Mr. President, on behalf of the delegation of Greece, I would like to offer you my sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. I would also like to present the delegations of Burundi, Rwanda, Jamaica, and Trinidad and Tobago with our congratulations and sincere good wishes for the progress and prosperity of their young countries.
129. The evaluation of the international situation which is usually carried out at the beginning of each session of the General Assembly is not completely negative this time.
130. It is fortunately possible to discern positive elements in the happenings of the year which has just passed. Thus, although we all deplored the situation in Laos, as well as the events which had led up to it, we now witness an agreement which, although a compromise, is none the less a solution, and a peaceful solution, which, if applied in good faith, will confirm the existence of a widespread spirit of co-operation and bring peace to a people which has been so long and sorely tried.
131. Furthermore, the recent agreement on West New Guinea [see A/5170] has, in spite of all the arguments about principles which it has provoked, obviated an armed struggle which was already imminent, and has caused the disappearance of a dangerous centre of international tension. I cannot speak of this result without paying tribute to the spirit of understanding of the Netherlands Government and to the perseverance, skill, and tact of the Acting Secretary-General and his distinguished colleagues. By his faith and his devotion to the cause of peace, U Thant has justified our confidence in him and has earned our gratitude.
132. Another significant happening during the past year — perhaps the most important of all — was the agreement reached between the great French nation and the courageous Algerian people. Greece, which has so many links, past and present, with the great country of France, and which pursues, in that radiant Mediterranean, a policy of constant cordiality towards the Arab world, is particularly overjoyed at this, and wishes the new State the peace, tranquillity, and wellbeing to which it has a right.
133. Finally, to mention only one important example, we may say that the situation in the Congo has considerably improved though not yet that which we would wish to see for its people, who have been so sorely tried recently. And also due mention must be made of the effective contribution of the United Nations to the sincere efforts made by the Belgian Government to lead the trusteeship territory of Rwanda-Urundi to independence.
134. But although these events, which are important in themselves and are favourable to the peace of the world in general, should be welcomed, and although it is to be noted with satisfaction that international tension has not increased, it must nevertheless be admitted that we have, unfortunately, no grounds for tranquillity and optimism. Questions of very great international importance remain to be solved and are not even any nearer to a solution, so that the feeling of international crisis is tending to become permanent and to become a sort of endemic disease. This feeling, or rather the crisis which causes it, is the expression of the antagonism which exists between two worlds, one of which declares that it wishes to impose its ideology and its social system, while the other defends itself against this attack on its spiritual heritage which has shown, and continues to show, its practical worth, and which is as dear as life itself to the free world.
135. Such is the basis and the quintessence of this world crisis, and such is, unfortunately, the basis and the quintessence of all the great international problems which we consider to be dangerous.
136. Unfortunately, peaceful coexistence has not been able to provide a solution to the situation as a whole. It is true that it has given results in certain areas, and that the fundamental differences between the social and political systems of the two worlds have not prevented good relations from existing. My own country could indeed serve as a good example of this, in some directions, over the last ten years.
137. In other regions, however, and on the world scale peaceful coexistence has not produced any results. Nor could it have produced any, since it goes hand in hand with a deliberate, organized and even open ideological struggle. Still it must be admitted that this state of affairs, this tension, psychologically exasperating and materially disastrous though it is, is anyhow preferable to the complete and irreparable disaster threatening us.
138. Furthermore, this state of great tension, which is the lesser of the two evils, seems to have come to stay. We must adjust and get used to it so that life can go on, but, at the same time, we must think of the dangers with which this situation is fraught and seek the necessary remedies. What are they? This is a big question to which it would be presumptuous to try to give an answer or even the outline of one. I shall therefore confine myself to expressing some ideas on the subject and the first of them can only relate to disarmament.
139. It must be granted that considerable efforts in this field have been deployed at the Geneva Conference. Nor is it possible to overlook the fact that the representatives of the eight non-aligned countries have shown wisdom and have participated in the discussions in a constructive spirit.
140. Lastly, tribute must be paid to the United States Government which, taking into account the views and feelings of the non-aligned Governments and the latest technical achievements, adopted a flexible attitude during the negotiations and made considerable concessions to the other side.
141. The disarmament negotiations have been going on for several years and many brave-hearted delegations are engaged in them. What are the practical results? They are truly disconcerting. One is driven to believe that disarmament has now become a weapon. This is a novel but none the less true paradox. Disarmament, I greatly fear, has become a weapon and nothing but a weapon in this propaganda struggle which goes on while the topic under discussion — believe it or not is peaceful coexistence.
142. This, of course, is not what we are seeking in this great effort the results of which are essential to the peace, tranquillity and well-being of mankind. The lack of genuine progress in such a vitally important enterprise is due not only to the fact that it is regarded, all too often, as a propaganda weapon rather than as a sacred and vital duty. It is also due and perhaps mainly, to distrust. How can one give way when one is suspicious? How can one disarm when one fears that the other will not disarm or, at least, will not disarm to the same extent and at the same pace?
143. It is hardly possible, in a general debate, to define the means which, in my Government's opinion, might give us hope of finding a remedy to this calamitous mistrust. I shall therefore merely refer to it as the foremost negative element and shall only say that, by reason of technical progress, regional disarmament cannot be regarded as a serious safeguard. The ultimate goal must be general and complete disarmament and, so that mistrust should not stand in its way, it seems to us that it is indispensable to go through the preliminary stage of effective control over each stage of disarmament.
