Chile

I shall occupy this rostrum for a few minutes in order to state in general terms the views of Chile on certain points of great importance. First of all, I desire to reaffirm my country’s support for the system of pacific settlement as laid down in the United Nations Charter, and for the principles and rules embodied therein for the maintenance of peace and security. Chile cherishes an unshakable faith both in the far-reaching task entrusted to the Economic and Social Council and in the wisdom and authority of the Security Council. We are prepared, within the limits of our resources, to lend our full support to all efforts designed to achieve the purposes and to ensure respect for the principles laid down in the Charter. We do, however, reserve the right to have a share in the interpretation of the provisions of the Charter, wherever necessary, and we shall be unable to recognize the validity of unilateral interpretations if that contingency should arise. In the last instance, the supreme authority competent to interpret a treaty, when once the Assembly has reached its decision, is, in our opinion, the International Court of Justice. Chile is a country which is traditionally in favour of pacific settlements, as indeed are all the States of this American continent. Our Pan-American system has confirmed this, tendency, with the result that, in this respect, neither the Covenant of the League of Nations nor the United Nations Charter was any novelty to us. The strength of the Pan-American peace system is essentially based on respect for treaties which lay down the rights of every sovereign Power and regulate the legal order of the community. This principle cannot be weakened by any Article of the Charter; it is necessary to repeat once again, however, that this system does not constitute a political bloc. Chile is organized on the basis of a representative republican constitution with a democratic structure. Our democratic system has just won yet another victory by the free and fair election of an eminent citizen, Gabriel Gonzalez Videla, to the office of President of the Republic, and that victory was achieved strictly in accordance with constitutional rules. Chile therefore takes her place in the ranks of those who are ideologically opposed to any regime engendered by fascism. In this connexion, I should like to say that it is not our intention to abuse that expression, but we do not restrict its scope by applying it to notorious cases, even though I consider that the manner of stating the question should be modified. Under the agreements of Montevideo and Buenos Aires, the Pan-American system has proscribed interference by any State in the domestic or foreign affairs of another State. It makes no difference whether the interference is collective or individual. The United Nations Charter provides in Article 2, paragraph 7, that the United Nations is not authorized to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any State, except in the application of enforcement measures under Chapter VII. That is the law. Well now, I think that the best way of defending the principle of non-intervention would be precisely to endeavour to eliminate any dictatorial regime of government established by fascist intervention in a specific State. It does not matter whether the Powers which intervened have disappeared in the fray: the important thing is to demolish the structure which they set up through their intervention. In other cases, where the regimes are simply anti-democratic, the principle of non-intervention, particularly in America, should be reserved as an instrument of action against such regimes if they claim in any way to intervene in their turn in the domestic or foreign affairs of other countries. Nothing of what I have said, however, applies to the situations resulting from the war in areas or countries under military occupation pending the conclusion of peace treaties. One of the most important tasks of our Organization will be to define fundamental human rights, respect for which must be promoted and the effectiveness of which has become an imperative necessity. In this particular connexion, the delegation of Chile would like to draw the Assembly’s attention to the draft declaration on the international rights and duties of man and to the report attached thereto, drawn up by the Inter-American Juridical Committee in accordance with resolutions IX and XL of the Pan-American Conference of Mexico. These documents might well serve as a contribution to the studies undertaken by the appropriate Commission of the Economic and Social Council under the chairmanship of the eminent Mrs. Roosevelt. There is another point of great interest. At the San Francisco Conference, Chile was not an enthusiastic supporter of the veto right in the matter of pacific settlements and supported the Australian amendment at that time. On the instructions of Chancellor Joaquin Fernandez, representing the Government, it was my duty to state the views of the Chilean delegation on that occasion, and I said, “If the amendment is not adopted, Chile will respect the decision of the majority and will, in like manner, offer her co-operation to the machinery of peace and security.” I also expressed the hope that after some time had elapsed the necessity for amending the Charter would be generally recognized. The present Government of Chile, in agreement with the President elect, does not at present find that there are adequate grounds for considering that rectification of the Charter in this important respect, is necessary. The Organization is beginning to work and it is working well, in spite of the extremely difficult conditions prevailing in the world as a result of economic disturbances and the fact that, legally, peace has not yet been established with former enemies. It has occasioned no surprise in Chile that there should be certain differences between the great Powers with whom the main responsibility for the maintenance of peace rests. My country is confident that these differences will be smoothed out before long. If it should not be so, all the small nations would lose their faith in the United Nations and in the great Powers. Hence, Chile would like the present text of the Charter to stand, in so far as it refers to the method of voting in the Security Council, unless very cogent reasons persuade the five great Powers and the majority of the other nations that some substantial reform is needed. It is reasonable to hope that the great Powers will restrict the use of their veto right as far as possible. Turning to a different category of questions, the Chilean delegation thinks it fitting to refer to a very Valuable practical observation made by the Secretary-General in his supplementary report read at the plenary session on 24 October. Mr. Trygve Lie then said: “The time is perhaps now approaching i when it may be proper to ask ourselves whether the family of specialized agencies is not already large enough. The larger the number of agencies the greater is the financial burden on Member Governments and the greater are the dangers of overlapping and duplication.” The smaller States, of which Chile is one, view with alarm the enormous increase in the expenses which they are required to meet by reason of their participation in all kinds of international organizations. These expenses must be reduced. Our foreign exchange reserves are not always prepared for considerable annual disbursements by way of contributions, representation and other onerous activities. We do not sell our exportable products at sufficiently profitable prices to meet the cost of our imports in rising world markets. It is therefore desirable for the Organization to be pruned so that co-operation may be promptly effected, and the budgets should be reviewed so that proportional burdens do not become excessive. Before concluding, I should like to present, on behalf of my Government, sincere congratulations to the President of this Assembly, to the Secretary-General of the United Nations and his eight Assistant Secretaries-General for the splendid work they have performed in spite of the lack of the material facilities which the Organization needs. May this problem soon be solved satisfactorily and, above all, may conditions favourable to its work be found, for which purpose the vast territory of this wonderful country offers a wide choice.