Brazil

Before I begin my statement, Mr. President, allow me to present to you, on behalf of the delegation of Brazil, our most sincere compliments on your election to the Presidency of this Assembly. We are sure that thanks to your background as a jurist and humanist and your, experience as a diplomat and. statesman, you will serve brilliantly in this capacity. 8. I shall also take this opportunity to express once more the deepest feelings of the delegation of Brazil on this first anniversary of the death of the Secretary-General, Mr. Dag Hammarskjold. This is not the time to eulogize him here, but his stay on earth was marked by an admirable life entirely devoted to the loftiest subjects of culture and to strenuous work for the furtherance of peace, in the world. 9. Having once again been entrusted, as has become customary, with the honourable task of opening the work of the General Assembly, the delegation of, Brazil wishes to reaffirm, its trust in the high aims of "the United Nations. Article 1 of the Charter, despite its conciseness, is rich in great prospects. Its references to international peace and security, the development of "friendly relations among nations based on equal rights and the self-determination of peoples, international co-operation with a view to the economic, social and cultural progress of mankind, and the safeguarding of human freedoms through the abolition of all discrimination because of sex, race or religion, trace for the future a programme of ideas and action so vast that its ideal realization would merge on the horizons of thought into a kind of Golden Age. 10. It is true that the realism that must characterize the activities of statesmen and diplomats, which are restricted, by the modest limits of what is possible, oblige us to recognize that the facts of life overshadow the edifices of reason or feeling. It is equally, true that this same realism requires from rulers an energetic, patient and continuing study of the paths traced by the Charter, because in these times the only alternatives are the progressive building of peace or the possibly sudden destruction of human civilization. 11. We should therefore regard the fundamental objectives of the. United Nations as the culmination of the slow effort of human progress, a culmination Which because of the realities of life can only take place in the distant future, but which is none the less real and necessary. We should also think of the Charter as consisting of two parts: one, basic and permanent, whose purpose is to define and fix the aims and the ultimate goals of the United Nations; the other, circumstantial and transitory, which establishes the processes and mechanisms needed to achieve these goals. 12. As far as definitions are concerned, the Charter remains valid and up to date, and will remain so in the foreseeable future. But the part which lays down the means of action is without any doubt out of date, since it was conceived and formulated to meet the exigencies of a historical situation which largely hate disappeared. With regard to the political situation in general, we need only recall that the San Francisco Charter dates from before the atomic and space age and that it was drafted at a time when the two most powerful nations in the world were not yet divided by what We have ; come to call the "cold war”. As for the United Nations itself, it is hardly necessary to recall that: in 1945 it consisted of only fifty-one founder Members, of which Brazil was one, whereas during the sixteenth session of the General Assembly there were already 104 Members, or roughly twice as many. 13. In the various attempts to amend the Charter which have been made since 1946, specific or partial Objectives, were sought after, with the exception of proposals based on Article 109 that a general conference of the: United Nations should be held for the purpose of reviewing the whole of the basic Statutes of the United Nations. 14. In view of. the fact that the United Nations has acquired a truly universal character, serious consideration should be given to the need to review the Charter. It should be adapted to universal reality which it represents today far better than in 1945, at least by the increase in the membership of its major councils, which has enabled dozens of new Members, particularly African-Asian Members, to be represented. The competence of its two principal bodies, the General Assembly and the Security Council, together with their procedural methods, should also be examined with the object of adopting amendments which appear necessary in the light of theory and experience and of the development of the international the situation. 15. The achievement of a lasting peace remains the supreme task of the United Nations, and here the, most important problem is still that of disarmament. Brazil has the honour of taking part in the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament which meets at Geneva and which was established by General Assembly resolution 1722 (XVI), on the proposal of the United States and the Soviet Union. 16. As is known, this Conference is working on the drafting of a treaty of general and complete disarmament and on the preparation of a special instrument prohibiting nuclear weapon tests. As far as this latter task is concerned, in addition to the plenary Conference there is the Sub-Committee on a Treaty for the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon" Tests, consisting of three members: the United States, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union. The Geneva Conference functions by authority of the General Assembly and thereby represents an expression of the thinking of the whole international community, and not simply the interests of the group of great Powers which possess the secrets, the resources and the destructive potential of the nuclear age. 17. Unfortunately, despite the goodwill of all and the enlightened efforts; of some, the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament has achieved but poor results during its recent work. The so-called security interests of the great Powers have made real progress in practical and theoretical negotiations almost impossible. 