According to French publications, instructions to President de Gaulle's night duty officers run as follows: "Do not disturb the President of the Republic except in case of world war." It may sound rather peculiar, and we may even enjoy the spirit of this new "Gaullism", but at the same time it is very seriously characteristic of the present situation. Night duty officers have to be vigilant indeed, because the moment may come any night when the President must be awakened. So many spots indifferent corners of the world have become for certain reasons so critical that local wars, regional showdowns and, in consequence, a thermo-nuclear world conflagration, may start at any moment. Tremendous dangers overshadow the world and overshadow many of our agenda items, especially the topics dealt with in this general debate.
76. Under the shadow of these dangers I am going to select some of the actual political problems of peaceful coexistence as the main subject-matter of my intervention. We must be mindful of the imperatives of peaceful coexistence precisely at a juncture of our life when peaceful coexistence is at stake again.
77. In representing Hungary, a country which has suffered so much for centuries and which is now realizing the best aspirations of present and past generations, my delegation has particular reason to concentrate on the international events which endanger the chances of peaceful coexistence and make it precarious.
78. The United Nations, according to its very conception, should be the conscious body of coexisting nations with different social systems. When the Charter laid down before the world that the peoples of the United Nations were determined to "live together in peace with one another as good neighbours", the world was already divided and the Charter was signed by representatives of three different groups of nations. There were represented not only socialist and capitalist countries, but newly independent nations as well which had already embarked on a search for their own solutions to their special problems.
79. In this connexion, regarding African States, President Sékou Touré of Guinea stated in a recent article: "...the interpretations made by foreign 'specialists' in African affairs are as a rule based on the conditions of their own social milieu, and thus take little account of the specific conditions of the various African societies. If the problems of Africa are to be understood, analyzed and solved, we must take into consideration the historical, economic, social, moral and cultural conditions which shape Africa's particular identity in the world — elements of the African evolution, in which total emancipation of the African peoples remains the main objective."
80. As a consequence of all the implications contained in this quotation referring to peaceful coexistence in an ever-changing world, we keep under consideration not only States having socialist or capitalist systems, but also the peoples of the newly independent nations who devise specific patterns to solve their economic and social problems. It is most regrettable that peaceful coexistence is at stake in these very times when otherwise there would be realistic prospects for a radical elimination of the danger of world wars.
81. The policy-makers of certain Western Powers try to make believe that the policy of peaceful coexistence, since it is advocated most consistently by socialist countries, would turn out exclusively to the advantage of the socialist States. Obvious and stubborn facts contradict any allegation of this kind. A few examples will be sufficient to show to what extent the practice of peaceful coexistence, and even hesitating steps towards it, would be in the common interest of all. Any effort made to consolidate co-operation and peaceful competition between different groups of nations may create honest and favourable conditions for the Western Powers as well.
82. The prestige of the previous Administration of the United States was never so much exalted in world public opinion as at the time of the so-called Camp David talks. On the other hand, the prestige of the same Administration never fell so low as at the time of the scandalous spy flight when in a period of negotiations, a sinister attempt was made to undermine existing understanding about certain aspects of peaceful coexistence. In the same way, the reputation of the present Administration of the United States was exalted everywhere when a readiness for reasonable negotiations was shown. Again, in the same way, the reputation of this Administration suffered much damage whenever, instead of reasonable talks, it resorted to aggressive preparations as in the case of Laos or at the time of the abortive invasion of Cuba. The present unrealistic, bellicose steps will result in even more humiliating failures.
83. Against all reasonable thinking, one has the impression that we are witnessing a revival of the so often, and justly, criticized "brinkmanship" of the late John Foster Dulles, Many of the actual measures and the sharp utterances of official organs of the United States remind us of the dreadful principle of the time when we were told that "the ability to get to the verge of war without getting into war is the necessary art". Shall we again experience adventurous experimentation with the destiny of present and future generations by hot-headed and blind politicians who enjoy walking to the brink of war at a time when any miscalculation might have unpredictable consequences? According to all indications, the peoples are tired of this light-minded gambling with the chances of war and peace.
