122. Mr. President, may I first of all, on behalf of the Central African delegation, sincerely congratulate you on your election. I congratulate myself also, because your election, following that of an African President for the previous session, furnishes fresh proof of the increasingly important role which the non-aligned countries are destined to play in international affairs. We are sure that the enlightenment and wisdom you will bring to us, and also your authority, will enable us to carry out our work in the best possible conditions. I also congratulate the new Vice-Presidents whom the Assembly has elected to assist you in your heavy task.
123. The basic provisions of my country's Constitution contain a number of principles which define our nation's political doctrine. Allow me to quote one:
124. "The people of the Central African Republic solemnly proclaims its attachment to human rights, the principles of democracy and the self-determination of peoples. "
125. These principles — according with the purposes of the Charter of the United Nations, in which my country reaffirms its faith — will enable my delegation to define the views of the Central African Republic on the various problems which we must work together to solve.
126. One of these problems, the most serious, haunts all our debates and permeates every text we have to discuss. I refer to the "cold war" which results from the division of the world into rival blocs.
127. At the political level the Central African Republic rejects the idea of this division of the world and refuses to belong to either bloc. Similarly, at the economic and social level it intends freely to follow its course towards the establishment of a purely African conception — far removed from either communism or capitalism, by which it will be influenced only to the extent that suits it. In this it advocates, not the enunciation of a third rigid doctrine, but a flexible practice adopted to the particular traditions, character and needs of any country which may wish to follow it.
128. My country hopes to maintain friendly and constructive relations with all nations; but at the same time it considers itself free to seek regional alliances such as the African and Malagasy Union of the Monrovia Group, and to preserve its cultural affinities and historic links with Europe, with a view to promoting fruitful economic relations. The Common Market, in which we are partners, seems to be in line with this objective of alliances.
129. Mr. David Dacko, the President of the Central African Republic, reaffirmed this desire for friendship with all nations in a recent speech to the diplomatic corps at Bangui, in which he said: "It is the desire of the Central African Republic to be a State which is wide open to the outer world. The more the Central African Republic affirms its sovereignty, the more numerous will be the bridges we shall build for the use of peoples which agree to co-operate with us."
130. These words explain our reaction to the rivalry of the two great blocs, which appears to us to be the cause of the present political atmosphere add of all the localized incidents and conflicts arising Out of the "cold war". Whether it is at Berlin, in the Formosa Straits, in South-East Asia or in Cuba, we find, if not the "cold war" itself, at least threats of conflict which aggravate the antagonism between the great Powers.
131. Among the crises I have just mentioned, that of Berlin seems to be the most acute; month after month its vicissitudes threaten us with the outbreak of a world conflagration. My country, which is deeply attached to democratic principles, is surprised to note that, while much is said about the right of the occupying Powers, the right of the people to self- determination is never mentioned. We should like to see the right of self-determination put into effect, with a view to solving the problem of Berlin and the two Germanys in the only equitable manner, in accordance with the principles of the San Francisco Charter.
132. We regret to note that in Palestine the years have brought no solution of the grievous problem of the refugees. Certain international disputes, such as the Algerian problem, have been successfully settled by means of direct negotiation; my Government considers that the same procedure should be recommended for ending the regrettable conflict between the Arab countries and the State of Israel. For this reason my delegation will, as last year, wholeheartedly support any specific proposal which might lead to, an agreement negotiated between the parties. The threat of armed conflict in that area could thus be eliminated.
133. Another matter to which international attention is invited each year is the question of the. representation of China in the United Nations. Whatever doubts may be felt — and I recognize their gravity — concerning the peaceful intentions of the People's Republic of China, it seems to me unjust, on the face of it, to exclude any longer from the United Nations a great nation whose population alone comprises one-quarter of mankind. Whatever may be our misgivings, therefore, the continued exclusion of the People’s Republic of China from the community of nations would prevent the United Nations from becoming the truly universal body it ought to be, I might add that, at a time when we are leading up to decisions and treaties prohibiting atomic test explosions and providing for total disarmament, it is essential that a Power which maintains a large army and is apparently at the point of acquiring a nuclear arsenal should be allowed to participate in our work and be bound by resolutions adopted by us all. Nationalist China has been cut off from mainland China for years, ideologically and politically, and both the institutions it has established for itself and its economy make it a separate political entity. The admission of the People's Republic of China to our midst should not, therefore, in our view, entail the exclusion of Nationalist China.