18. The central problem is that of the establishment of trust between the two opposing blocs. This factor is inseparable from the question of the effective control of disarmament measures which itself depends in a certain sense on trust. It has not been possible to break this vicious circle, despite all the attempts of the eight countries which are members neither of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization nor of the Warsaw Pact. 19. These efforts found expression in particular in the presentation of the Eight-Nation Joint Memorandum, which represented an attempt to escape from the impasse of the negotiations on the prohibition of nuclear tests. The Eight-Nation document and the Joint Statement of Agreed Principles (A/4879) constitute, in Our view, the two most constructive documents which have emerged during the past twelve months from the discussions and negotiations on disarmament. Yet. although they were drafted in such a way as to form a basis for understanding and negotiation, the two blocs have in fact used them as battleground on which they have erected, their opposing fortifications, each maintaining that he was its sole master. The eight countries naturally cannot choose between the two opposite interpretations of their Memorandum, since that would defeat the whole purpose of the document, and they watch with concern the work of logic construction by which the two great blocs are trying to divide suggestions formulated with the declared purpose of uniting. They should bear in mind, however, that the progress of nuclear science is of such a nature as to oblige them to review their ideological positions, by virtue of the impact of the development of military technique on attitudes which are becoming daily more obsolete. 20. In the opinion of Brazil, the problem of nuclear disarmament stands apart from, the general framework of disarmament, and the specific question of nuclear tests should be the first to be considered in the sphere of nuclear disarmament. We are convinced that our chances of progress in the field of general and complete disarmament will be very slender if we do not even succeed in coming to an agreement on the more immediate question of a nuclear test ban. 21. At Geneva Brazil spoke in favour of concentrating efforts on the question of atmospheric, underwater and outer space tests. The joint Anglo-American proposal to ban these three types of tests has shown that our position offered some practical possibilities which we could not neglect. In addition, the submission of this proposal has brought out the fact that the divergencies between the two camps at the present time are centred exclusively on the question of underground tests. We like to believe, that, even in this sector, a perceptible widening in the area of agreement can be hoped for. 22. Brazil, deeply concerned at the nuclear threat, which is the greatest and indeed the only one that weighs upon the whole of mankind, reserves the right to consider introducing, at this session of the Assembly, a draft. resolution which conveys its concern and is such as to merit the support of the vast majority of delegations —undoubtedly more interested in the immediate cessation of all nuclear tests than in competing for military power. 23. Brazil also intends to ask the General Assembly to give its support to the Eight-Nation Joint Memorandum of 16 April 1962 as a basis for further urgent negotiations between the nuclear Powers. 24. Faithful to its position at the Geneva Conference, Brazil proposes that absolute priority should be given in our deliberations to the question of prohibiting nuclear tests as the most urgent item on our agenda. We shall make, proposals to that effect either in plenary meeting or in the First Committee as appears most appropriate. In addition, my delegation considers it most important that the Foreign Ministers of the United States, the Soviet Union: the United Kingdom and France should look into the possibility of holding immediate conversations in New York with a view to eliminating those differences which still divide us-from our ultimate objective: the prohibition of all nuclear tests. 25. Brazil also favours, in principle, the establishment of denuclearized zones in the world, provided that proposals to that effect are not merely made for the purposes of the cold war, from which we have always held; aloof. Latin America might form such a zone. In addition Brazil maintains its proposal of 12 June 1962 for the establishment of a special technical committee within the framework of the Conference to study the scientific aspects of control. We are, in fact, daily more convinced that the political negotiations on disarmament cannot go on developing in a technical vacuum. Without intervening in the political negotiations, which would proceed simultaneously, the work of the special committee would enable any decisions that might be adopted to be based on specific and solid foundations. 26. Apart from the-vital importance of disarmament to the strengthening of peace, we must not forget what it represents from the point of view of future economic and social progress for all peoples. The fearful burden of military expenditure is not only an obstacle to the achievement of a better level of living for the peoples of the great Bowers, but also a drain on the technical and financial resources of the entire world which might be channelled into aid to the under-developed countries and thus enable hundreds of millions of human beings to enjoy a better life. The research, that has been carried out in that connexion, including some by the United Nations, is basic and should encourage the leaders of the great States to begin to think of their historical responsibilities, not only towards their own peoples, but to the whole of mankind. 27. The problem of the uses of outer space is also linked with the. question of disarmament. Soviet science and American science have achieved astounding successes in this field, which deserve our unbounded admiration. Nevertheless, the United Nations must exert its influence to see that progress in outer space does not become a new source of dangers and threats but on the contrary is used in the service of humanity. In that connexion, the General. Assembly adopted resolution 1721 (XVI), which lays down certain principles regarding the peaceful uses of outer space. One of them, which was proposed by Brazil, states that space exploration should benefit all countries irrespective of the stage of their economic or scientific development. In this connexion, we consider that the use of telecommunications satellites should be subject to international regulation, so that these powerful means of dissemination may be used solely in the service of peace and culture. 28. The role of the United Nations in the historical process of the liquidation of colonialism is in accordance with the letter and the spirit of the Charter.The principle of the self-determination of peoples is one of the foundations of the whole edifice. The principle whereby the administering Powers accept as a "sacred trust" the obligation to lead the dependent peoples towards, selfdetermination, as laid down in Chapter XI of the Charter, was vigorously endorsed by General Assembly resolutions 1514 (XV), 1541 (XV) and 1654 (XVI). No artifice or expedient, can obscure its meaning. Brazil through its ethnic and historical formation as well as its political and cultural tradition, is a nation deeply imbued with anti-colonialist feeling. Nothing can deflect us from this line of action, and we shall do all in our power to ensure that, without prejudice to the peace and freedom of any State, and without violence of any kind against any Government, the United Nations continues; to use every available means to liquidate the last vestiges of colonialism. 