84. In a thoroughgoing interview which appeared in the U.S. News & World Report of 17 September 1962, the United States Senate majority leader, Mr. Mansfield, stated: "I am afraid that the majority of the people, as I see it, would like to be left alone. I think many of them are afraid to face up to the complex and complicated problems which confront us today "People are tired. After all, it is understandable. The world has been at war, in effect, since 1939. There has been no peace since that time."
85. It is self-evident that, at a time when there exists only one alternative, either to march inevitably and irrevocably towards a thermo-nuclear holocaust or to secure the peaceful competition of coexisting nations with different systems, any attempt to revitalize the so-called "policy of brinkmanship" is a more detestable crime against mankind than any that has gone before.
86. Certainly, the best news which delegations to the seventeenth session of the General Assembly could hope to carry home to their respective Governments and peoples would be that some of the obstacles in the way of developing peaceful coexistence and co-operation had been removed, and that at the same time some new indications of mutual confidence had been created. That would be the best of all news, and there can be no doubt about that.
87. First of all, there are quite a few artificially forged and capricious slogans and notions which are opposed to improving international relations. Some Western political quarters nurture the idea that the balance of power, the so-called deterrent character of thermo-nuclear weapons, may serve as a guarantee of peace. Those who give heed to such misleading slogans become paralysed when facing the problems of disarmament. Their contribution to international life is nothing but an offer for the nations to live forever under the shadow of the constant danger of a thermonuclear war.
88. The Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union rightly stated in his intervention in the general debate [1127th meeting] that: "...to base the policies of States on a feeling of universal fear would be tantamount to keeping the world in a permanent state of feverish tension and war- anticipating hysteria. In such a situation each State would fear that the other side's nerves might snap, and it will make the first shot... "The militaristic doctrine of the 'balance of fear' is just half a step away from the even more dangerous doctrine of preventive nuclear war."
89. As a matter of fact, the Western Powers holding this view nolens volens do a service to the Soviet Union; in fact, by proclaiming that the balance of power is a guarantee against nuclear war, they admit that the military might of the Soviet Union is the main guarantee of peace, for it is by the development of Soviet nuclear power that the so-called balance has come about. On the other hand, an exemplification of how much the theory of power balance maybe used for stimulating the armaments race has been given by the recent United States-Israeli agreement for selling missiles to Israel under the pretext of keeping the balance of power in the Middle East.
90. Coexistence in these days under the constant threat of a nuclear disaster rests upon the enormous stockpiles of nuclear weapons. In order to depart from this precarious situation and to embark on renewed and successful negotiations in the interest of general and complete disarmament, the Western Powers should be convinced of the harmfulness of all sorts of theories regarding the "peace-making" effect of any balance of deterrents.
91. Another pretentious ambition is being propagated in the West, seemingly in favour of the perspective of peaceful coexistence, but in reality with a view to undermining it. I refer to the all-out efforts at unilateral integration in the West, such as the European Common Market. The protagonists of such endeavours keep saying that negotiation and co-operation in the form of competition between East and West are really the only peaceable alternative to a nuclear disaster. In order to prepare for peaceful competition, they say, the West needs integration.
92. The assumption is that by linking other areas with the Common Market they could establish further integrated regional communities — for instance, an Atlantic community, a South-East Asian community, and soon. What a revealing conception. Along the frontiers of the socialist States in Europe and Asia, in about twenty countries allied with the United States, aggressive military bases have already been set up. Beyond this chain of military installations they would like to create a chain of economic communities to encircle the socialist States and to give an economic background to their aggressive military alliances.
