Like those who preceded me on this rostrum, I wish, in the first instance, to express the gratitude of the Greek delegation to the authorities and the people of the State and the City of New York for their generous hospitality and the various facilities which they placed at our disposal for the success of this important session. These beautiful and impressive surroundings are a symbol of high endeavour and achievement. Men and women drawing their origin from so many different nations have, by tacit agreement and through the urge of a common purpose, been able to create this amazing metropolis, an emblem of good will among nations, a monument which might justly be dedicated to human brotherhood.
We are gathered here for a similar purpose and should derive inspiration from their noble deeds.
The report of the Secretary-General, considered in conjunction with the records of the Security Council and the report on the work of the Economic and Social Council, give an idea of the progress made since the ratification of the San Francisco Charter, progress in the structural organization of all the main organs of the United Nations: the two Councils, the General Assembly, the International Court of Justice and the Secretariat.
We wish to express our congratulations to the Secretary-General for having so expeditiously built up the framework of the United Nations. We shall briefly comment on a few of the points raised by his report.
We know the reasons that have led to the creation of specialized agencies, and we hope to see them integrated more and more into the central organization. We confess that it is not, in our view, desirable to increase their numbers and we agree with the Secretary-General that, as new problems arise, it would be better to assign them either to the Secretariat of the United Nations or to one of the existing organizations, rather than set up new machinery involving duplication of staff and unnecessary expenditure.
The plans contemplated by the Secretary-General with a view to developing and expanding the activities of the Department of Public Information deserve every encouragement in order that a continuous flow of information to the United Nations may dispel ignorance, which is one of the main sources of misunderstanding among nations. We welcome this promise all the more since this expansion aims at the creation of centres of information at key points in countries situated outside North America.
The Greek delegation acknowledges the important work accomplished by the Economic and Social Council during its first three sessions in London and New York. Besides the Health Organization, the Council has set up nine standing commissions, and in less than one year it has performed a very considerable task, enabling us to effect a substantial measure of international collaboration in the economic and social fields. Furthermore, it has set up the temporary Sub- Commission on Economic Reconstruction of Devastated Areas, which has already submitted a very thorough preliminary report on reconstruction problems in Europe.
It is for us to ratify the resolutions adopted by the Economic and Social Council, and to adopt a number of recommendations submitted to this Assembly in order to put the finishing touches to the work already accomplished. The recommendations contained in the report of the Sub-Commission on the Reconstruction of Devastated Areas call for urgent action in view of the pressing needs of the areas concerned. We regret that the Council failed to reach a decision on the recommendation for the creation of an Economic Commission for Europe with a view to the submission of adequate proposals covering both the short-term and long-term requirements of the devastated areas. Greece, which is one of the most shattered countries of Europe, attaches importance to the setting up of the said Commission, and our representative on the Economic and Social Council has proposed that the matter be referred to the General Assembly for a speedy decision.
Another task which lies before us is the transfer to some other appropriate body or bodies of the beneficent functions performed by UNRRA, particularly as regards food and supplies for agricultural production. We wish to avail ourselves of this opportunity to express once again the Greek people’s gratitude to UNRRA.
This transfer of functions should be effected without hiatus in order not to compromise the economic recovery of the countries involved, thus sparing them new ordeals. We hope that the Assembly will take the necessary action on the two resolutions submitted in that connexion by the Economic and Social Council.
Our appreciation of all these developments is tempered by the thought that economic policies are dominated by political trends and events. It is true in more than one sense that man shall not live by bread alone.
This brings us to the more spectacular activities of the United Nations and, in particular, to those of its Security Council.
In a world dominated by fear, no amount of planning, even though it be wise planning, can relieve the present deadlock. The political unrest artificially maintained in certain parts of the world baffles every effort toward a return to normalcy in those regions.
Countries which have conscientiously discharged their duty to the cause defended by the Grand Alliance during the war deserve to be assisted in their desperate effort toward recovery, especially as they have given their all for the triumph of that cause and have practically been laid waste by their cruel oppressors during the dark years of enemy occupation. Their defiance of the aggressors and the fortitude shown by them in the face of overwhelming odds brought upon them untold miseries. Are they now to reap retribution in. the place of reward from those to whom a close comradeship of arms had linked them during the now forgotten heroic days?
Greece is a peace-loving country striving to reconstruct the ruins heaped up by the invaders. Security is a prime factor of recovery, and the comforting words pronounced early this week by President Truman, and renewed by eminent representatives to this Assembly, convince our countrymen that they could have no better guarantee than the United Nations for their security and welfare.
We can assure you that Greece will make her full contribution toward the development of a genuine spirit of mutual confidence among nations. Our endeavours in this domain will be in line with our own age-long tradition.
Twice within nine months our country has been arraigned before the Security Council, and very heavy charges have been brought against it. The fact that the Security Council dismissed them, although satisfactory in itself, does not afford sufficient reason for viewing the future with assurance, because of the continuing state of tension between the great Powers.
We had been told in San Francisco that we should accept without fear the use of the veto by the five great Powers for the sake of maintaining their unity in the eventual exercise of certain functions and rights embodied in Chapter VII of the Charter, which deals with action in respect of threats to the peace, breaches of the peace and acts of aggression. Unfortunately, the paralyzing effect of the veto hampers the operation of the Charter even in the treatment of questions relating to the pacific settlement of disputes under Chapter VI.
