Mr. President, on my own behalf and on behalf of my delegation, I extend to you warm congratulations on your election to the Presidency of the seventeenth session of the United Nations General Assembly.
101. We are assembled here to fulfil what is, I believe, a most useful tradition of the United Nations: to review the activities of our Organization during the past year, to give attention to some urgent problems and to project ourselves into the future in search of a just and durable peace. In discharging this duty I shall be brief.
102. During the last few years we have been gratified to welcome to the family of nations an ever-increasing number of new States. We are thus fortunate at this session to welcome the sister States of Burundi and Rwanda, Jamaica, and the State of Trinidad and Tobago, and we are eagerly awaiting Algeria and our neighbour Uganda. I wish to extend to the Governments and peoples of these new States, on behalf of my Government and people, our best wishes for a happy and prosperous future. We take this opportunity to reiterate our profound satisfaction at the fact that so many African countries have joined the community of free and independent nations. In this connexion, we are happy to note that the movement to establish a regional organization for the continent is receiving ever-increasing support. Furthermore, it is our expectation that, having regard to the increase of States in our Organization, the Assembly will adopt in the course of the present session a just and equitable system of representation in the various organs of the United Nations.
103. In the relation of States, we are happy to note that, as we had urged from the outset, the Governments of the Netherlands and Indonesia have settled the question of West Irian by direct negotiation. We take this opportunity to express to the Acting Secretary-General our appreciation of his valuable contribution in the settlement of this question. Furthermore, it is our sincere hope that, in order to continue to have the faithful and devoted service of the Acting Secretary-General, the Security Council will elect him soon for a full term of office. An early decision on the matter is necessary in order to give stability and confidence to the Secretariat.
104. We take great satisfaction from the fact that the Algerian people have attained their independence after a long and costly struggle. On this occasion we would like to congratulate both the Algerian people and the Government of France for taking a wise decision.
105. The world continues to witness the madness of searching for security in ever-increasing stocks of armaments of mass destruction. It is because of this illusory development that the question of disarmament-nuclear and conventional — assumes every year an ever-increasing importance to the entire human race. The development of weapons of mass destruction has made wars no longer the private affair of belligerents. Theatres of conflict can no longer be contained within the territories of States possessing weapons of mass destruction. The global effects of nuclear and thermo-nuclear warfare make disarmament therefore the concern of all of us, and we should not delude ourselves that conventional wars among nuclear Powers cannot develop into nuclear wars, for the passions of men raised in war cannot be restrained. War, as a means of settling disputes among States, has become more than ever before an anachronism.
106. The possible use of outer space for military purposes and the danger of nuclear weapons entering into the arsenals of a wider circle of States would no doubt introduce new difficulties in the disarmament negotiations which are already beset by too many complexities in their technical aspects. A bold decision to stop the armaments race is therefore imperative.
107. The acceptance of general and complete disarmament as a practical and attainable goal represents the triumph of man's will to survive and his determination to rely in a disarmed world on the peaceful settlement of disputes in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. It is indeed an express determination of States Members not to refashion the Charter of the United Nations — which in fact antedates the present thermo-nuclear age — to the exigencies of a cold war situation.
108. Although disarmament negotiations in the past have led to no tangible results, certain conceptions of disarmament have emerged and culminated in the adoption of the joint statement of agreed principles for disarmament negotiations, approved by the General Assembly at its sixteenth session. These principles proved their usefulness at the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament held at Geneva, in which my country was honoured to participate with seven other uncommitted States. The principle of no disarmament without control and no control without disarmament — now an axiom in disarmament talks — the idea that disarmament must be effected by stages, that an adequate peace-keeping machinery must be progressively strengthened, and that at any one stage of the disarmament process no State should gain military advantages over another, have to a great extent contributed to a consideration in depth of the complex issues involved in disarmament negotiations and to reduce to a minimum controversies of a cold-war nature.
109. In Geneva, both the NATO and the Warsaw Treaty Powers explained at length the merits of their respective proposals for disarmament. As a result the areas of disagreement were brought into relief. The suspicion and mistrust of our divided world have thus far however seemingly made difficult a readjustment and mutual accommodation. Concern for the greater need of preservation of life on our planet should compel the nuclear Powers to bridge the gap between their divergent positions. We hope that the present session of the General Assembly will give fresh impetus to the disarmament talks when resumed in Geneva.
