47. It is both a great honour and an immense pleasure for me to address this august Assembly, which aims to be, and must be, the conscience of the world.
48. After the statement made in this Hall by the Head Of our Government [1147th meeting] on the occasion of our admission to membership, we have deemed it useful to speak in the general debate in order to define our positions, explain, our ideas and state our intentions. In this way, we wish to secure a hearing for the Democratic and Popular Republic of Algeria, which is determined to make an active and Constructive contribution to the work of the United Nations.
49. Today's Algeria rose from the ashes of a colonial regime. Our anti-colonialism has been, and will be, our faith. We shall be the last country ever to compromise on this policy, for our people identifies itself with it and regards it as an essential part of its own being and behaviour. Let it be understood everywhere and for all time that colonialism — which has inflicted cruel wounds on the living body of Algerian people, particularly during seven and a half years of war — has engendered ineradicable instincts of opposition to all its forms and manifestations. Such feelings can seldom be perceived in all their magnitude and depth. Seldom indeed does a government attitude square so completely with a people's inmost desires; seldom indeed does it enjoy such unanimous support from its people, because it is based on both feeling and reason. In order to understand and, we trust, to appreciate Algeria's foreign policy it will be necessary for the world's Foreign Ministries to realize that our anti-colonialism will be the substantial and permanent sustenance of that policy.
50. The Algerian people experiences its bitter humiliation afresh when it learns of the horrors inflicted upon the Angolans today. Its wounds reopen as, day after day, it hears the sad echoes of the unequal battle fought, with the strength of despair, by its fellow-sufferers in Mozambique, so-called Portuguese Guinea, the Rhodesias, South West Africa and elsewhere.
51. This means that if the Algerian Government failed to assume its full responsibilities in this respect, it would be breaking the solemn pledges given to its people, which is determined to see that they are fulfilled. It would be breaking faith not Only with the living but also, above all, with the memory of the dead.
52. Neither the Algerian people nor its Government could tolerate the repetition or continuation, anywhere, of the nightmare which Algeria recently experienced.
53. Today, every means must be employed to cure our world of the leprosy of colonialism.
54. The colonized peoples are in a permanent state of legitimate self-defence. The perpetuation of privilege and the lack of prospects of a peaceful settlement, due to the colonial Power's systematic refusal to discuss with the colonized people the ways and means of ending colonial rule, bring about the revolt of the colonized and acts of repression by the colonizer.
55. While it seems pointless to expect the laggard colonial Powers to give up their privileges of their own free will. We shall assure them, once again, that we uphold the principle of peaceful negotiation as a means of solving the problem of decolonization.
56. But the effectiveness of the resolutions which the General Assembly might adopt would often have to be demonstrated, and our own experience of the United Nations causes us to have some doubt as to the appropriateness of such procedures.
57. The Algerian Government fears that despite the adoption of resolution after resolution, to salve the conscience of certain States voting in their favour, the result would simply be the perpetuation of the colonial status quo.
58. While we endorse the Guinean proposal [1131st meeting] that the General Assembly should adopt a strong resolution fixing a strict time-limit for the liquidation of colonialism — namely, 24 October 1963, the eighteenth anniversary of the United Nations — the Algerian delegation also thinks that the United Nations should seek new ways and means of fulfilling, this cherished desire of the overwhelming majority of mankind.
59. If, surprising and unlikely though it would be, the result of the vote were such that the draft resolution was not adopted, or if — as is less unlikely — institutional obstacles hindered the application of the resolution after its, adoption by file General Assembly, the Algerian Government would be ready to shoulder all its responsibilities.
60. It addresses heartfelt greetings to the peoples still in chains, and assures them that they can rely on its active and effective support.
61. It will be unstinting in its efforts to hasten the end of their trials. Feeling itself mobilized for a cause which is the logical extension of its own revolution, the Algerian people. together with the Government it has set up, will not regard any sacrifice that may be asked of it as too heavy a price to pay for the performance of such a task of fraternal solidarity.
62. The rapid disintegration of colonial units is leaving a deep mark upon our times. The liquidation of colonialism is creating another problem which is affecting an ever-increasing area of international relationships and which can continue to be a source both of co-operation and of new conflict. I refer to the relations between the former colonial Powers and the newly independent States.
