The last session of the General Assembly took place in an atmosphere of confidence and serenity. The fortunate settlement of the Korean war turned all eyes towards new horizons and prospects of general peace and security.
49. On the eve of the opening of the present session, the international situation looked disquieting. The great Powers had emerged from the Geneva Conference divided. Any agreement on European peace and security was a long way off. There was little prospect of accord between the main Powers concerned in the discussions on the organization of disarmament. Efforts within the Disarmament Commission to reach an agreement on the need for imposing restrictions on the development of armed forces which would be acceptable to the great Powers had been fruitless. The idea of solidarity had thus been jeopardized. The United Nations, established to promote justice and freedom, found itself buffeted by the conflicting currents which divide the world; a beacon of hope at its outset, it found itself threatened by doubt, scepticism and, more serious still, by mistrust.
50. It was therefore natural that the confidence which filled men’s hearts at the beginning should crumble away, and it was fatal that attention should thus be diverted and solutions found outside the sphere of the United Nations. While a settlement to the Indo-China war could be achieved only by other means, further international agreements of great importance have now been added to those already concluded outside the framework of this body that is international above all. Defence systems have been set up without recourse to the Organization which, by its very essence, constitutional provisions and spirit, was designed to extend to the various parts of the world an effective security network and to constitute a solid and cohesive link between all Member States. Thrust on one side, the United Nations, which was designed as a meeting place where ideas of fruitful co-operation between peoples could ripen, ceased to be a vehicle of concord and solidarity.
51. This conflict of ideologies and this clash of interests, which engender psychoses of mistrust and unreasoning fear, have led Egypt and the Arab States to a policy based essentially on respect for spiritual values and on a genuine desire to find the means of strengthening the idea of peace and security so dear to these peoples.
52. The League of Arab States, a free association of States inspired by common aspirations and united by bonds which are not only geographical but are rooted in a spiritual heritage, constitutes the best safeguard of security.
53. Indeed, the Arab countries which, in the past, were a source of light which shed its rays over the whole Mediterranean basin, have always been faithful to the noble mission which formerly they discharged so vigilantly. These ancient peoples, whose guiding principles are based on considerations of harmonious affinity, seek to strengthen their bonds of solidarity by friendly co-operation with all peoples without exception.
54. It is natural that today these countries, inspired by peaceful aims, should ardently hope that the great Powers will compose their differences and refrain from any act of obduracy which might bring ruin to a civilization built upon centuries of labour and patience.
55. It is obvious that one of the great evils which plagues the world is colonialism. Under cover of the most fallacious arguments, entire peoples have been subjected to an imperialism which deprives them of their most legitimate right — independence. After a long period of struggles these exploited peoples have finally established their right to freedom.
56. The principle of the equality of peoples and their right to self-determination, which is inscribed in the Charter of the United Nations, has been one of the determining factors in this development. The obduracy of certain countries in refusing to recognize this natural evolution is powerless to prevent the fulfilment of these peoples’ legitimate aspirations.
57. From the outset, Egypt, in participating in the work of the United Nations, has always shown its desire to concern itself with the lot of oppressed peoples of countries deprived of their independence. In the various organs of the United Nations it has made every effort and taken every initiative to achieve a happy solution of the problems which the status of such countries raises.
58. Such efforts, which have brought about encouraging results; were inspired by Egypt’s spirit of liberalism and its sympathy with peoples whose sufferings and aspirations have always found echoing and resounding support.
59. Furthermore, Egypt welcomed with great satisfaction the basic idea underlying the formulation of recommendations and resolutions designed to strengthen the principle that all countries, whatever they may be, have the right to self-determination. Egypt considers quite rightly that this principle fully justifies the centuries-old struggle for the progress of mankind and for a future where social justice and political security prevail.
60. We have fought ceaselessly for the application of this same principle in a territory which is complementary to Egypt, and it is with great satisfaction that we have signed the agreement of February 1952 with the United Kingdom, recognizing the Sudan’s right to self-determination and establishing a procedure for giving to the Sudanese a free choice between independence and the establishment of a link with Egypt.