93. Do not misunderstand me. We are not frightened by such pretentious perspectives. They are so much against the nature of the present world situation, against the necessity of universal co-operation, that certainly they are doomed to failure. Any such effort at unnatural unilateral integration will lead to new disintegration in the West. It will create new antagonisms between the Western military allies. It will sharpen the contradictions between the interests of ex-colonial Powers and former colonies. It will speed up the disintegration of any Commonwealth and community construction.
94. Many relevant statements may be quoted in this respect. Permit me to quote only two of them. In England, for instance, Labour Party leader Mr. Gaitskell warned his countrymen recently that political union with Europe in the Common Market meant the end of Britain as an independent nation. He continued: "We become no more than Texas or California in the United States of Europe. It means the end of a thousand years of history. It means the end of the Commonwealth .. .".
95. What does the integration problem look like when seen from another part of the world, for instance, Guinea? President Sékou Touré, in his recent article on Africa's future and the world in the quarterly review, Foreign Affairs, stated: "Actually, the difficulties appearing within the European Common Market with regard to the renewal of Association Agreements made by certain African nations prove that it is not the form of the economic relations that must be changed but their very nature. "Here, as in other realms, the interests of the African peoples are one, and the awareness of this unity is rapidly becoming more and more explicit. The African nations are realizing that in order to solve their urgent social problems they must speed up the transformation of their trade economy, and if this is to be done through industrialization, it cannot be done within the limits of our national micro-economies. But unconditional integration into a multi-national market consisting of highly developed and underdeveloped nations negates the possibility of industrial development in advance, it could only be the association of horse and rider ... The leaders of the European Economic Community seem not to be aware of all this, at least as far as Africa is concerned, and make no secret of their desire to achieve a political community of Europe which cannot be reconciled with Africa's desire for political independence; Africa remains as grimly hostile as ever to the division of Africa which began with the Congress of Berlin in 1885.
96. Consequently, these integration endeavours, hostile to one or another part of the world, are so much misconceived that we have no reason to be afraid of them. They will speed up antagonistic processes in the West to such an extent that from the strict point of view of a competition between socialism and capitalism we would have every reason even to stimulate and propagate them. However, the present problems of the world are so interdependent that, for the sake of all, we wish to take the chances of this competition with a minimum of trouble even for the Western societies.
97. Properly speaking, as President Sékou Touré put it into words, "it is not the form of the economic relations that must be changed but their very nature". The solution of world economic problems must be searched for on an entirely new basis, by taking into consideration the most varied particularities of each group of States and by seeking to satisfy the specific interests of nations living under different conditions and having different historical backgrounds.
98. The Soviet proposal for a universal conference on problems of world trade corresponds to these demands and takes into consideration the specific problems of the capitalistic West and the developing States of Asia, Africa and Latin America to the same extent as those of the socialist countries. The composition of the organ of world trade envisaged by this proposal should certainly reflect the three groups of States having specific problems of their own. Delegations representing different quarters of the world have already come out in this general debate with their support for such a universal conference. My delegation joins with them in supporting the Soviet proposal.
99. To sum up the foregoing observations: the practice of peaceful coexistence should rest on the programme of a disarmed world instead of on universal fear of deterrents, on world-wide co-operation Instead of on efforts to create integrated camps directed against one another.
100. To depart from the present way of coexistence based on enormous stockpiles of nuclear weapons and on the organization of antagonistic groupings, a certain degree of mutual trust and a sense of responsibility should be aimed at from every side. A whole series of official statements on our part have expounded our view that what peaceful coexistence means is not merely to exist simultaneously, but also to live and act together, to bear common responsibilities at least for the most vital problems of the present generation and to undertake those tasks with mutual confidence established through negotiations. In this respect, words are of no great value. Deeds speak for themselves. It is good to hear that a United States Ambassador to the Soviet Union, at the presentation of his credentials, speaks of the common tasks and responsibilities of the Soviet Union and the United States — the giants of our times, as it was said here — for solving the most urgent problems of the present generation; but deeds should precede and accompany and follow such utterances.