We were never convinced that the veto would have the magical power of securing the harmonious co-operation of the great Powers, upon which depends the maintenance of peace. We, nevertheless, reluctantly acquiesced when we were given repeated assurances that it would be resorted to only in exceptional circumstances.
We believed in those assurances and we still believe in them; we do not therefore propose that the right of veto should be abolished forthwith without a further period of fair trial. It is for the great Powers to see whether they think that they can, or are prepared to, exercise the necessary self-restraint in this connexion and relegate the use of this extraordinary right to important occasions, such as those coming under Chapter VII of the Charter.
We hope you will not think us over bold if we make, in this connexion, certain suggestions which we consider likely to ease the situation created by the frequent use of the veto and by the fear of deadlock and frustration felt so widely in this Assembly and beyond its precincts. It is, indeed, no secret that nine out of ten representatives believe that the present state of affairs, if not remedied, will condemn our Organization to sterility.
It is, obviously, too soon to contemplate an amendment of the Charter, and politically unwise to attempt it for some time to come. Article 109 of the Charter makes this, in any case, almost impossible.
The only practical way out seems to us to be through the twin processes of interpretation and the creation, over a long period of time, of a more liberal jurisprudence both through a less rigid application of our rules of procedure and a less frequent use of the right provided for in Article 27.
Another remedy which we venture to bring to the attention of the Assembly would consist in placing the emphasis within this Organization less on the expediency of political solutions and more on the necessity of the juridical treatment of disputes.
The Second World War was largely due to the succession of events brought about in violation of the spirit and the letter of international agreements and international law, and to the systematic avoidance of the processes of arbitration, conciliation and judicial settlement.
Respectfully we ask the permanent members of the Council whether it is not possible to bring about a better international understanding by promoting, during this Assembly, these peaceful procedures. If they took the lead, we have little doubt as to the outcome of such an initiative on their part and also as to the immense relief that their action would bring.
We sum up these procedures: a more liberal interpretation of our rules of procedure and of Article 27 of the Charter; the creation of a more liberal jurisprudence; the difficult but salutary self-restraint of the great Powers in the use of the extraordinary rights provided for under Article 27; the increasing emphasis on applying pacific procedures to the settlement of disputes with a corresponding relaxation of the procedures aiming at political solutions.
We offer these suggestions with humility, in the hope that they may improve international relations and, incidentally, ward off lively discussions on the suppression of the veto at this critical moment.
In the remarkable speech made by Mr. Byrnes we were told, not for the first time, that the General Assembly was the proper place for airing freely our problems, criticisms and grievances. We would avail ourselves of this opportunity and make a plea for our country which, as is now universally recognized, has received harsh treatment both at the Paris Conference and before the Security Council, where repeated efforts were made with a view to engaging that august body in discussions of Greece’s domestic affairs.
Criticism is a healthy process, and we should always welcome it if it were made for a constructive purpose and without the obvious intention of bringing discredit to, and maligning, the country involved.
The persistence of this hostile attitude fills my countrymen with amazement and disappointment. They have been wondering whether Greece was fighting on the side of the Axis Powers. Why else should they be the constant target, the chosen victim? They are shocked at the unseemly haste with which an ally of the first hour is treated as an enemy, while favours are bestowed on unredeemed and recalcitrant enemies. This creates in the minds of men and women a confusion corrosive of their faith in our sincerity.
We wish to set you at ease; we do not intend to bring before you questions which are irrelevant to our agenda. Peace-making at this stage is the concern of the Council of Foreign Ministers, and we hope that they will mete out to our country a fairer treatment than did the Paris Conference.
We entertain no feeling of resentment or vengeance toward any of the States which have inflicted damage on us; we bear them no malice. It is fair, however, that we should expect them to give material proof of a change of heart and disposition toward our country. We have not wavered from our attitude of friendship toward all the great Powers, but the hand we have stretched out has remained too long unclasped in certain quarters. We shall nonetheless persevere, with dignity, in our firm attitude of friendship and respect toward all our great Allies in the hope that better feelings will, in due course, prevail in all quarters.
One cannot over-estimate the importance of the work assigned to the Council or Foreign Ministers whose success or failure will at once affect the fate of our own Organization. We earnestly hope that it will succeed in bringing about a just and lasting peace which is the indispensable prerequisite for the success of the United Nations.
In an important speech delivered yesterday, the head of the Soviet Union delegation made a strong plea in favour of disarmament and invited comments from the other representatives. My delegation supports the proposal for the limitation of national armaments, but would like it to be coupled with the following two safeguards: first, international control with effective guarantees for the loyal execution of any convention on limitation of armaments; and secondly, sanctions against States violating essential provisions of any disarmament convention.
We have applauded the achievements in organization as outlined by our Secretary-General. It is an impressive balance sheet. The Assembly, the two Councils, the Court and the Secretariat are all almost fully set up. It is a magnificent framework; yet it is and will remain incomplete until such time as men of good will endow it with the breath of life, with a powerful soul, with a sense of human fellowship, good faith in international relations and charity worthy of the United Nations.