61. This agreement has already been applied in the holding of free elections which have led to the formation of the Sudanese Parliament and a Sudanese Cabinet, which is responsible to that Parliament. Furthermore, the transfer of the administration to the Sudanese is going forward satisfactorily, and within eighteen months the Sudanese people will be called upon freely to decide which status they would prefer.
62. The disdain of certain Powers for this fundamental principle is one of the main reasons for the present state of anxiety. In accordance with this principle, Egypt has always been fully alive to the aspirations of peoples struggling for liberation, and it has felt it its duty to raise its voice on their behalf in the United Nations.
63. Thus, the Egyptian delegation was among the first to support the claims of Indonesia, Libya, Somaliland and still has at heart the achievement of the aspirations of the peoples of Morocco and Tunisia. We are following very closely, and with great care and sympathy, the negotiations now taking place in Paris on the Tunisian problem, and we are confident that the same result will be achieved with regard to Morocco. It is our cherished wish that in North Africa concord and stability will prevail, with full recognition given to national sovereignty.
64. Egypt’s vote for the inclusion of the questions of Cyprus and West New Guinea in the agenda is in accordance with its traditional policy.
65. In the Fourth Committee, Egypt has shown the same attitude in supporting the efforts of member States who were anxious to ensure respect for individual freedoms in Non-Self-Governing Territories. Egypt has encouraged every move to allow the inhabitants a share in local or municipal institutions, since they represent a stepping stone towards self-government.
66. In fulfilling this role, Egypt has not only had the interests of the countries concerned at heart, but also the interests of the Powers which proclaim that they have a civilizing mission in respect of these peoples. These Powers have shown themselves increasingly incapable of fulfilling such a mission and by this very fact have been led to put their own material interests before the legitimate aspirations of the people under their charge. A certain lack of understanding is developing and is leading to latent conflicts which may constitute a source of danger for the great Powers themselves and thus threaten international peace and security.
67. In the Commission on Human Rights, the Egyptian delegation has played a large part in preparing draft international covenants on civil and political rights and on economic, social and cultural rights. Fully aware of the importance of these draft covenants, whose completion by the Commission on Human Rights is a legitimate source of pride for the United Nations, Egypt expresses the hope that the General Assembly will give to them the attention they deserve and that Member States will finally adopt them, to the satisfaction of world public opinion.
68. Egypt can only pay a deserved tribute to the efforts made by members of the African-Asian group which have likewise shown the same interest in preparing two international covenants on human rights and in formulating recommendations for the respect of the right of peoples to self-determination. This group has been formed at the very moment when the division between the great Powers has prevented international agreement to safeguard world peace. It is made up of States belonging to two different continents, but their common aspirations, common disinterestedness and common idealism have provided a framework for harmonious and useful co-operation.
69. It is small wonder that these countries — cradles of the oldest civilizations in the world, repositories of the richest spiritual heritage — which have drawn their inspiration from the same fruitful source, should combine their efforts to face the dangers resulting from the divisions and rifts among the great Powers. They have been led by force of circumstances to set the seal upon this co-operation because the problems brought before the United Nations and raised outside it, required cooperation between all the countries of this group.
70. They have thus concerted their efforts not only on the international political level, but also in the economic field, in order to find the most appropriate ways and means of promoting the welfare of individuals and of raising the general standard of social life.
71. By the example of this cohesion, they have shown that they respect certain higher values and desire to make an important contribution to the efforts made to safeguard world security. The efforts of the African-Asian group have been supported on several occasions by the Latin-American group, as well as by other delegations which have continually shown great interest in the broad problems in which political and social liberties are involved.
72. Egypt has also made an effective contribution to the work of the Economic and Social Council and welcomes the Secretary-General’s move to reorganize the Secretariat and co-ordinate its activities with those of the Council, its Commissions and the specialized agencies. This move has already had a beneficial influence on the last session of the Council where resolutions were already taken for the purposes of instituting a new method of work.
73. Egypt has supported recommendations to promote a better standard of living for all men and a more equitable distribution of national resources, and was one of the first countries to support the technical assistance programme, which is one of the most fruitful achievements, of the United Nations. Accordingly, Egypt has increased its contribution to the funds allocated for this programme.
