Permit me, Mr. President, to express the gratification of my Government and delegation at your having been elected to direct the debates of this Assembly. Your specialization in the study and practice of law and your devotion to the principles of justice are a guarantee of success at a time when the United Nations is facing such grave problems, which may be crucial for the destiny of mankind.
115. Since the time of the last session, events have taken place which may have important consequences. Man is questioning the cosmos and requiring answers from it. He has overcome the force of gravity, which used to be Absolute, and the almost ineradicable dangers of weightlessness, in his conquest of outer space. But the United States representative, Mr. Stevenson, a statesman who is accustomed to looking at events in their historical perspective, said with extraordinary frankness in the General Assembly [1125th meeting] that if the enormous technical and economic efforts which had been made for the conquest of outer space had been made for the wellbeing of mankind, many of the problems of underdevelopment, disease and poverty could have been solved. In addition, there is still the potential danger of outer Space being used for purposes of mass destruction. Mr. Stevenson's statement that there is a strong probability of agreement being reached in this area goes much to alleviate the growing anxiety regarding the use of space vehicles for purposes of war.
116. One shudders to think what such use would mean. The bomb which burst on Hiroshima in 1945 is almost insignificant compared with the hydrogen bombs exploded in 1952, and the latter are almost inoffensive compared with the 100-megaton bombs, equivalent to 100 million tons of TNT, which we are told the Soviet Union has exploded. In order to have a standard of comparison, all we need do is to remember that the bombs used in the Second World War contained about 2,000 tons of the same explosive and sufficed to destroy Europe. According to official calculations, if twenty-five of these 100-megaton bombs were dropped on a densely populated area, they would kill 36 million people outright and affect 57 million others, while sixteen days later 72 million people would be dead and 21 million awaiting a lingering death.
117. But even apart from a nuclear war, there is definite danger to human life in the test explosions of the atomic bombs.
118. It is well known that the isotopes produced by nuclear fission have sinister effects so far as the future of mankind is concerned. Strontium 90, which behaves -like calcium, affects the bone structure. Caesium 137, which acts like sodium, affects the cell tissues. Iodine 131 disturbs the endocrine functions. And Carbon 14 causes genetic mutations which, sooner or later, may produce a generation of monsters.
119. It is estimated that 300 nuclear bombs have so far been set off; and according to the figures given by Mr. Stevenson in his speech of 20 September, 390 megatons have been exploded, or 390 million tons of TNT — 140 by the United States and 250 by the Soviet Union. There is every indication that we are approaching dangerous levels of radio-active concentration in the atmosphere. The only end of the armaments and nuclear testing race appears to be mass extinction.
120. It is with these appalling problems that the Organization is faced. Year after year, we have seen proposals emerge and perish. World opinion has been given glimpses of the mirage of general disarmament and complete peace. On the other hand, we have seen the failure of the voluntary moratorium on nuclear testing; and we know that gathering a few wise diplomats around a table will not give us world peace, by decree, overnight. In a divided world like ours, distrust and fear are inevitable; but there does seem to be a possibility of reaching honest agreements which world achieve a reliance in conventional armaments, as a first step towards the abolition or at least the reduction of weapons of mass destruction. And it is also possible that agreements concluded in good faith may replace voluntary suspension and, in the end, lead to the abandonment of nuclear testing.
121. It is a fact that the technical mastery of nature is reaching a point which used; to be considered miraculous. It is therefore not Utopian to think that in a not too distant future the new science, based on Einstein's theory of the equivalence of matter and energy, may place in man's hands the almost fabulous power of nuclear energy for peaceful uses. And there can be no doubt that the peaceful use of atomic energy would produce great changes in human relations.
122. Today we can already see how greatly technology has influenced international life. The use of the turbine in aircraft and the mastery of short-wave transmission have led to the internationalization of human relations and to a radical change in world politics. The historical era which is now ending was bused on-the rigid concept of unlimited and unrestricted national sovereignty. The historical period we are now lentering tends towards the organization of the international community and the increasing subordination of domestic to international jurisdiction, by the free and voluntary action of sovereign States. The political expression of the historical period that is how closing, was what was called the balance of power and spheres of influence. In our era, we have come to accept increasingly, a policy of international cooperation, formerly confined to penal and health matters. In the era now drawing to a close, relations between States were viewed as an association; our own era tends towards the constitution of the international community out of free States. The idea of association carries with it the idea of being a means to an end, a means of consolidating interests. But a community is an end in itself. If Kant's language were applicable in this field. I should say that the former is governed by hypothetical and the latter by categorical imperatives. More and more, the United Nations is becoming the juridical organization of the international community and is strengthening the policy of co-operation.