134. The perils which threaten the world as a result of the cold war force the great Powers to build up their nuclear stockpiles and to increase the power and range of their weapons, thus preparing, wittingly or unwittingly, for the hot war. My country has therefore followed with the greatest interest the work of the Geneva Disarmament Conference and wishes to pay a tribute to the efforts that have been made by both sides. We note with regret, however, that the results achieved are very discouraging. The failure of lengthy negotiations in the small group at Geneva augurs ill for the' debate that will take place in the General Assembly this autumn on the subject. A consideration of the propositions and arguments of the two sides shows clearly that the real obstacle, which has thus far proved insuperable, is the mutual distrust of the two main nuclear Powers and their allies. It appears, therefore, that the principal task to which we should apply ourselves is the re-establishment of confidence. If such an objective is to be attained, certain Powers would have to cease attempting to impose, by force or subversion, doctrines or ideologies which they would like to see universal; at the same time, the Powers in the other camp would have to accept the existence of political and economic systems completely different from their own and would have to stop thinking that they must intervene, through military or economic pressure or through propaganda campaigns, in the domestic affairs of countries which, in the full exercise of their sovereignty, have adopted a system of their choice with a view to accelerating their economic and social development,
135 . Unless there is an abatement of the cold war — in fact, let me say, unless it ceases — any prospect of disarmament appears to me to be very slight. The unilateral breaking, last year, of the "truce to nuclear testing" was a clear indication of how much reliance can be placed on a nuclear moratorium or on any disarmament treaty not accompanied or preceded by a lasting relaxation of international tension.
136. My delegation believes that, this autumn, we should set ourselves two main objectives.
137. The first is the cessation of nuclear tests which poison the atmosphere, both literally and figuratively. I should like at this point to, remind you, of the importance my Government attaches to the denuclearisation of Africa, which, in our view, is a first and necessary step towards general denuclearization.
138. Our second objective must be general and complete disarmament under effective international control.
139. Together with disarmament, the economic development of insufficiently developed regions is one of the most important items on our agenda. The gap between the resources and levels of living of the industrialized countries and those of the have-not countries continues to increase, despite the efforts made to close it through both bilateral and multilateral aid. While two-thirds of the people of the world are still suffering from» poverty, ignorance and even famine, the great Powers, because of the unprecedented rate of technical progress and the capital they possess, not only enjoy a very high level of living but have fabulous surpluses of resources which they squander on preparations for the universal annihilation which may occur, and which would represent the final victory of chaos over progress and thought.
140. It is for that reason that my Government takes a keen interest in the efforts to examine the economic and social implications of disarmaments As is generally known, experts state that military expenditures each year amount to vast sums which could be usefully employed for economic purposes and, in particular, for the industrialization of the have-not countries.
141. Of course, the space race is a marvellous scientific adventure, but the rate at which it is pursued and, above all, its competitive nature involve enormous expenditures. Whatever the intellectual or material enrichment it may eventually bring to mankind, it seems to us that the pace is too headlong and that some of the energies and resources scattered in this way should be devoted to more immediate ends. We believe, in fact, that the great problems of humanity have first claim to our concern and ought to receive priority treatment. When we think of all the hungry needing food, all the ignorant needing education, all the sick needing treatment — in short, all the misery calling for relief — it tugs at our heart-strings to see launched from our planet these rockets and satellites, worth much more than their weight in gold and destined to revolve in empty space; and we think of the wise words of the French fabulist, La Fontaine, concerning the astrologer who falls into a well and is drowned through having gazed too much at the stars and forgotten the earth on which he walked.
142. Among the matters of greatest concern to the insufficiently developed countries, the question of stabilizing the prices of raw materials and establishing a reasonable and constant relationship between such prices and those of manufactured goods occupies a high place. Year after year, we see that the terms of trade of the primary producing countries continue to decline. We regard this ever-increasing gap between the prices of primary products and those of manufactured goods, not of course as the root cause of under-development, but as one of the main reasons for its continuance. I shall not dwell on this problem to which my delegation will revert in greater detail when it is discussed in Committee. I merely wished to mention it now as a token of the importance we attach to what, might be termed "economic decolonization”.
143. And do I come to the third panel, of what I will call the triptych of the three D’s—Disarmament, Development, Decolonization.