63. Experience shows that it is often difficult to convert former colonizers, colonization has more often been an outcome forcibly imposed by a murderous and disastrous colonial war, leaving many a tragedy in its wake, than the result of a free and deliberate choice. Inspired by interests which have not given up the struggle. or simply overwhelmed and stampeded by them, the Government of the former colonial Power sometimes tries to recapture with one hand what it has been forced to relinquish with the other. Neo-colonialism, burrowing underground and disguised to a greater or a lesser extent, impels relations between the former colonizers and the newly independent countries along a tortuous course of ever-recurring crises.
64. The Algerian revolution, committed as it is to an immense task of reconstruction, will not allow that task to be complicated or made impossible by a policy of neo-colonialism, if such a policy were attempted. While it has opted for genuine co-operation, without ulterior motive or resentment, Algeria is at the same time determined to protect its revolutionary gains from all neo-colonialist encroachment.
65. Algeria will do its utmost to establish and consolidate friendly, fruitful and loyal relations with France. This is dictated by self-interest no less than by the esteem in which our people holds the people of France. I should like to take this opportunity to salute, on behalf of the Algerian people and its government, all those Frenchmen who, in the difficult days of our struggle, did not “hesitate to share our burden at the risk of losing their liberty and even their lives. Some of them are still in French prisons awaiting a release which is: imperatively demanded by the return of peace and by the requirements of justice.
66. Nevertheless, our French partners are not unaware of our ultimate objectives. Our socialist revolution must, in duty to itself, have the colonial edifice replaced. Little by little a new Algeria will be built; but its leaders and its people, having opted in over-whelming numbers both for independence and for co-operation, will be concerned to spare France the after-effects of the necessary changes demanded by our revolution.
67. But France can make a major contribution to harmony in our relations, by realizing that it would be impracticable to subordinate independence to cooperation instead of helping us to strengthen the former through the latter; by abandoning once and for all any vain attempts to secure our ideological retreat through co-operation diverted from its real purpose; in a word, by taking us as we are, just as we take France as it is. In that way we shall be able to spare our two, countries much argument and bitterness.
68. Co-operation has its requirements. These, as between two differently inspired political and economic systems which will develop along increasingly diverging lines, will oblige each of the two partners to tread even more carefully. We are convinced that the frankness and loyalty, which we shall be able to impart to our relations will contribute to the maintenance of the harmony we are seeking,
69. I have just spoken of different political systems.
70. The two determining features of our policy, namely the liquidation of colonialism and the normalization of our relations with the former colonial Powers, can appear, in their true light and be given full and genuine expression only against the background of our faithfulness to non-alignment.
71. The reasons for our political choice are well known. During seven years of war Algeria was seeking to rediscover its identity and could find it only within the great Arab and Afro-Asian family. The rediscovery of affinities and the renewal of friendships freed, its soul While the war was still in progress, ahead of the actual liberation of its body.
72. The Bandung Conference in 1955 demonstrated to Algeria how the echoes of its struggle could reverberate in all continents, and thereby put an end to its near-isolation in that struggle.
73. Algeria regards a policy of non-alignment as the most positive contribution it can make to world peace and as the best instrument for the economic, social and political advancement of immense areas which, like itself, lag behind the rest of the world. In any event, such is the positive meaning which it intends permanently to attach to its policy of non-alignment;
74. Algeria will never approach any world problem with preconceived ideas unreservedly favourable to a particular bloc. It proposes to make up its mind with regard to each such problem as and when necessary, and in the most constructive spirit.
75. This is a very difficult and arduous policy. Many non-aligned countries deserve credit for adhering to it notwithstanding the fact that their backwardness and their lack of experience might have led them at any time to choose an easier way out.
76. The uncommitted countries, of which Algeria is one, have made it plain that it is neither possible nor desirable for them to form a third bloc in the world. Algeria's leaders are firmly convinced that this attitude is correct.
77. Why make any pretence? because of the diversity of their political and-geographical horizons, the non- aligned countries have not yet found the perfect expression for their policy. Yet the successful outcome of the endeavours to awaken them to their natural solidarity and to regroup them for a joint search for prosperity and peace, achieved despite imperialism's subtle and sometimes open manoeuvering, augurs more than, well for a better future. It is because of this promise that we must equip ourselves better to bring a constructive influence to bear on present-day affairs, by discovering and correcting our own weaknesses. Algeria, for its part, will do its utmost to strengthen the policy of the non-aligned countries by working for unity in the three fields which determine its political orientation — on a North-African, an Arab and an African scale.