123. In the interests of realism, we should like it to be understood that we are not saying that the stage of the balance of power has been left behind. It must not be forgotten that the United Nations was born of a successful alliance against nationalistic totalitarianism. The talks at Dumbarton Oaks in 1944 and at Yalta in 1945 established the basis for the United Nations, and reflected the wishes of victorious Powers, which were then united, to organize the post-war world. For that reason, the United Nations was conceived on the principle of limited universality, but the door was left open for development towards complete universality.
124. That we have developed in this direction is undeniable. The United Nations is proving that, as an organization, it is dynamic, not static; flexible, not rigid. It is therefore steadily becoming the organization of the whole international community, and the instrument for increasing co-operation between States.
125. In a world divided by opposite systems of existence, we cannot expect final solutions in political matters; but it is undeniable that the Organization's moderating action has helped to lessen major tensions and avert dangers. Mention has already been made, and here again I refer to the statement of the United States representative — of its peace-making action in such matters as the dispute between Indonesia and the Netherlands, the relaxation of tension in Laos, and progress towards the political unification of the Congo. And there are grounds for hoping that, directly or indirectly, the United Nations may be able to find solutions for the problems now tormenting the world. Such action requires prudence and energy, patience and determination; it can however, be carried out either directly and spontaneously, or as a result of pressure from world opinion.
126. Although the road to a Solution of the great political problems is beset with difficulties — which should not, however, halt the work of the United'-Nations as the guardian of international peace and security — there are specific fields in which international cooperation has achieved concrete results, for instance, in technical assistance, the struggle against illiteracy and ignorance, the promotion of methods to improve conditions in the under-developed countries and coordinated action to combat unhealthy living conditions.
127. This co-operation has admittedly led to important advances. However, the great problem of the one third of mankind living in poverty, sickness and ignorance still remains. Vast regions of the world are afflicted by under-development. In addition, the concentration of population in urban areas has outstripped the growth of productivity in those areas and has created idle masses susceptible to the blandishments of totalitarian propaganda. There is also the alarming problem of the disparity between the population explosion — which is most marked in the underdeveloped countries — and food resources. This problem, which in the past century has attracted the attention of economists such as Malthus, is now acute. It can be solved only at one or other of its two extremes: either by limiting births, which is repugnant on religious or ethical grounds to a large part of mankind, or by increasing productivity.
128. Technology can facilitate the latter solution. The discovery of underground water resources, soil fertilization processes, improvements in food preservation, plans for land reform and population resettlement would greatly help to solve this pressing problem. The under-developed countries however, lack the economic resources to undertake these measures and our Organization has insufficient means to accelerate the process.
129. My delegation agrees with the perceptive analysis of this question made by Mr. Alfonso Arlinos de Melo Franco, the representative of Brazil, who pointed out to the General Assembly [1125th meeting] that a fall in the prices of raw materials and foodstuffs on the world market was having the dangerous result of forcing the people of the under-developed countries to work harder and harder to earn less and less. It should be added that, in the meantime, the prices of manufactured goods and mechanical equipment for the development of agriculture and industry are rising. This imbalance is a constant source of dangerous social upheavals which have no connexion with ideologies but reflect real and vital needs.
130. My delegation also supports the programme to be carried out during the period designated as the United Nations Development Decade, and in this regard wishes to place on record its appreciation of the great understanding of our problems shown by U Thant, the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
131. Lastly, my delegation would like to touch on a matter relating to the maintenance of peace based on justice. I refer to the process of decolonization. The United Nations has great achievements to its credit, in this field. Only ten years ago, the question was still discussed of whether Chapters XI and XII of the Charter really formed part of that document or whether, as the colonialists claimed, were merely declaration of good intentions. It is true that we recently heard an attempt to revive this argument, but we regarded it as being of purely historical interest. A considerable advance was made in 1953 with the formulation of the list of factors which should be taken into account in deciding whether a full measure of self-government has been attained. In 1960, the Magna Charta of decolonization was proclaimed in General Assembly resolution 1514 (XVI). Ten years ago there were sixty Member States; today there are 108, very few of which have hot at one time had colonial status. Although their independence is largely the result of courageous and intelligent action by their leaders, United Nations efforts to speed the process also made an important contribution.
132. In view of the fact that Africa is the continent which suffered and still suffers most from the hardships of colonial exploitation, I feel compelled to dwell on what I might call the African problem. I hasten to offer my apologies to the African representatives who do me the honour of listening to me any errors I commit will be made unwittingly. However, I believe that the African problem cannot be understood except in its historical context.