144. It is, perhaps, in the matter of decolonization that the most encouraging events of which the United Nations has to take cognizance have occurred during the past year. We have among us today the representative of five former colonies or territories administered by colonial Powers. My delegation has already had the opportunity and the honour to tell the Algerian delegation, from this rostrum, how deeply gratified we are to have it in our midst at last [1147th meeting], I now offer my warmest congratulations to the delegations of Rwanda, Burundi, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, with whom we shall be happy to work in our Organization.
145. With independence for Algeria, France has closed the book on its colonial history in Africa; but at the same time, it has strengthened and broadened the foundations of the friendships it has succeeded in forming in our continent. The illustrious statesman at its helm, General de Gaulle, can be proud to have accomplished the great historical task which he outlined in January 1944 at Brazzaville. The leaders of those Powers still obsessed with the old colonialist myth will do well to. follow the masterly example set for them by the President of the French Republic.
146. I am happy to say that France is not the only colonial 'Power entitled to our commendations, and I welcome the opportunity to pay a tribute to the United Kingdom, whose liberal spirit has brought to independence, in the best conditions, an imposing number of territories in Asia, Africa and the Americas. However, its task is not finished, and must be continued to the end; Kenya, Nyasaland and the Rhodesias still await their independence. In the case of Southern Rhodesia in particular, I appeal to that liberal spirit I mentioned a moment ago to put an end to the regime of oppression and exploitation which is retarding the political and social development of the African population. In the past, the Central African Republic and its partners in the Union of African and Malagasy States brought their influence to bear on France to settle the Algerian problem; we trust that the Asian and African States members of the Commonwealth will likewise exert on the United Kingdom friendly but firm pressure to induce it to accelerate and complete the task of decolonization which it has so well performed until now.
147. I would not wish to finish, this honours list of decolonizers, without including Belgium which also, despite initial difficulties, has successfully completed its task of decolonization and regained, along with the friendship of its former colonies which are now independent, the esteem of the nations of Africa.
148. Among, Belgium's former colonial possessions, the Congo is still foremost in our concern. We cannot remain indifferent to anything connected with this great territory which lies to the south of my country and with which we have a common frontier of more than 1,000 kilometres. My Government has always believed that the independent Congo should comprise all, without exception, of the regions of the former Belgian Congo. Because of the many clear acts of interference in the Congo, the unity of the country has ceased to be a purely Congolese matter and has become a problem which is at the forefront of the preoccupations of all the independent States in Africa. The secession of Katanga receives encouragement and active assistance from Rhodesia, from Angola under Portuguese, domination, and from South Africa in the form of subsidies, armaments and mercenaries. Other countries, by failing to control effectively the movement of arms through their territory, become the accomplices of Mr. Tshombé, who gets from them the aircraft and rockets needed by his troops. Lastly, the Katangese adventure has made that province the promised land of those desperate soldiers, those mercenaries, whose taste for violence cannot adjust itself to the tempo of life in the democratic lands where they lived. Thus, Katanga became a forward bastion where the old colonialism, supported by a powerful capitalism as unconcerned for the advancement of peoples as it was blind to its own long-term interests, hoped to halt the African emancipation movement in its southward march.
149. In those circumstances, my country cannot but endorse and support the United Nations intervention in the Congo, and it fully shares the Secretary-General's anxieties regarding the difficulties he has in meeting the costs of this operation. He is appealing to all countries to fulfil their financial obligations arising from the maintenance of the United Nations Force in the Congo. If there could have been any lingering doubt of the extent and force of those obligations, the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice has dispelled it once and for all. That is why we are astounded that some of the largest contributors to the Organization persist in their refusal to pay their assessments; we ask them to reconsider their position and to respect the decision of the highest judicial authority of all.
150. A few weeks ago, the Congolese Government and the provincial authorities of Katanga reached an agreement which led us to hope that we were near our goal. This agreement was to a large extent the result of the initiative and perseverance of the Secretary-General, who, in this matter as in all others, has shown himself a very worthy successor to Mr. Hammarskjold. I wish to thank him warmly, on behalf of the Central African Republic, for this action. It can only strengthen faith and confidence in the Organization, whose prestige is now linked to the success of the United Nations operations in the Congo and to the cause of unity in that country.
151. However, we are bound to observe that recent developments are disappointing. We hear more and more about the reinforcement of the Katangese troops and of the recruitment of new mercenaries. Mr. Tshombé makes statements which give us the impression that he still clings to his long-standing custom of blowing hot and cold. If this fear were, justified and if Mr. Tshombé were again to violate his own undertakings, the United Nations would find itself confronted with a very serious situation which might deal a grievous blow to its prestige. In order to put an end to this crisis which has lasted too long, we should then have to act with the greatest determination.