144. Another general idea which I should like to put to you in my search for the means of relieving this dangerous international tension is as follows: antagonism on the world scale is all too often intensified by regional and even local disputes. If, when dealing with these disputes, the parties not directly involved had sincerely cared for the application of international law and the strict execution of the United Nations Charter, several unjustified designs would have been frustrated and, ipso facto, several serious and complex questions would have become simpler and less dangerous. The United Nations has been cemented with the blood of those who laid down their lives for man's freedom, dignity and well-being. It was to prevent a new blood bath that we established this Organization and provided it with a law. Once we have resolved, I mean really resolved, to help it on all occasions to guide international life along the path of international legality, we shall have largely solved the problem.
145. Of the specific issues, one of the most dangerous to world peace today is that of Berlin. Here again, international legality which would provide, above all, for the Berliners' right to choose their own way of life, will facilitate negotiations which seem to be generally recognized as the only peaceful means of arriving at a solution which is all the more within reach since Bonn today stands for an anti-militaristic, democratic and progressive Germany.
146. When their fate is at stake, human beings are deserving of the same consideration regardless of whether they live in Africa, Berlin or New Guinea; consequently, what I have just said about international legality and the right of Berliners to choose their own way of life applies without the shadow of a doubt to all parts of the world.
147. Side by side with this specific question fraught with imminent danger there is, however, also another question which, though less specific and clear-cut and not involving an immediate peril, is pregnant with extremely serious dangers and presents a very grave humanitarian aspect. I have in mind the fate of the under-developed peoples in relation to that of the developed peoples. It is not my intention to expound here on this vast subject, but I feel that I would be failing in my duty if I did not refer to it and did not say that it constitutes the foremost problem of the latter half of the twentieth century.
148. Coming as I do from a country which has not yet emerged from an early stage of development, I shall hasten to admit that the foremost requirement is that these people, too, should make great efforts; moreover, they must reduce their birth rate which thwarts and might sometimes completely neutralize real and substantial progress.
149. Having said and accepted this as a premise, I am forced to state that with the disappearance of regions, the shrinking of continents and the transformation of the world into a single unit, however large it may be, all of us today belong to a single society. No society, whatever its social system, can countenance with impunity that the rich should grow richer and the poor should grow poorer or even remain plunged in poverty. Yet this has been and is going on and is very often becoming more pronounced.
150. It would of course be unfair not to recognize the efforts of certain great countries to help those most in need by sacrificing a large portion of their own resources and sometimes even in disregard of their own political or economic difficulties which, though transitory, are none the less real. The United States has been first and foremost in applying this policy which has widened the horizons of democracy to the very confines of the world. But is this adequate? In view of the seriousness and the scope of the problem, is it not necessary to undertake a greater and more rational multilateral effort?
151. Convinced that the answer is in the affirmative, we feel that the formation of regional economic groups, provided that it is conceived on sound principles, is both necessary and advantageous since these groups promote an astonishing growth of productivity and purchasing power. Far from hindering international trade these markets, far larger than the national markets, stimulate trade and, by creating increased demand for primary commodities, contribute to the progress of the developing countries. These latter can thus finance their modernization programmes entirely or, at least, to a large extent out of their increased exports.
152. The results achieved by the European Economic Community in its early years have been very typical: the increase in trade between its members, far from restricting their trade with the developing countries, has led to a considerable increase.
153. With reference to the work of the United Nations I should like to refer to a new item placed on the agenda of this session upon the Tunisian delegation's initiative [A/5165]. In his memorandum of 3 May 1962 [A/5123], H.E. Mr. Mongi Slim, the distinguished President of the General Assembly at its sixteenth session, had already drawn our attention to the need for a readaptation of the methods and procedures of the General Assembly and had made certain suggestions. My delegation wishes to state here and now that it is In favour of such a change, since we think that otherwise, the tendency would be for our sessions to become progressively longer, entailing an increasingly heavier financial burden for the United Nations and presenting a large number of delegations with difficulties of staffing and higher costs.
154. I shall not go back to other questions such as the structure of the United Nations with particular reference to the participation of Member States in the work of the Security Council, for I have often dealt with them from this very rostrum and because it is now obvious that the United Nations with its present membership of 10s can no longer do with a Security Council of the same size as in the years when its membership was about fifty, particularly since the geographical distribution of the Member States is now totally different.
155. Before concluding I should like to say a few words relating more specifically to my country. Greece, which lies at the crossroads of continents and shipping lanes, of races, religions and ideologies, in other words at the great crossroads of history, has throughout the centuries and until our days suffered continually from wars and invasions. Moreover, my country, which is poor in natural resources, is going through the initial stage of a genuine economic development, a stage which is both very delicate and fraught with serious dangers. Consequently, no country in the world can desire peace more ardently than Greece,
156. Peace is Greece's best and most precious ally, a fickle ally, indeed, since it does not have an independent will, nor does It depend on the rule of law or on moral or humanitarian principles. Today it is primarily dependent on a balance of strength, a balance of fear.
157. We wholeheartedly hope that this situation will not last and that the rule of law will replace the rule of force and fear. But until this occurs, we must show some concern for our security at the rocky and dangerous crossroads at which we stand. We do so by pledging ourselves to the international agencies working to maintain and guarantee the international rule of law. We do so by resolving never to attack or to support those who commit an attack, but equally to defend ourselves to the death against any aggressor. We do so by relying on the power of the defensive alliance to which we are profoundly devoted, not only because its power is indomitable, but also and above all because its defensive character is beyond dispute. We also do so by extending a cordial hand to all who share our loyalty to the principle of the strictest non interference in the internal affairs of others and of respect for their integrity and dignity. In this connexion, I should like to say that we apply this policy more particularly to our neighbours, both continental and Mediterranean; in some cases we have achieved excellent results and we earnestly hope for even better results in future.
158. In giving this outline of my country's policy, 1 trust that 1 have demonstrated the constructive spirit in which the Greek delegation will make its contribution to the work of our Assembly as part of the joint endeavour to promote the cause of peace and the ideals of our Organization.