110. Independent of an agreement on general and complete disarmament, the question of the cessation of nuclear tests deserves urgent consideration and an accord should be reached thereon at the earliest date. The world awaits with impatience the cessation of all nuclear test explosions. No argument of the nuclear Powers can convince us of the need for the continuance of nuclear test explosions, which entail grave hazards to our very survival and give increasing momentum to the armaments race. It is on the question of the cessation of nuclear tests that the eight uncommitted participants in the Geneva conference most exerted their efforts in the search for a constructive compromise proposal. Ethiopia believes to this day that the joint memorandum submitted to the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament by Brazil, Burma, Ethiopia, India, Mexico, Nigeria, Sweden and the United Arab Republic, offers to the nuclear Powers a reasonable basis for the negotiation of a nuclear test-ban agreement for all time. The memorandum is based on the assumption that a mechanism combining the demands of national and international detection systems can be worked out without prejudice to the interests of any of the nuclear Powers. We appeal to the nuclear Powers to resume negotiations on the basis of the joint memorandum and save humanity forever from the threat inherent in nuclear test explosions. We believe the points of difference which separate the nuclear Powers on a test-ban treaty to be small and susceptible to a negotiated settlement. We are convinced that this subject can no longer be postponed and that the General Assembly can and must contribute to the settlement of this question by bringing its influence to bear on the nuclear Powers.
111. In the midst of the great changes and crises of the world, the United Nations has continued to contribute to the lasting interest of the community of States. The Economic and Social Council has persisted in its creative labour for the historic efforts of the United Nations to promote economic and social development. We know that these ever-expanding efforts are both varied and imaginative; yet, viewed against the background of the total needs of the under-developed countries, they fall far too short of meeting the most elementary and urgent needs.
112. The United Nations, by offering suitable platforms for discussions and by enabling the confrontation of divergent ideas to take place, has made it possible for a consensus of views to emerge on the nature and cure of economic and social under-development. Nowhere is the consensus and sense of pragmatism more manifest than in the proposals of the United Nations Development Decade. Apart from the very practical and tenable goal of the Development Decade, namely, the initiation in the developing countries of a rate of annual growth of at least 5 per cent in aggregate national income, the Development Decade proposals rest on propositions which only a few years ago were very controversial. Planning as a necessary tool for economic development and the need for industrialization as the foundation for economic development are today universally accepted.
113. The United Nations has also made a significant contribution to economic co-operation by developing important instruments of international action. In Africa alone we have witnessed the start which the Economic Commission for Africa has given to the development of inter-African economic co-operation. Already the proposals conceived in the commission for an African Institute of Economic Development and Planning, and an African Development Bank are in the process of elaboration. These are institutions which have proved their value to other under-developed regions and which, we Africans feel, could be usefully employed to meet some of our acute problems. We hope that all those countries which on many occasions have declared their intention of assisting the African countries in the momentous task of economic development will indeed help in these modest undertakings.
114. I would not conclude my remarks on the economic and social activities of the United Nations without reference to the proposed world conference on trade and development. The phenomenon of the declining terms of trade of the under-developed countries, so characteristic of the last decade, continues. Quantitatively expressed, this decline has been in the magnitude of 20 per cent since 1950. More recently, with the creation of regional economic groupings, new patterns of international trade have emerged with serious implications to the economic interests of some under-developed countries. In the various United Nations bodies, new ideas for arresting this declining trend in the income of the under-developed countries have come to the stage of decision. These were some of the considerations which were uppermost in the thinking of thirty-six Governments when they met in Cairo in July last, and recommended, among other measures, the holding of a world conference on trade in 1963. Acting on its own, the thirty-fourth session of the Economic and Social Council also came to the same conclusion [resolution 917 (XXXIV)]. We believe the conference to be timely, especially in these days of dynamic changes, when an economic decision of one country or a group of countries can affect the interest and the economic well-being of other countries. A conference of this nature will no doubt serve a useful purpose by providing an appropriate forum for identifying problems, for airing anxieties and views, and for exploring new ideas and solutions.
115. Of the most pressing political problems, we are sad to note that despite two years of sacrifices the objectives of the United Nations in the Congo have not been attained, because of the presence of mercenaries and the influence of foreign companies who continue to encourage and finance Katanga's secession in defiance of the laws of the Congo, the resolutions of the General Assembly and those of the Security Council.
116. Two years have passed and the situation remains even more precarious, indeed even more dangerous both from the viewpoint of the unity of the Congo and of the financial solvency of the Organization. The intermittent negotiations on the reintegration of Katanga have not given the desired result because one party has used the negotiations to gain time, consolidate its forces and thereby frustrate the will of the Congolese people. The dilemma of the Organization is brought home by two contradictory policies: on the one hand, those who contribute materially and financially to the operation place their faith only in negotiation and, on the other hand, those who do not so contribute, believe that the only solution of the problem lies in a prompt and effective enforcement action. While this situation persists, the plan of the Acting Secretary-General to bring about the reintegration of Katanga through a combination of measures, although publicly accepted by those who are in a position to implement it, has not in fact been put into operation.