101. Here I come to a crucial point. From most concrete and direct experiences with regard to Hungarian- United States relations, I know full well how at least seemingly insurmountable difficulties can be created by official organs of the United States in the way of normal contacts based upon a minimum of mutual confidence.
102. Since the United States delegation proposed the inclusion of the so-called question of Hungary in the agenda, and because our experiences in this respect reveal some aspects of United States policy in a more comprehensive way, I wish to inform the General Assembly of some developments behind the scenes.
103. On 13 September last, an Assistant Secretary of the Department of State made a statement before the European Affairs Sub-committee of the House Foreign Affairs Committee on United States policy regarding Eastern Europe. I do not wish to dwell on the general lines of this report, which makes it clear how policy-makers of the United States would like to use their diplomatic, political, economic and cultural contacts with socialist States against the established systems and lawful developments of these States; nevertheless it would be instructive to analyse these aspects of the report as well. I quote only one single sentence of it: "Though we have made progress in our relations with Poland, we have been held thus far to a minimum of contact in such countries as Czechoslovakia, while in Hungary the impasse in our relations over the Hungarian problem in the United Nations has retarded the development of any effective programme of contact with or through the Government".
104. On the basis of this statement, one would rightly think that the United States wishes to develop an effective programme of contact with the Government of Hungary. In reality, a certain measure of development has taken place in recent months. On the basis of this statement, one would also think that the United States Government has a feeling that it is in an impasse which it would like to break. However, if anybody knows how the so-called question of Hungary has been repeatedly proposed by the United States, he will see that this is a vicious circle, and how vicious a circle it is.
105. The Permanent Representative of the United States, after the intervention of the Soviet delegation in this general debate, came out with these words; "The sober seventeenth session has ended on the fourth day.,." [1127th meeting, para. 164]. He must know much better than anybody else that in a certain sense of the word the sober seventeenth session had ended long before it started. On 18 August the United States delegation tabled its proposal regarding the so-called question of Hungary. And against what background? United States officials both in Washington and in Budapest were in constant contact with Hungarian officials to find ways and means of developing mutual relations. They made the impression that they were doing their best to convince us that they did not wish to interfere in the domestic affairs of Hungary.
106. Then suddenly the picture changed. It was common knowledge that, upon my invitation, the Secretary-General of the United Nations intended to pay a visit to Hungary at a time agreeable to both parties. I have to state that the Secretary-General made entirely clear his position of principle, and he never laid down any condition for his proposed visit. Upon his initiative we agreed that the visit should take place not before this session, but some time later at a mutually agreeable date. Thereupon word came from United States sources saying that the Secretary-General, in spite of his overburdened schedule, would come to Hungary before the session if we were willing to comply with certain United States demands. We have invited the Acting Secretary-General of the United Nations, and no third party has anything to do with this invitation. As to the United States, we have made it clear, and I do so once again, that we are ready to facilitate their getting out of the impasse — to use their own words — regarding our official relations; but under pressure and on unjustifiable preconditions there is no possibility of negotiating. We are in no hurry. Time is working for us.
107. The sad and regrettable experiences regarding this double-faced policy pursued in a narrow section of interstate relations throw light upon a more general and more important aspect of the problem of working out the basic principles of peaceful co-operation between nations coexisting in different social systems and with different historical backgrounds. In order to create the atmosphere of mutual confidence necessary for fruitful co-operation, all sorts of double dealing have to be eliminated, and consistent adherence to the principles of coexistence has to prevail. The lack of consistency on the part of some Western policy-makers at many a critical stage endangers fruitful progress in several respects.
