123. Mr. President, in taking the floor after the many eminent speakers preceding me, not one of whom has failed to pay you a tribute, I feel some diffidence in adding my congratulations to all those which have so brilliantly hailed your accession to the Presidency of this Assembly. In your person and in that of the Secretary-General, U Thant, the two continents of Africa and Asia, united by the same past, the same sufferings and the same hopes, are jointly honoured. A certain sector of the Press has had the bad taste to refer to the colour of the skins of the three officers of this Assembly. For us, on the other hand, the circumstance is a cause of legitimate satisfaction, since we see in it a sign of progress towards harmony and the normalization of relations between all peoples, regardless of any considerations of power, wealth or race.
124. We are likewise proud to welcome in this Hall those whose persistent efforts have overcome the inertia of the older nations and, at the same time, revitalized these nations' wisdom and clear-sightedness sufficiently to secure from them the right to sit side by side with them here. To Rwanda, Burundi, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago and, finally, Algeria, which have joined us this year, I extend the modest and fraternal greetings of my country, with the hope that I shall soon be able to address a similar greeting to Uganda. My delegation also expresses its satisfaction to the former colonial Powers which have helped us to expand the frontiers of freedom on the map of our world and to reduce in some degree the dimensions of the problem of decolonization as it appears on our agenda. Yet, while recognizing with pleasure that we have reduced the scope of that problem, we cannot consider it solved: it remains a matter of paramount concern for all the countries of Africa and Asia.
125. But before dealing with the question of decolonization, with which we are sometimes accused of occupying ourselves too exclusively, I should like to say a few words on the subject of disarmament and peace. I shall add nothing to the accurate, sometimes technical and always terrifying descriptions which distinguished representatives have given of the. fate overhanging our world. I shall naturally create only a small stir by saying that on 19 December 1960, at the Brazzaville Conference, the thirteen States represented made the relentless quest for peace their main concern. The peaceful declarations of small nations like ours carry but little weight if one considers the small size of their armies. But now that a common threat confronts both the strong and the weak, it is the duty of the weak to raise their voices unceasingly, until a reasonable solution makes a reality of what has so long been talked about merely in propaganda speeches.
126. If the question of disarmament was the only one on our agenda, this would still suffice to justify the existence of our Organization and our presence together in this Hall. In this connexion, I must on behalf of my country express regret that none of the States of the African and Malagasy Union, which accounts for 12 per cent of the votes in this Assembly, has been associated in the work of the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament. We are none the less convinced that one day the efforts of the Committee will be crowned with success and that inspection and control systems, in which our Organization will have a role to play, will soon receive approval from the great Powers and bring to a halt an arms race whose cost and consequences the whole of mankind has to bear.
127. In addition to the general threat of nuclear destruction, the delicate balance of the world is stealthily threatened by the cold war, which flares up and dies down from one continent to another at the will of an insidious and secret diplomacy. We must all welcome the peaceful settlement under which the. neutrality of Laos has been guaranteed by the fourteen States attending the Geneva Conference. Thus the inhabitants of this traditionally peaceful country now have a good chance of being able to improve their standard of living instead of killing each other in uniforms supplied from abroad. The Laos agreements were negotiated in the same spirit as that inspiring the work of the Assembly, and represent a victory which we should be proud to place to that body's credit.
128. Unfortunately, however, other local hotbeds of war continue to threaten the stability' of East Asia, South Viet-Nam and South Korea are the victims of foreign infiltration which in its turn justifies further intervention. The People's Republic of China, which, controls a mass of people equivalent to one, quarter of the world's population, is threatening its neighbours in an alarming way. After absorbing Tibet, it is now encroaching on the borders of India. In Europe, the freedom of the inhabitants of West Berlin is menaced. We realize the political difficulties which the presence in their territory of a rich, free and prosperous Western enclave may create for the communist Powers, but that does not warrant the absorption of this city by an ideological bloc to which it refuses to belong. We have fought on the African continent. For the principle of self-determination and it is logical that we should continue to seek its application throughout the world, without straying from the road we have chosen and without accepting any compromise or restriction. Viet-Namese, Koreans and Berliners all have the same right to decide their own destiny. Unfortunately, as we know, the strategic balance of the world is such that we can no longer reasonably envisage for the near future the political reunification of certain countries divided by wars. Nevertheless my delegation will strive to bring to birth, and to support, any compromise solution enabling all to decide their destiny, make their voice heard and practise their own religion in freedom.