117. As we have stated in the past, at meetings of the Security Council and of the Advisory Committee on the Congo, the position of my Government is this: we firmly believe that the United Nations should take prompt, decisive and swift enforcement action to achieve the fundamental aim of the United Nations presence in the Congo. This is a must and a necessity, for in our view, we owe it both to ourselves and to the Republic of the Congo not to continue to station troops in that unhappy land, unless they are used to serve the best interests of the Congo which we ardently believe to be the interests not simply of Africa but of the whole world. We would, therefore, call on the Secretary-General to set the only course of action open to the Organization — immediate, determined and sustained enforcement action to achieve the unity of the Congo. We say "determined and sustained", because experience shows that suspension of enforcement action at the howl of the wolf simply whets the appetite of the adventurers to drive both the Republic and the United Nations to bankruptcy.
118. Furthermore, the present state of affairs cannot continue, precisely because the Organization's resources are limited and are being exhausted without achieving its main objective and, hence, it does not make sense to continue the present policy in the belief that money may somehow be forthcoming. Such a tendency can lead to further bankruptcy and more difficulties to the Organization because the expected windfall of money may never take place. Therefore the only logical way to break this deadlock is vigourously implement the resolutions of the Security Council and of the Assembly. We are confident that Members who have repeatedly affirmed the unity of the Congo will not fail the Acting Secretary-General in this crucial period.
119. During the fifteenth session the liquidation of colonialism received a powerful impetus through the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples contained in General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) and the mechanism established by resolution 1654 (XVI). The Special Committee of seventeen members, established by the latter resolution, has held 117 meetings both at Headquarters and in Africa and has considered over twelve territories on a basis of priority. It is our belief that the contents of the reports and recommendations submitted by the Special Committee provide the General Assembly with solid grounds for taking proper decisions and action. We are, therefore, confident not simply of the approval by this Assembly of the work of the Special Committee, but also of the continued support of all Member States. This is necessary because the Special Committee provides not only background documentation for the Assembly but, more important, it serves as a forum for the peoples of the dependent territories for the expression and assertion of their legitimate right to national independence.
120. As regards the work of the Special Committee, it is, of course, for the Assembly to consider. For our part, we would say that as the Special Committee's present mandate is quite extensive, it can encompass all the work relating to the implementation of resolution 1514 (XV). This, we believe, would avoid proliferation, maintain continuity of work and of established conventions and thereby fulfil with speed the wishes of this Assembly as contained in its resolutions.
121. While the liquidation of colonialism has proceeded with a certain amount of speed and some territories — such as Kenya, Zanzibar, Nyasaland and British Guiana — are on the threshold of independence, the outlook for those territories in which there is a large number of privileged settlers is bleak. The settlers of Northern and Southern Rhodesia persist in their belief that they can continue to live in utter disregard of the rights and interests of over 8 million Africans. The leaders of these entrenched minority groups continue to defy the irreversible trend of African nationalism, unmindful of the fact that their life could be more secure and richer if they gave up their desire for privileges of a temporary and illusory character. While there is no doubt whatsoever that contemporary African nationalism will in due course isolate them and compel them to give up this illusion, we firmly believe that much chaos, disorder and loss of life could be avoided if the Powers in charge of these territories took a firm and clear stand in discharging their obligations towards the African majority specifically undertaken in the Charter. This is in the interest of all, and we therefore call upon those who are responsible for these territories to demonstrate to this Assembly their good intentions by concrete declarations of policy consonant with the irreversible forces of our times.
122. The sorry plight of the people of Africa under Portuguese administration continues, and the belated, scanty reforms of the past year are simply designed to make palatable to the Africans and the world the alleged mission of civilization and of assimilation. Whatever the purpose of this mission, whatever its guise, the fact is that the Africans of Mozambique, Angola and other Portuguese territories remain dispossessed of the land of their fathers. Indeed, the findings of all the committees on these territories show that the Africans are simply fodder for the economy of the settlers and the industries of Portugal, and that this condition can be brought to an end by the adoption of measures which will compel Portugal to give up the exploitation of the defenceless people in these territories.
123. The Government of South Africa continues to strengthen its legislated policy of discrimination, in violation of the Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the many resolutions of the General Assembly which have been adopted with the overwhelming concurrence of many of the States from which the settlers of South Africa originally came The same is true of the policy of the Union of South Africa regarding the international territory of South West Africa. The violations by South Africa of provisions of the League of Nations Mandate are so numerous that the joint applications of Ethiopia and Liberia to the International Court of Justice cover a thousand pages. The Court is to consider on this very day — 2 October 1962 — the preliminary question of jurisdiction, and we trust that thereafter the Court will decide on the substance of the issue with speed. While we are convinced that our case is watertight and have no fears whatsoever about the outcome, we firmly believe that the General Assembly should take vigorous action to implement Its resolutions in these related areas.
124. These problems are grave and complex and long and sustained efforts are required to solve them. Yet we must succeed in some and make progress in others, because the survival of the human race demands it. And the United Nations, over whose Members hangs the monstrous threat of nuclear and thermo-nuclear destruction, has no alternative but to struggle relentlessly so that nations, whatever their differences in ideology and social systems, shall live together in understanding and tolerance.