108. To make this clear in concrete facts, I have only to recall some recent and current international problems.
109. We all remember what the origin of the Laotian crisis was more than two years ago. The lawful Government of Laos proclaimed a policy of neutrality. In reply to it the United States introduced all sorts of countermeasures in and around Laos, creating a danger of local and international conflagration. When the failure of this policy became obvious, as a result of high-level negotiations the Western Powers also agreed to the strict neutrality of Laos, beneficial to the Laotian people and to the whole region of South-East Asia. And what happened? Even the American Press made it clear that the United States agreed to the neutrality of Laos in order to free its military strength for further intervention in South Viet-Nam. What was the result of this concentration of forces in South Viet-Nam? It became clear even to some people in the United States, both private persons and officials, who had spent some time there in one or another capacity. From among the many witnesses I quote only one, but readers of the American Press may find many similar descriptions.
110. Last year a political scientist on leave from the United States spent a year in Viet-Nam and lectured as guest professor at the University of Saigon. After his return he made public his experiences there under the heading: "Terror in Viet-Nam — An American's ordeal at the hands of our 'friends'". That article was published in a New York periodical. He summarized his experiences in the following terms: "In that entire year I never heard a single Vietnamese voice raised in defense of the Diem regime. High and low, government officials, professors, army officers and students condemned it and yearned for a change — a coup d’état which would rid them of Diem before the Communists crushed him. But America's absolute support of Diem precluded such a change. From the very beginning — when he seized power in 1954 — we had been his chief prop. He has inherited a puppet administration and a puppet army, tainted with treason in the eyes of most Vietnamese because the French created them to bolster up Bao Dai. One by one, Diem subdued all dissident elements. Now alienated from a hostile population, he could rely only on servile lackeys and his relatives — notably his brother Ngo Dinh Nhu and his brother's feared and hated wife. Trusting no one, Diem was consumed with fear of disloyalty. This obsession helped paralyze his government; its vast administrative structure lay dead or was dying though still swollen with American aid funds on which the venal feed."
111. So speaks an American witness about the experiences of his own ordeal in South Viet-Nam. The friendship of some Western policy-makers towards these venal individuals prevents the Viet-Namese people from benefiting from the implementation of the Geneva agreements of 1954, that is to say, from the reunification of Viet-Nam.
112. The case of Cuba illustrates even more vividly how hopeless it is for the time being to expect correctly negotiated agreements from the United States. The records of the United Nations show that at the time of the abortive invasion in April 1961 the United States delegation tried to prove, with every possible argument, that the United States had nothing to do with the invasion and was not responsible for the criminal adventure. Since that time official statements have made it clear that the invasion plan received the highest approval of the United States Administration and that even the United States Air Force was ordered to protect the invaders, except that the orders came too late.
113. In the present circumstances, projects of invasion, murder, killing and assassination, possibilities of direct military intervention, formation of special contingents of Cuban citizens in the United States Army and reprisals against countries maintaining trade relations with the valiant people of Cuba are everyday topics of all sorts of official declarations. A study of the origin of the United States problem with regard to Cuba bears out the most astonishing fact that United States policy-makers seem to forget entirely how American monopolies exploited large masses of the Cuban people through long generations. Those times are gone for ever. Just as in Europe the so-called metropolitan countries with long colonial traditions have to realize that their former colonies have been liberated for ever and will never again become possessions of their old masters, so this hemisphere must also realize that Cuba will never again pass under the exploiting power of United States monopolies.
114. An essentially new relationship is open to development, and our best hope is that it will be wholly realized. As has been proposed several times by the Cuban Government, the United States should resume its diplomatic relations with Cuba and start coexistence and co-operation on negotiated terms in the spirit of the United Nations Charter. States with differing economic systems may and should live together as good neighbours.
115. Even in this hemisphere the old-fashioned relations between States, based upon exploitation of the weak by the strong, are vanishing. But the remains of the past are still vigorous. The United States Department of State a few days ago gave an astonishing indication of it — an astonishing indication indeed. It referred to the assassination of Rafael Trujillo. A former member of the Government of the Dominican Republic, Arturo Espaillat, was arrested in Canada and given a deportation order. On 19 September last he said in Canada that the United States had been behind the assassination of Trujillo. On the next day, 20 September, according to news agency reports, the State Department categorically denied this charge. And in what manner? The report reads as follows: "The State Department's Press Officer Lincoln White said: 'I have checked this out, and I am told these allegations are completely without foundation'." He checked this out. At any rate the State Department has a careful Press Officer. One could congratulate him on his exactitude.