129. In referring to localized areas of strife, I must make special mention of the Congo (Leopoldville), because of the general implications it has had for our Organization and because of the particular interest which the Congo (Brazzaville) takes in it as a brother and neighbouring country. I shall not recall the differences of opinion in this Assembly about the various external interventions in the southern part of the Congo, including the intervention of our own Organization. Today more than ever we believe that there can and must be found a compromise solution satisfying the wishes of the different Congolese provinces and above all enabling Katanga, freed from the suspicions which surround it, to become part of a politically and economically viable entity. For this reason, we are glad that a United Nations plan is being offered to the Congolese with the aim of organizing their country on a federal basis.
130. The theatre of the cold war is vast, and I , have been able to give only a few examples. In each trouble-spot — in the Middle East, in Cuba and in Hungary, as well as in the Congo, at Berlin and in the Far East — we are faced with de facto situations which most of us deplore. But these situations are now part of history and we must accept them, at least temporarily. It is the duty of our Assembly to give the most effective and practical expression to its ideals by patiently seeking middle-of-the-road solutions such as will, I repeat, enable all to keep their churches and worship their gods. It is true that there have been so many different commentaries on and interpretations of the idea of freedom that today it is very difficult to distinguish its true champions from those who are trying to stifle it. But freedom it is which should be sought by all peoples and particularly by the Africans, who have learnt from past and present experience acquired in their struggle for independence.
131. Decolonization, on which we have set our hearts, is the most obvious form taken by the quest for freedom. In this sphere, fortunately, we are beginning to see light. By the repetition of the brotherly greetings which we extend each year to new Members of the Organization, we are steadily recording the value of the results obtained and of the contribution made to that end by the United Nations.
132. The African and Malagasy Union also has at this Session the special satisfaction of knowing that the painful Algerian question has been solved, thanks to the realism of the leaders of the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic and to the humanity of General de Gaulle. The Evian Agreements have at last given to France's African policy the over-all coherence which it had previously lacked. Now, although the shores of the Mediterranean are the frontiers of this great country, its culture knows no bounds. We Africans, friends of France, can rejoice that we have chosen its language, with all its universality, to place it in the service of our own civilization.
133. Because of the dearly won victory of our Algerian brothers, our pride is all the more wounded by the remaining enclaves on our continent where colonialism still persists. The flexible and pragmatic reasoning of the British will soon, we earnestly hope, find for Rhodesia the same wise solution that French rationalism has produced for Algeria. We are more worried about the territories in which Portugal, Spain and South Africa are simply refusing to implement the principle of the right of peoples to self- determination.
134. Because of its geographic and ethnic ties with Cabinda and Angola, the Congo (Brazzaville) is particularly bitter about the provocations of the Salazar Government. These have even taken the form of aerial incursions over our territory, and Portuguese troops have actually crossed our frontier to capture Cabindans who had fled to our country. The protests by our Government called forth apologies tinged with ill-concealed irony. Despite the peaceful nature of our people, I must remind Mr. Salazar that, with the help of its allies, the Congo (Brazzaville) would soon be able to rid Cabinda of the Portuguese army. Fortunately, we are sure that the Cabindans will one day accomplish this task themselves.