74. Experts have undertaken a thorough study of Egypt’s resources and its industrial possibilities. We have given complete priority to plans for the production of electric power, both in respect of the Aswan Dam — plans for which are now under way — and for the High Dam which is now in the planning stage, in order to supply both new and existing industries with abundant, cheap power. Important steps have already been taken for the large-scale exploitation of mineral resources, and large sums have been appropriated for the execution of these plans. Other steps have been taken to encourage the oil industry.
75. In the case of new industries Egypt authorizes the free repatriation of profits each year up to 10 per cent of the capital invested and after five years the repatriation of the capital itself up to 20 per cent per annum. Another similar measure is the Act to grant foreign companies appreciable concessions in all these branches of activity. New Egyptian legislation, in addition to facilitating the access of foreign technicians to Egypt, grants them substantial advantages. They enjoy exemption from the payment of taxes on income from foreign sources.
76. Egypt is taking great strides toward the realization of a programme, of industrialization and is at the same time attempting to strengthen its economic ties with the other Arab countries. Steps have been taken to introduce more flexibility in various tax and customs regulations which might hamper more extensive trade between these countries. Egypt recognizes the value of the services of foreign experts and technicians and steadily fosters the dispatch of national experts to any neighboring country which might express a desire for their services. It also facilitates the entry into Egypt of study missions from the various Arab and Islamic countries.
77. Economic interdependence is becoming the most noticeable feature of the modern world, but it is hampered by many customs and tax barriers which stand in the way of a better distribution of wealth. Egypt has been called upon to participate in the work of various bodies both in the Economic and Social Council and outside the United Nations and is constantly advocating reforms to ensure economic stability, which is indissolubly linked with the need to improve the international political atmosphere.
78. Egypt has always emphasized the importance of paying greater attention to the needs of the underdeveloped countries because the social structure there is undergoing drastic changes which threaten to have widespread repercussions. It thus becomes essential to study the most appropriate methods of meeting the wish expressed by the Secretary-General in his annual report [A/2663] when he expresses the hope that the United Nations will support the plan for a special fund to strengthen the economies of the under-developed countries. The Egyptian Government is prepared to contribute to this fund.
79. Egypt, desirous of ensuring respect for the concept of universality, cornerstone of the United Nations, was compelled to associate itself with the efforts made to overcome the obstacles to the application of Article 4 of the United Nations Charter, which provides that membership in the Organization shall be open to all peace-loving States which accept the obligations contained in the Charter.
80. The peace and security of nations are linked with respect for the fundamental principles of justice, equality and equity. Mankind cannot progress so long as these fundamental ideas are not recognized and respected. World prosperity can be ensured only by the institution of a reign of equality which excludes all arbitrary discrimination in respect of race, religion or colour. Mankind cannot go forward along the path of progress so long as there are areas in the world where such arbitrary discrimination is still practised.
81. Many high hopes have been placed in the United Nations and accordingly, it should derive the best guarantees of its effectiveness from the principles of the Charter. The requisite guarantees are both institutional and moral. The United Nations could fulfil its role effectively only if it gave full weight to the principles set forth in Article 47 of the Charter, which has remained a dead letter.
82. A simple comparison between the League of Nations and the United Nations is sufficient to illustrate the importance of the introduction of this Article in the Charter. The League of Nations was born of the need of nations to entrust an international organization with the responsibility for the friendly settlement of their disputes, but was undermined and finally foundered, powerless to fulfil its task. The principal cause of this disastrous failure was the failure to create for the League a military force which would be at its disposal to impose respect for its decisions upon recalcitrant member States.
83. The United Nations attempted to fill that gap by the inclusion of Article 47 in the Charter. Unfortunately, this Article has not been applied despite serious and repeated violations by certain Member States of resolutions adopted by the United Nations.
84. At the outset of my remarks I attempted to depict the climate of suspicion and doubt which prevailed on the eve of the beginning of our work at this session of the United Nations General Assembly. As the general debate progressed, the respective positions of each Member State were decided upon, and it became evident that a breath of hope was seeking to dispel the veil of doubt and distrust which had previously cast a shadow of anxiety and pessimism.
85. The United States proposal for the development of atomic energy for peaceful purposes has evoked no opposition which might have discouraged an initiative of this kind. The new Soviet proposals permit us to detect some hope for co-operation in the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes and also leave the door open to negotiations on the possibility of reducing armaments and armed forces. Already it is becoming evident that the ninth session, which threatened to founder in indifference will see its interest revived at the new prospects for relations between the East and the West which have been opened.