133. One of the most wide-spread beliefs about Africa is; that it had no culture of its own and that the Europeans first arrived in Africa, the continent was in the initial stages of a transition from a tribal to a state system of organization, a process similar to the one which took place in Europe when the feudal system was superseded by the development of nations. In the fifteenth century — from 1434, when Gil de Eanes reached Africa, until 1497 when Vasco da Gama sailed around the Cape of Good Hope — exploration of the continent was confined to the coastal areas; there were, however, reports of the half-mythical land of Bilhad Ghana mentioned by the Arab chronicler El Bakri. The Kingdom of Mali had its origin in the legendary Sundiata. The kingdom of Gao was in the ascendancy. Such chroniclers as Ibn Batuta, also an Arab, mentioned the important cities of Mussa, Timbuktu on the Niger and Yenne on the Bani, which were active trading centres. This process was arrested by. the slave trade which, in four centuries, deprived Africa of some 100 million of its most vigorous inhabitants, delayed the continent's development and left a legacy of tribal hatreds which have perhaps not yet been eradicated. It was against this background of economic dislocation in Africa that colonialism was established during the nineteenth century, a process which, like the slave trade, took place without regard for existing ethnic, linguistic or cultural divisions. Africa was thus colonized according to lines boldly drawn on the map and not on the basis of homogeneous cultures.
134. I must apologize for this historical digression, which is necessary for an understanding of the African problem. The new States have been set up more or less in accordance with the arbitrary boundaries drawn by colonialism and do not correspond to any actual cultural, ethnic or linguistic areas. This makes African nationalism different from nationalism as we know it in Western States. African nationalism has a continental as well as a national aspect. More important than a narrow nationalism is Africanism, which the distinguished philosopher and poet who guides the destiny of Senegal, Leopold Sédar Senghor, has called a return to the sources of Negro being, "nigritude". Accordingly, developments in Rhodesia, the Congo or Angola concern every African State regardless of its guiding ideology or the superimposed cultural region to which it belongs.
135. The features of surviving colonialism with its brutal forms of racial discrimination and the domination of large masses of Africans by small white minorities, must be dealt with speedily because of the growing danger of serious developments which, as Spengler foretold, would add a racial struggle and a class struggle to the lust fight for African liberty.
136. We understand the difficulties. We believe that untimely sanctions or violent measures will not help to overcome them. We believe that impatience is not a good counsellor; but neither is indulgent forbearance. We trust that the wisdom of, this Assembly will lead to the adoption of prudent, timely and just solutions.
137, Having discussed the world problems confronting the United Nations, my delegation would now like to take up the problems of the Organization itself. It has been asserted that the United Nations is suffering from a so-called "crisis of confidence". An honest and frank examination of the present situation is therefore desirable in order to determine the Organization's purposes and clarify the means available it.
138. A great deal of confusion results from a misconception of its purposes. There are many who like to regard the United Nations as sort of super-State with coercive powers similar to those of a national State. There are many others who view it as a world parliament capable of endowing its decisions with the, binding force of laws. There are many others again who would turn back the clock and make the United Nations an instrument of power politics.
139. I should like to say that we consider the United Nations as the greatest attempt in history to organize the international community on a legal basis and achieve the goals implicit in the existence of such a community — politically:, the maintenance of peace and security, and socially, co-operation in the attainment of higher living standards. We therefore believe that it is based on the principles of universality and the equality of States both large and small, without discrimination. The principle of universality forbids the exclusion of peace-loving States capable of carrying out the obligations imposed by the Charter, and guarantees the principle of self-determination of peoples, so that they may select their own system of government by democratic methods.
140. The principle of the equality, of States applies not only to the exercise of rights but also to the fulfilment of obligations. My delegation will therefore respect the advisory opinion given by the International Court of Justice regarding the costs of maintaining peace and security [A/5161].
141. In conclusion, my delegation would like to refer briefly to the structure of our Organization. The Charter does not and cannot embody an immutable order; it must be adaptable to new needs and be sensitive to new relationships. We believe, therefore, that it can and should be revised. It is essential for the New State to play a greater part in United Nations organs and this calls for a change in the Organization's structure through revision of its Charter. Without such a revision, no structural changes can be made. In our opinion, therefore, the suggestion that the direction of the Secretariat should be jointly exercised is unsound and untimely and I should like to take the opportunity of expressing the sympathy and interest with which my delegation views the acute and enlightened work of our Secretary-General, U Thant.
142, My delegation wishes to indicate its stand on the major problems before the General Assembly, Everyone is aware that we are living at a turningpoint in history, in a changing world where all truths are tentative and all solutions subject to review In the light of developments,
143, We trust that understanding, selflessness and a sense of historical responsibility will guide the work which we undertake. Without those qualities, the United Nations would cease to be the world's greatest attempt at organizing the international community and the best co-operative Instrument for the solution of its most pressing problems. Without them, it would be nothing but a storm-ridden costly and futile tower of Babel, built of glass.