78. In North Africa the clarion-call is for unity. Our North African peoples are its most dependable and determined builders. If we bear their determination in mind, as we must do, we shall see that such difficulties as may have arisen are of minor importance and will be solved automatically as, our unity grows. A time-table must be drawn up indicating the ways and means and the cultural, the economic and subsequently the institutional stage in the progress towards that unity.
79. Our place in the Arab world has always been waiting for us. The liberation of North Africa, a decisive event in the destiny and future of the Arab world, and the unqualified and immediate support which the other Arab countries have given us have led to rediscoveries and are bringing together two brothers whom long and painful captivity had separated. Henceforth, they will apply themselves unremittingly to continued rebuilding of their common home.
80. One matter which disturbs them and has become pressing in the highest degree is the solution of the Palestine problem. In its present stage of maturity, the conscience of the world cannot abandon over one million Palestinians, driven from their national territory by those who, having themselves suffered from the madness of certain men, should have been the last to do such a thing. When the non-aligned countries, meeting at Belgrade in September 1961, declared "their support for the full restoration of all the rights of the Arab people of Palestine in conformity with the Charter and resolutions of the United Nations", they understood clearly how important a. settlement of the Palestine matter on that basis was for the peace of the world, for Arab unity and for human-justice.
81. We are also concerned about the principality of Oman, where imperialism still wreaks havoc. We ask the United Nations, which already has this problem before it, to join its efforts to those of all the Arab countries so that the aspirations to freedom of our brothers, the Arab people of Oman, may be satisfied without delay.
82. Although it is fortunately superficial, the rift which the formation of separate groups has brought about in Africa, so recently rid of the chains of servitude, must disappear in order that Africa may play to the full the part for which it is cast; Africa can no longer condemn itself to inertia while the exalting work of, political, economic and human development awaits it.
83. Nor should such work be endangered by the substitution of another division for that which already owes encouraging signs of disappearing. Some people wouuld like to separate the "black" Africa of the South from the white Africa of the North.
84. In our view there is no worse policy, dedicated worse ends, than that based on conceptions of race and colour of skin. Only outside such blind-alleys, and thin the framework of a close and fraternal coloration embracing all of us, can Africa be sure attaining the grandeur which it merits.
85. Our allegiance to the Arab world, to which we are bound by language, religion and tradition, is in no way incompatible with our allegiance to the world Africa, to which we are bound by culture, geography and common trials and hopes.
86. We are convinced that African problems would be infinitely easier to solve if forces from outside our continent did not flagrantly interfere in the domestic affairs of certain States, as in the Congo. The Algerian Government is determined to make every contribution towards the reunification of the Congo, and pays tribute to the memory of that great patriot, Patrice Lumumba, for his courage and devotion to the African cause.
87. There is another major problem exercising our Assembly — that of racial discrimination. It is intolerable that there should still be men in the world who are blinded by the absurd, the mad myth of a superior race. In some countries, even, racial discrimination has received institutional status and is alleged by the most monstrous of blasphemies, to be used on a revelation from God. South Africa — for at country must be named — should know that the Algerian people will not be an impassive spectator its inhuman policy and will combat racialism in all its forms.
88. As for that people itself, it formally proclaimed on the first day of its struggle for liberation, 1 November 1954, that the European settlers in Algeria would be able to opt for full Algerian citizenship, with rights and duties equal to those of other Algerians.
89. Algerians of European origin are fairly represented in the National Constituent Assembly. They have a specific guarantee that they will not be subjected to any discriminatory measures, in any field whatsoever.
90. The Algerian people, which over seven and a half years carried through an armed revolution with fatal expenditure of its strength, has assumed responsibility for bringing about an economic and social solution which will be both a means and an end.
91. Aware of the difficulty of the task awaiting it in a divided world, and determined to preserve the benefits of its heavy sacrifices, that people has sought; a political and economic model calculated to meet its basic needs and safeguard its conquests.
