution of our economic problems and the harmonizing of our own economic and trading activities. Its further aim is a cultural and educational exchange amongst us so that our own people may lead in the future a fuller and richer life. Towards this objective the Association has already agreed, as a first step, on arrangements designed to facilitate a freer movement of people among the three countries.
54. Such small beginnings in international cooperation will lead in time to wider fields of cooperation. All national and international problems that appear insurmountable at present will be easy of solution as international co-operation expands. My delegation therefore believes that co-operation among nations towards the solution of international questions, such as disarmament and a nuclear test ban, all types of colonialism, the economic imbalance among nations and poverty and illiteracy, should be started forthwith, however modest the beginning. On behalf of my delegation and the Government of the Federation of Malaya, I wish to urge all nations to come to grips with these urgent problems which threaten our, very existence and, in a spirit of sincere co-operation, try collectively to solve them for our own present benefit thus earning the everlasting gratitude of generations to come.
55. In conclusion, my delegation wishes to place on record its sincerest appreciation of the sense of dedication with which Acting Secretary-General U Thant has carried out his heavy responsibilities as Chief Executive of this Organization. His willingness to shoulder those responsibilities at a time when the Organization was experiencing an acute crisis was in itself an eloquent testimony of his dedication to the ideals of the United Nations. Owing in a large measure to his leadership, integrity and, above all, his dedication to the cause of humanity, the United Nations has been able to engage itself, without interruption, in the many-sided task of bringing peace and prosperity to the world. The peaceful settlement of the West Irian question and the promising developments in the Congo are only some of the outstanding achievements made possible by the initiative and vision of the Acting Secretary-General. The post which he is occupying is vital to the Organization. May we entertain the hope that we shall continue to benefit from his leadership in the Secretariat and his wise counsel in making this Organization a dynamic force for peace.