135. South of the Sahara we are faced with the same problem that previously arose in the North. Minorities enjoying a privileged status want to preserve their dominion over an entire country and an entire people. Contemporary history has sufficiently shown that this attitude is not only immoral but also illogical. The problem is not whether the Angolans or the South Africans will one day enjoy political freedom, social equality and national independence. The only question is how many they will have to sacrifice in dead before they achieve this. Whatever special interests may be injured in the process of decolonization, the privileged groups must have the sense to give up their privileges before these are wrenched from them by force. The African and Malagasy Union has decided to give ever more practical help to the African countries which are still not independent. In line with this policy, my country will support in this Assembly any proposed measures of retaliation and expulsion against the impenitent colonialist and racialist Powers. In this connexion, it has decided to contribute as much as it can to the financial, technical and cultural assistance that fellow Africans who are still slaves need in order to achieve their liberation.
136. We express the hope that 1963 will see the end of the scandalous evils which colonialism in its death-throes is still leaving about on earth — in particular the two blemishes of Portugal's so-called policy of assimilation and the inadmissible principle of racial segregation in South Africa, which is accompanied by unjustified claims to South West Africa. We adopt this attitude With a clear and free conscience, because we are convinced that races can learn to coexist in peace and that, while the African territories south of the Sahara belong to the African majority who have lived there for thousands of years, these people ask nothing better than to co-operate with any white minority which can help them. The development of our continent can benefit considerably from the sincere participation of a foreign elite with proven technical knowledge and a high level of culture.
137. Although I am convinced that our Assembly is continually winning new victories in the struggle for decolonization and that in this respect most of the entries are on the credit side, I should like to make a special reference to the problem of West New Guinea. We are presented with a fait accompli in the shape of the agreement which approves the cession of this territory by the Netherlands to Indonesia [A/5170, annex] following on the transfer of the administration of the territory to the United Nations Temporary Executive Authority. We do not, however, think that this operation has been arranged in accordance with the principle of self-determination to which we attach importance. If this country was to become part of Indonesia, we should have preferred this to happen after a popular vote which could have been taken while the territory was being administered by our Organization.
138. I am well aware that these are undoubtedly the most under-privileged people in the world and that it is certainly difficult to discover, today, the nature and direction of their true aspirations. Perhaps the responsibility lies with the former administering Power, which does not seem to have adequately prepared, the inhabitants of this country for emancipation. Most supporters of decolonization have, however, always agreed in this Assembly that considerations based on so-called historic rights or on inadequacy of cultural development should not delay a people’s exercise of the right of self-determination. In the present case, we are sorry to say that this right has been deliberately ignored.
139. I wish to explain that, although we express our regret that a colonized territory is being handed over to an Asian State without the taking of a popular vote, we should by no means prefer it to be left in the hands of a European Power. Our attitude reflects no neo-colonialist intentions.
140. Neo-colonialism, which we see developing when former empires are vanishing, is a phenomenon with a thousand facets. It is true that first and foremost we have the neo-colonialism of former settlers who are trying here and there to win back by intrigue what they have lost by negotiation or by force of arms. There is a retrograde capitalism which clings to its land, its mines and its privileges. Far from becoming the slave of this capitalism, the African and Malagasy Union relies on the unity of its members for the creation of an African socialism which does not reject foreign initiative provided that such initiative respects our political and economic independence. But the new imperialisms of our age also take other forms. There is a communist imperialism which closes the frontiers of certain countries in Europe, Asia and Africa and prevents those countries from enjoying that reasonable commercial freedom which is the basis of the prosperity of peoples, just as political freedom is the basis of their dignity. Finally, there are among us, the non- aligned countries, States which have territorial designs on their neighbours. We condemn these attempts at domination in the same way as we condemn all other such attempts, because we have based our African and Malagasy Union on mutual respect for frontiers.
141. Any regional association, of course, could be suspected of seeking to replace individual selfishness by collective selfishness. We intend, however, that our co-operation shill always remain open to Africa, Europe and the world. It is right that the union of peoples should be discussed at the summit, in this Assembly. But it is also right that it should be undertaken at the base, since nothing is more difficult but also more rewarding than to begin by establishing good relationships with one's neighbours. Thus friendship can go out in concentric circles from group to group, until it reaches these precincts in which we seek to build it on a world scale.