92. Such a search was not easy. It was all the more difficult in that the model lighted upon would interest not merely Algeria but also other African or Asian countries, its brothers-in-arms. The responsibilities are overwhelming, for Algeria might be viewed as a laboratory for patient experiment on behalf of the common good of Africa and Asia, in which we might have failures and successes but would be aided by the contributions and experiences of others.
93. From the outset of our revolution, the unfitness and unsuitability of the capitalist model seemed to us to be evident. The “virtues" of capitalism did not appear to us calculated to solve the basic problem of under-development in Algeria or in the other non-aligned countries, or to reserve for the people, and for the people alone, the benefit of its conquests and labour.
94. Profiting by all the experiences of other countries in economic and social development, Algeria will set its own course — a socialist course — which takes into consideration the popular aspirations embodied in the principles of the revolution, as well as the special circumstances of its situation.
95. In Algeria today, the economic and social situation is burdened not only with the heritage of the colonial system but also with the destruction and devastation which marked the years of war.
96. Our Government must, therefore, apply itself to a twofold task; the transformation of economic and social structures, and reconstruction and adjustment on a vast scale. Both are essential to the building of a State which will ultimately realize our socialist ideal.
97. In this task, Algeria cannot adept short-cut, compromise solutions. But we have one highly valuable asset: tire revolutionary potential of our people, which is channelled through the party of the vanguard — the National Liberation Front.
98. This party will help to mobilize our human resources and will keep alive the keenness of our masses in their struggle against under-development.
99. By depending in the first place on our own efforts, we shall help & strengthen our policy of independence and shall, as a consequence; make possible more effective international cooperation, which will determine in positive fashion the economic development of our lands.
100. Algeria, however, cannot plan in isolation the methods that must be used for complete attainment of our economic objectives. We count first on ourselves, to be sure, but we count also on the communities to which we belong — namely, the North African community, the Arab world and the continent of Africa.
101. It is obvious that the establishment of an African and Arab community will have, as an immediate result, an intensification of trade exchanges between the various States. That will make it easier for us to diversify our foreign trade and will enable us, to a certain extent, to strengthen our economic positions.
102. We are convinced that the establishment of these African, Arab and North African communities will militate in favour of international co-operation which will be more balanced and therefore more advantageous to all of our peoples, striving as they are for a prosperous and worthwhile existence.
103. We regard this co-operation as all the more desirable in that we in Algeria, at the end of more than Seven years of war, are grappling with difficult problems. We have to cope with national reconstruction in order to heal the wounds inflicted by a murderous, and devastating struggle. At the same time, we have to fight effectively against the, consequences of economic under-development inherited from the colonial system.
104. Given these inescapable requirements of economic and social reconstruction and the need for accelerated development, Algeria, from this rostrum, appeals to all friendly countries, and to the international specialized bodies, to give it all the aid and assistance possible.
105. It should be noted, by the way, that the aid furnished by the international agencies is totally inadequate. The resources of the Special Fund and the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance in particular should be substantially increased.
106. One of the fundamental problems confronting the statesmen of the world today is that of disarmament. It seems inconceivable that men should be heading, by slow degrees, towards the destruction of mankind. The arms race must be stopped, and we must turn with firmness and determination towards a policy of general disarmament. The impressive scientific and technical discoveries which are the fruits of human genius must be used for something other than man's annihilation. We are convinced that a victory of good will in the matter of disarmament could not fail to improve the psychological climate for the settlement of all other pending "cold war" problems. This is something that must be understood and must be borne in upon all men because to speak of disarmament, problems is to speak of the common destiny of mankind. Everybody, therefore, has to take a stand; everybody is responsible for bringing this work of salvation to a successfull conclusion. The responsibility of the atomic Powers in the two blocs is, however; directly engaged. We adjure them to announce, to our anguished world, the taking of positive steps in the matter of disarmament. Now that the destiny of all mankind is the same, the question of the interdependence of the elements and effects of world problems has become much more acute. Nothing really important will be accomplished except on the basis of moral principles adopted and recognized by all. Our mental attitudes, and the solutions to our problems, must be adapted to the particular circumstances of our time. All the world's peoples, including those of Asia, Africa and Latin America, can enforce their desire for a peaceful and happy life.
107. Destroying the forces of imperialism and oppression, and serving mankind — such are purposes for which all peoples cherishing peace and justice would willingly work together.