116. Yes, the old times are passing away, and a bright future of new relations may open between States living under different conditions in this hemisphere.
117. The new relations of good neighbourliness proclaimed by the United Nations Charter require peaceable negotiations and constructive proposals from the parties concerned in controversial issues. Cuba has offered its constructive proposals. What its powerful neighbour offers in return, however, does not inspire any hope so far.
118. In general, the readiness of the Western Powers to adhere to the principles of peaceful coexistence would be more explicit if they offered reasonable proposals for the solution of burning problems, either upon their own initiative or in answer to proposals made by other Governments.
119. In Central Europe, Poland, together with other socialist States, proposed the establishment of an atom-free zone. No constructive answer has come from the West as yet. The Warsaw Treaty Organization offered the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Powers a non-aggression pact. There has been no counter-proposal as yet. One is obliged to conclude that the NATO Powers have no programme for peace at all. On the question of Germany and West Berlin, the German Democratic Republic, together with the Soviet Union and other socialist States, proposed a reasonable and realistic settlement to do away with the glowing vestiges of the Second World War in Europe. There is no realistic counter-proposal from the West as yet. Nobody could take as a counterproposal what some Western policy-makers keep repeating about the continued presence, and standing firm, of Western occupation troops in West Berlin.
120. Let us suppose the impossible, that their proposal would be accepted. What would happen then? Would they like to stay there for ever? What would they be there for? They never say. The Western Powers have no peaceable programme for this question at all. One would suppose that their attention is wholly absorbed by military preparations.
121. A most recent indication of this is the official statement of the United States regarding its readiness to use nuclear weapons first in Europe for safeguarding its alleged interests. The successors of those responsible for the tragedy of Hiroshima and Nagasaki do not need to convince the world of their readiness to use nuclear weapons first. Tremendous and shameful experiences make us aware of this readiness without any new statement made to this effect by United States officials. They would be ready to do this if they were not afraid of terrible retaliation. Therefore, the Soviet proposal against propaganda for preventive nuclear war [A/5232] is wholly justified.
122. The Western Powers have not shown as yet their readiness to accept more than the mere expression "general and complete disarmament". In whatever form they make new proposals, these overtly or covertly include their attempts to legalize intelligence activities and to have a free hand to continue experimenting with nuclear weapons, at least in underground tests. I cite only one instance: in their most recent programme submitted at the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, they introduced the principle of percentage for abolishing certain types of armament. But in order to ascertain what 30 per cent of a certain type of armament means, it would be necessary to count the whole existing stockpiles of weapons in advance. As a result of such a disarmament system, legalized spy activity would precede any step of disarmament. Only a basic reappraisal of the Western proposals could convince us that the Western Powers have departed from their views regarding control of armaments and moved towards general and complete disarmament under effective international control.
123. My delegation would like to hope that the new initiatives of the Soviet Union introduced at this session in order to narrow the gap between opposing views will open new and hopeful possibilities for fruitful negotiations on general and complete disarmament. The fact that many delegations welcomed the proposals of the eight neutral Powers for the cessation of all nuclear weapon tests gives rise to the hope that under the effect of sound arguments the Western Powers will accept those proposals as a basis for an early agreement.
124. The more concrete and realistic solutions that are proposed by competent Powers for peaceful negotiations on crucial issues, the greater will be the mutual confidence which is so necessary for constructive international co-operation. It would improve the present situation if peaceable and concrete proposals were submitted by those quarters which were rather reluctant to accept the stubborn facts of peaceful coexistence and whose imagination has so far concentrated almost exclusively on warlike measures. One should expect that even the present session of the General Assembly will witness such a comforting change. The time has come when the world would like to know whether the Western Powers have any programme of their own for a peaceable world, under the principles of peaceful coexistence.