142. Like the United Nations itself, the African and Malagasy Union has influenced events by creating specialized agencies: the Association of African and Malagasy Economic Co-operation and Development, the African and Malagasy Regional Postal and Telecommunications Union, the Higher Council of Mutual Defence and the Compagnie Air-Afrique. Our association with the European Common Market is not, as some have implied, a new form of colonial subjection; it is merely a regional application of co-operation between developed and developing countries, which all Members of this Assembly agree is desirable.
143. This brings me, after peace and decolonization, to the third panel of the triptych which illustrates our agenda: aid to the under-privileged countries. My country took much comfort from the latest meeting of the International Monetary Fund, the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the bodies connected with the Bank. The participants stressed in quite a new way, the problem which under-development poses for the world. There is a disturbing and daily increasing gap between living conditions in the industrialized countries, which are constantly improving, and those in the under-privileged countries, which seem threatened by automatic deterioration.
144. Today, financiers and bankers seem to regard technical and economic assistance no longer as charity dictated by morality, but as a process of construction necessary to the health and prosperity of all. The former colonial Powers: are realizing that their responsibilities did not end when they granted us political independence. We are now entering a second phase, during which we must strive to enable those who have obtained their freedom to make use of it within the framework of a better life.
145. It is in this spirit that the African and Malagasy Union, renouncing narrow and outdated nationalism, has agreed to co-operate with the Europe of the Six, which on a regional level is in a position to contribute the first elements of a solution for the problems exercising the world: the stabilization of primary material prices, technical, economic and financial assistance, and finally a raising of levels of living.
146. We have no intention of sacrificing our freedom, and in our negotiations with Europe or other partners we shall resolutely set aside any notion of protectionism. In this connexion, I should like to quote the words spoken on 25 March 1962 by Mr. Léopold Sédar Senghor, then President of the African and Malagasy Union: "That aid should be jointly discussed and organized within the framework of, customs unions and "Of the African and Malagasy Union. No co-operation, no international life is possible without respect for commitments freely discussed and contracted. According to the nineteenth-century view, the problem could be solved through micro-nationalism and the erection of customs and fiscal barriers; the twentieth-century solution lies in economic communities which transcend national boundaries, in a lowering of customs and fiscal barriers. We should be swimming against the current of history and be in danger of drowning if, in the twentieth century, we employed nineteenth-century methods."
147. These economic communities are not incompatible with the great world community which we are seeking, to create here. For this reason my delegation wishes to reaffirm our country's confidence in the United Nations and the value it attaches to the resolution [1710 (XVI)], adopted at our last session, instituting the United Nations Development Decade. We hope this year to see a strengthening of all the specialized bodies responsible for promoting the economic and social growth of the non-aligned countries, and nay country will support every measure proposed to that end.
148. 1 believe that all our problems are linked together by certain external forces. In the first place, we are searching for peace. No nation stands apart from that search, and we know that most inhabitants of this planet, from Washington to Moscow, do not want war. The arms race is the result of that mutual fear which was present in mankind’s most ancient rivalries. Today, however, the fear has increased from individual to world-wide proportions. The American and Soviet scientists, whom we congratulate on their astonishing discoveries, are bringing within our reach both the keys to a golden age which we would never have dared to hope for, and the dangers of mass destruction capable of. casting our dead world back to the earliest ages of matter.
149. Even outer space has not been spared, for, despite the assurances of the great Powers, we are well aware that they would not be sacrificing so many dollars and roubles to reach the moon if each did not fear that the other would turn it into another strategic base. The strong and the weak must negotiate together in order to eradicate this mutual fear.
150. If we advance on the path of peace, the freedom of all men will be near, for oppression is a natural consequence. of war. Lastly, the reduction of armaments is likely to release more resources than are needed to equip the retarded world. Disarmament, decolonization, development: my delegation has no doubt that, this triple goal will receive the endorsement of most votes in this Assembly. We must now resolutely seek out the means of reaching it.