108. In. 1962, men no longer have any reason to wage war. There are immense possibilities for material and cultural development on our planet. The peaceful use of atomic energy — a topic which is the concern of a specialized body of the United Nations — can revolutionize production methods and living conditions. The vast 'resources now committed to military expenditures and armament could be instrumental in rapidly solving that other crucial problem of our time — the disparity in levels of living throughout the world, which is a major source of international instability. It is dizzying to think that military expenditures alone, each year, consume the equivalent of two-thirds of the developing countries’ total national income, and that they amount to the impressive figure of $120,000 million annually.
109. The astounding conquest of space must not be the occasion of man again enslaving man. Space research must be undertaken by the advanced Powers with the desire, not to exacerbate the arms race, but to expand man's horizon in peace and calm and deliver him from the fear, and from the war, that he has known on earth.
110. Relations between men have long been governed by the law of the jungle. Problems have been settled by force as a result of armed conflict. But the economic and political structures which carried within them the seeds of discord have gradually become more humane. The world conscience has been aroused, and what is conservative or retrograde can no longer be maintained by resort to force.
111. We unreservedly support all the efforts being made by the group of non-aligned countries at the Disarmament Conference at Geneva, and are attentively following their endeavours to bring the two sides closer together.
112. There can be no doubt that tremendous prospects of international economic co-operation would be opened up if all Governments undertook to renounce war as a means of settling differences between States.
113. As a corollary to whole-hearted acceptance of the principle of peaceful coexistence, every State should be prohibited from interfering in the internal affairs of any other State. This implies the recognition of the right of every State, large or small, rich or poor, to choose its own political system.
114. It is because of this necessity that we regard the attempts made to upset the political system chosen by the friendly people of Cuba as a danger to world peace. The people of Cuba has no aggressive intentions and is entitled to seek economic and social liberation. We ardently hope for a relaxation of the tension between the United States and Cuba and for a final settlement of the problem on the basis of the principles, to which we have just referred, that should govern relations between States.
115. Another "cold war" problem, that of Berlin, is one requiring particular attention, since it is a permanent danger to world peace. Negotiations should be continued unceasingly and a solution sought which would be in accordance with the interests of the German people and with realities in the country.
116. We welcome the Agreement reached between the Republic of Indonesia and the Kingdom of the Netherlands concerning West New Guinea (West Irian). This Agreement [see A/5170, annex] must be hailed as a victory for the spirit of negotiation and as a definite contribution to peace in South-East Asia. This also applies to the agreement reached on Laos, which will enable the people of that country to enter a period of peace and construction.
117. Nevertheless, South-East Asia will not know true stability until the unity of Korea has been achieved and the Geneva agreement on Viet-Nam has been really implemented. Furthermore, it is intolerable that the People's Republic of China should continue to be excluded from the deliberations of this Assembly; this situation constitutes a flagrant violation of the principles of the United Nations Charter, and reflects a lack of political realism.
118. At this point in my statement, I should like to say that the Algerian people will never forget the peoples and Governments which furnished it with political, material and diplomatic aid and assistance at a decisive stage of its history. From this rostrum I offer, on behalf of the Algerian people, our thanks and gratitude to all the peoples — especially the Arab, African and Asian peoples and those of the socialist countries — and to all the thirty-three Governments which on the eve of our independence recognized the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic.
119. In addition, all the Latin American peoples, faithful to their traditions of anti-colonialism and freedom, resolutely supported us in our struggle for independence. Certain Governments voted in favour of our just cause each time the question of Algeria was debated in the United Nations. That also applies to the Scandinavian countries.
120. To all the peoples and Governments of Latin America and Scandinavia, I offer the gratitude of the Algerian people.
121. Simón Bolívar, the great Latin American liberator, towards the close of his life, uttered these bitter words: "Those who have laboured for the right have ploughed the sea". But the Algerian people has learnt from its own experience, and has proved to the world, that even the most unequal struggle for justice is never in vain. Reason always wins in the end; the force of right will sooner or later overcome the right of force. It is in this youthful optimistic spirit, which is nevertheless based on reason, that the Democratic and Popular Republic of Algeria intends to speak and act in common with all the peoples cherishing freedom, justice and progress, and to. advance with them, hand in hand, with the light step of peace.