152. Nevertheless, let us hope that Mr. Tshombé, whom we have so far considered a traitor to the African cause, will put an end to this sad display of procrastinations, evasions and unkept promises, and that he will rehabilitate himself in our eyes by loyally applying the agreement which will make Katanga one of the provinces of the Congo Federation.
153. The Congolese problem leads me to digress a moment in order to deal with the problem of the upkeep of the United Nations forces. Experience has shown that these troops are more ready to obey their own officers than to conform to the spirit and purposes of the United Nations. We must therefore continue to consider the problem of establishing a United Nations force which would cost as little as possible to maintain and whose officers and non-commissioned officers, provisionally released from their allegiance to their countries of origin, would really become international soldiers and would lead troops supplied by Member States. The proposal that the United Nations should maintain a wholly international force both of officers and men may seem attractive in theory but in practice appears too costly.
154. Returning now to the problem of decolonisation, I shall deal with its least favourable aspects. The Agreement recently concluded between the Republic of Indonesia and the Kingdom of the Netherlands concerning West New Guinea had, of course, the important advantage of avoiding an armed conflict. But how can we fail to deplore the fact that this Agreement [A/5170- annex], which the United Nations approved by a vast majority, was concluded in absolute violation of the principle of self-determination? In fact, we have witnessed the spectacle — astonishing in our era of decolonization — of a territory being handed over by one colonial Power to another with the blessing of the United Nations. What other name can we give to a transfer of Sovereignty carried out without even asking for the preference of the population? Few important. United Nations decisions have been taken with such an overwhelming majority as that achieved in this Assembly on 21 September 1962 [1127th meeting] in favour of an operation which violates one of the fundamental principles of the Charter.
155. One week after the vote in the General Assembly, this violation was denounced by the Papuan nationalists in the following letter received by my delegation: "As members of the Legislative Council of New Guinea, we wish to thank you warmly, on behalf of the Papuan people, for the position taken by your Government on the question of New Guinea. “The Agreement between the Netherlands and Indonesia on the future of our fatherland was concluded without our being given any say in the matter. The decision of the General Assembly was taken, again, without our people being consulted. "We can only hope that Indonesia will carry out the Agreement in good faith and that the supervisory functions of United Nations, which are clearly defined in the Agreement, will be effective. As far as we are concerned, we shall continue to defend our interests "with all available and legitimate means. “We appeal to the conscience of the United Nations and especially to those countries which have always supported us in our national aspirations to see that Indonesia is made to adhere faithfully to those clauses of the Agreement which relate to the exercise of our right to self-determination in 1969. "We hope that your Government will continue to support us and to defend our interests in the years to come. Do not forget us!"
156. This letter justifies — if any justification were necessary — the position taken by my delegation when, it. abstained during the vote on 21 September 1962.
157. However, once again, let us recognize the fait accompli and let us hope that this Agreement will be strictly applied so that the Papuans will be able, before 1969, to express their wishes freely, which go far they have not been able to do. Let us hope above all that Indonesia, conscious of the heavy responsibilities which it has already begun to assume in New Guinea, will devote its resources and its efforts to the development of the territory and the well-being of its inhabitants. Its honour is at stake.
158. While the General Assembly has solemnly advocated the rapid and unconditional abolition of colonialism, we are bound to observe that certain Powers completely ignore its resolutions. My delegation deplores the fact that there are still in this Organization Powers, namely, Portugal and South Africa, which have not "implemented the decisions of the General Assembly and which persist, the one in its anachronistic colonialism, the other in its monstrous policy of racial discrimination.
159. Whenever it had the opportunity, the delegation of the Central African Republic has stressed its keen and legitimate interest in all African problems and in particular its rejection of the spurious legal arguments which Portugal invokes in order to claim Angola, Mozambique and Guinea as parts of its national territory. Once again, we appeal to this Member State to follow the example of the former colonial Powers I mentioned previously and, abandoning colonial exploitation, to embrace resolutely the course of African friendship, before it is too late. Otherwise, revolution and violence will take from that country by force the independence which it has been unwilling to grant.