125. The United Nations in a certain measure has recently shown improvement towards creating a general atmosphere and international contacts favourable to peaceful coexistence. One of the main reasons for this favourable trend certainly is to be found in the changing composition of this Organization. The participation of representatives of newly independent nations in the work of the United Nations has contributed a great deal to eliminating artificial cold-war issues and to paying more attention to real issues that confront us as crucial problems endangering international peace and the living conditions of people. One only has to compare previous sessions, where so many of the new Members were not yet represented, with the present session, and the contrast becomes self-evident. I cite only one instance. The question of West Irian has had a long history in this Organization. The debates on that issue ended every year with proposals which did not win the necessary majority. The present composition of the United Nations, with the presence of so many newly independent nations, has made it possible in an indirect way for a negotiated settlement to be brought about. In the present atmosphere there has been no open opposition in this hall to the solution of the just cause of Indonesia.
126. A further gain for United Nations activities will be the presence of the newest Members: Rwanda, Burundi, Trinidad and Tobago, and Jamaica. To their delegations I extend in this spirit the good wishes of my delegation.
127. Within only a few hours the General Assembly will welcome in this hall the delegation of the great Algerian people, and in our hearts we will pay tribute to the heroes who sacrificed so much for great human ideals during so many years of fighting for freedom and independence. We are looking forward with warm expectation to the arrival of the delegation of Uganda as well.
128. The universality of this Organization is being completed step by step in a rather quick development. The most scandalous defectiveness of this process is the absence of the delegation of the People's Republic of China. We have no right to speak and to act as a world Organization as long as China is not represented here. The longer the United States manoeuvres prevent China from being represented here, the greater the damage which the position of the United States delegation in this Organization will have to suffer.
129. The growing universality of this Organization has improved its work in many respects indeed. But on the main issue of peace and war, the opening of the road to general and complete disarmament, it has remained ineffective so far. If common efforts fail to help this Organization to get out of this deadlock, the fate of the League of Nations will be shared by the United Nations. I should like to express the hope of my delegation that the powerful will of nations for consolidating peace and security will help this Organization make at least some progress. In this respect it will be helpful when the Secretariat and all the principal organs of the United Nations are reorganized so as to reflect more precisely the existing three types of States having special historical backgrounds and different systems of their own.
130. The improvement of the activity of this Organization has been reflected in a certain measure in the way the attempted cold-war attack against Hungary was met here. If particular political links had not bound some delegations to act against their own conviction, the picture would be more favourable. Beyond the new composition of this Assembly, the main source of the change for the better lies certainly in the growing effects of the factual life of Hungary winch counteracts previous allegations fomented against us. Here in this hall there are many representatives who have a great deal of experience in governmental affairs. They understand me when I say that results like those witnessed today in Hungary cannot be achieved without the full participation and support of the great masses of the people. We are preparing at present for a new Congress of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party. It will summarize the achievements made so far and it will consult the whole nation about the steps of further development; so that even better news may be spread about Hungary in the future. As to international affairs, the directives for the preparation of the Congress point out; "The foreign policy of the Hungarian people is guided by the principle of peaceful coexistence. We strive to create a still more intimate relationship with the countries with which we already have friendly ties; we want to have friendly relations with the countries with which these relations are now normal or correct, and we seek to establish normal relations with the countries with which our relations are, for the time being, unsatisfactory or even bad," The present session of the General Assembly may help my delegation a great deal to realize these highly constructive goals,
131. In conclusion, Mr. President, I wish to extend to you and to your colleagues the best wishes of my delegation, wishing you much satisfaction in helping this Assembly to strengthen real international cooperation for the preservation of peace and security in the world.