29. Our century has been and still is a spectator of the great historical process of the liquidation of colonialism and the awakening to independence of dozens of peoples once slumbering in servitude. We hope that the last decades of the twentieth century will be marked by a world-wide drive for the economic advancement and social, progress of the. Former colonial peoples and the other under-developed nations, who between them make up the greater part of mankind. Just one year, ago, in this same Assembly, I said: “The world is not divided merely into East and West. This ideological, cleavage makes us forget the existence of yet another division, not ideological, but economic and social that between the Northern and Southern hemispheres. But although rapprochement between the East and West is attainable by ideological compromise, the immense contrast between North and South can be reduced only by planned action for effective aid by the developed countries of the North to the under-developed countries of the South. [110th meeting, para. 13.] 30. Despite, the praiseworthy efforts of the United Nations, the Governments of some developed countries and the international agencies for technical and financial assistance, we are forced to admit that the situation of the under-developed peoples is growing worse rather than better, for in most cases the rate of development lags behind the increase in population. Moreover, the logic of the economic development process itself, including the result of the action of the regional trade organizations grouping the developed countries, means that the less advanced countries, which are not parties to such agreements, have no choice but to stand by and witness a gradual decline in the value of their raw materials, and commodities on the international market, so that they are forced to work ever harder only to earn less. 31. This phenomenon, which is taking place in Brazil, is common to the whole of Latin America and we may note with apprehension that the value of the external aid granted to our continent during the past ten years has been far less than the loss suffered through falling prices for its products on the international market. For all these reasons, Brazil is warmly in favour of the United Nations Decade for Economic Development proposed by U Thant, our distinguished Secretary-General. We note with satisfaction that the proposed means and methods of action are based upon concepts and objectives that have persistently been advocated by the under-developed countries and constitute as a whole a body of doctrine that is not only realistic but in separable from the sound observance of the general principle of the Charter. 32. The implementation of such a programme must not, however, be impeded by the dichotomy which still subsists between the good intentions voiced by all and the real behaviour of some. We must also eliminate the dangerous duality of the “aid policy" formally recognized by all as essential to a better international equilibrium [resolution 1710 (XVI)] and the "trade policy" adopted by certain countries, which, through preferential tariffs, is already bringing about results opposed to the higher aims which we are trying to achieve during the. proposed Development Decade. If such a discrepancy were to continue, we fear that, contrary to all our hopes, the under-developed countries might become real international pensioners. This is a result which no Country could accept passively as long as there remains —and we believe that there does still remain— a climate and a possibility for agreement over and above purely commercial considerations. In this connexion, we are in favour of holding as soon as possible an international trade conference where, far removed from the pressures of the cold war, the problems of the commodity-exporting countries could be placed in their proper perspective and definitively solved. 33. The international ideal is to secure peace and prosperity for all peoples. Peace is based on dis-armament and prosperity, depends on technical and financial assistance to the under-developed countries. Neither disarmament nor development can really be achieved on the basis of the cold war and competition between ideologically hostile-blocs. Brazil, which is a Western Christian country with a long democratic tradition, has no intention of departing from its traditional values. At the same time, precisely in order to remain faithful to those values, Brazil does its best to help to remove the differences that exist between the world blocs because it is on that that disarmament and development must depend. Apart from the implementation of regional plans such as, for example, the Alliance for Progress, we would like to encourage non-partisan international assistance to the under-developed countries for the implementation of national development plans. 34. It is with this idea in mind that we have pressed for the establishment, within the United Nations family, of an industrial development agency. We are also in favour of bringing the patents system up to date, so as to permit a genuine transfer of technological knowledge to the under-developed countries and of establishing machinery for the. international stabilization of commodity prices in order to prevent the constant drain to which the trade relations of the producing countries are subjected. 35. Sovereignty is a pre-condition for the liberty of States within the international community. The sovereignty of each State is limited, therefore, only by the general interest of the community, within which all States are juridically equal. The principle of non-intervention derives from this. But the liberty of peoples is another postulate of international coexistence. It can be secured only in so far as nations are free to choose their own destinies both internationally and internally. Hence the principle of self-determination., Brazil recognizes and practises both principles, and strongly desires that they should constitute the political objectives of all Governments. Non-intervention and self-determination are not mutually exclusive but rather complementary. In the light of these concepts, properly applied, the most serious problems of our day, such as those of Germany, Cuba and South, East Asia, can all be solved. We know very well that in this field it is easier to express opinions than to act. Nevertheless, if our deeds always match our words with no, holding back and as far as conditions allow, we shall surely progress towards the desired solutions. 36. In concluding, I wish only-to. reaffirm Brazil’s trust in and loyalty towards the United Nations. I should like to thank the Secretary-General, U. Thant, for his recent visit to my country and I venture to express the hope that he will continue to fill, the high post of which he has shown himself worthy. I should, also like to take this opportunity of welcoming the new Members of the United Nations. The, need for the universality of our Organization becomes more apparent every day. Outside the United Nations there seems to be no solution for the future of mankind.