160. In this second half of the twentieth century, the Republic of South Africa presents us with the stupefying and scandalous spectacle of a country which, not content with tolerating or encouraging racism, makes of it a national policy and a method of government. As things are, it seems as if a white minority is proposing to maintain indefinitely its domination over a black majority, which it uses according to its own pleasure or according to the fluctuations of the economic situation as a mere reservoir of manpower. The decision taken by the Republic of South Africa to withdraw from the Commonwealth has clearly shown us that its Government intends to pursue its apartheid policy undisturbed.
161. The attitude of a great democratic nation of the West is quite different and worthy of the highest praise. Very recently, its Government intervened, with a vigour which does it honour, to repress the misdeeds of racism in its territory.
162. It is this Government that we would like to hold up as an example to the South African authorities and to warn them once again of the tragic consequences that their reactionary policy will have: either they must let the wave of African emancipation follow its natural and irresistible course or they themselves will be swept away by the torrent.
163. Finally, I must, remind them that they hold the mandate over South West Africa only from the League of Nations, and that they must therefore give a faithful and detailed account of their administration to the United Nations. Moreover, the time has come to emancipate this territory and to enable it, like so many other African nations, to enjoy the benefits of independence and freedom.
164. In short, Portugal, by its colonialism and its barbarous repression of the legitimate aspirations of the Angolan people, and the Republic of South Africa, by its policy of racial discrimination and oppression, are constantly violating the letter and spirit of the United Nations Charter and disregarding our resolutions. Consequently, the Central African Republic believes that these States are not worthy to sit in our Organization and should be expelled if they continue to make no effort to adapt themselves to the requirements of the political evolution of the African continent. Before such an extreme step is taken, my country would like the great Powers to support the claims of the African States by exerting vigorous pressure through an economic boycott of Portugal and the Republic of South Africa.
165. Before concluding, I would like to say a few words about our conditions of work and, in particular, about the present structure of the United Nations. Since its establishment, the composition of the United Nations has been profoundly changed by the admission of new Member States, mainly from Asia and Africa. As this change in membership has not been accompanied: by any structural reforms, the result has been a serious disequilibrium much to the disadvantage of the latecomers, who have, so to speak, been given a back seat. For a long time now, the composition of such important organs as the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council has not reflected the real character of the United Nations. In my country’s view, the African and Asian countries must be given a fairer representation in these bodies and the Charter must be revised in order to reflect more adequately the new physiognomy of the United Nations.
166. We also consider it essential for the conduct of our work' that a Secretary-General should be appointed for a normal term of office. I say deliberately "a Secretary-General” and not a team of Secretaries-General, because I believe that the administrative control of the United Nations should be entrusted to one man, the various geographical groups being sufficiently represented by his immediate collaborators. My delegation hopes that the unity of leadership, which is particularly necessary in the present period of tension, will be maintained in spite of certain proposals maimed at installing at the head of the Secretariat the kind of political regime which, under the name of triumvirate, did not exactly demonstrate its efficiency in ancient Rome. The Central African Republic expresses the fervent hope that the office of Secretary- General will not be rendered useless by making it faithfully reflect the deplorable division of the world into blocs. We want U Thant, who now holds the post of Acting Secretary-General, to become Secretary-General. His deep wisdom, his authority and his great impartiality seem to us to be sufficient guarantees for the success of his arduous task which he has been discharging for over a year with such good results. I convey to him my country 's gratitude for the firmness, and shill he has displayed in defending the interests of the young nations, particularly those of Africa. They trust that he will associate them still more closely in his activities.
167. The general policy debate in these plenary meetings enables each delegation to comment — unilaterally; as it were — on the great international issues. This debate will now continue in the committees where it will not be — or at least should not be — sufficient to express governmental view-points without any effort at conciliation. The work of the present session must not serve, as it has done too often in the past, to crystallize disagreements and to fan the flames of controversy. Our committees, particularly the First Committee, are going to take up very important problems. May they, examine-those problems in a more peaceful atmosphere, which will facilitate their solution. May we all be imbued with that spirit of tolerance and peace which pervades the Charter, so that we shall not betray the cause of mankind for which our Organization, despite its vicissitudes, remains the best if not the only hope. The achievement of our mission will be, I am sure, greatly facilitated, if we always bear in mind the deep misery and anguish which prevail in the world today. It is to try to alleviate the one and assuage the other that we are meeting here. Only success in this task will make us worthy of the honour that the world has done to our Organization and of the confidence that the world has place in it.