86. Egypt is happy to note the new signs of light on the international horizon. It greets with satisfaction any initiative designed to divert atomic energy from its field of destruction into peaceful channels. Our generation has lived through the nightmare of two world wars that have dealt a serious blow to the foundations of civilization, and anxiously awaits the dawn of a new era in which the achievements of human and scientific genius may guide the way to a brighter path glowing with the gentle light of hope.
87. But unfortunately this note of optimism which we have just sounded has a sombre overtone which should concern all those who are motivated by the legitimate desire to restore prestige and authority to the United Nations.
88. Israel, by its scorn of United Nations resolutions and by its constant defiance of the fundamental principles of international law, is causing a disturbance harmful to security in the Middle East. Important General Assembly resolutions concerning Palestine have never been respected by Israel. The problem of the Arab refugees is the most disturbing case on the world’s conscience. The Arab refugees continue to be the victims of Israel’s injustice and arbitrariness. This injustice is aggravated by Israel’s persistence in its provocative attitude and is encouraged by financial assistance from abroad. By its policy of mass immigration, Israel pursues the dual purpose of preventing the eventual return of the Arab refugees to their original homes and of mobilizing the largest possible number of Zionists for purposes of territorial expansion, to the detriment of the security of the Arab countries.
89. Israel’s actions, by provoking frontier incidents, are evidence of its expansionist aims and of its refusal to collaborate with the authorities responsible for the supervision of the truce. These actions have been the subject of reports, by Major-General Bennike and Major-General Burns, the former and the present Chiefs of Staff of the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization. Israel’s responsibility is fully established in these reports.
90. Israel’s provocative attitude was again demonstrated recently in a manner which leaves no doubt about Israel’s violation of the Armistice Agreement. An Israel cargo ship opened fire on two fishing vessels in Egyptian territorial waters, between Abu Darag and the port of Suez. One fishing vessel sank and two fishermen are missing.
91. It seems an easy matter to ascertain Israel’s true intentions. It acquired the cargo ship Brima on 29 August 1954, had it named Bat Galim and despatched sailors to Massawa by air, whence the vessel set out en route to Suez. Israel thus made all arrangements to provoke an incident on Egyptian territory.
92. The denial entered by the Israel authorities cannot change the truth or outweigh the evidence of the relevant facts, namely, the loss of human lives. It was thus a matter of a premeditated act to challenge Egypt’s sovereignty over its territory and to break the peace.
93. Israel has committed these many violations of the Principles of the Charter and of the rales of humanity and justice while it apparently redoubles its peace proposals to the Arab countries — proposals mentioned even today — so that it is impossible to consider even for a moment that Israel is sincere in its peaceful intentions. On the contrary, it is certain that Israel is contriving to utilize various forms of propaganda to sow confusion in men’s minds and to deceive the entire world about its own expansionist aims.
94. Israel is also pursuing another purpose which is only too apparent: that of sowing doubt about the truly peaceful intentions of Egypt and the Arab countries. Egypt is fundamentally attached to the cause of peace and justice and has always shown its desire to collaborate, in so far as is within its means, in the establishment of the rules of security laid down in the United Nations Charter. Egypt has given abundant, evidence of its peaceful intentions and should be empowered to fulfil its responsibility in respect of the application of the United Nations Charter. It is for this purpose that it is endeavouring to strengthen its position in the Near East.
95. The new regime inaugurated in Egypt on 23 July 1952, whose main purpose has been to entrust the exercise of its sovereignty to true children of the Nile and of the Valley fertilized by its beneficial silt, has from the very first concentrated on the introduction of radical reforms aimed at ensuring respect for human dignity and social justice.
96. Tremendous efforts have already been made during the two years which have elapsed since this regime took office and Egypt already feels the effects of far-reaching changes in regard to the nation’s development and the raising of the people’s standard of living.
97. The new regime, aware of the absolute interdependence of national progress and stability in foreign relations also turned its attention from the very first to the elimination of obstacles which hampered its peaceful relations with the United Kingdom.
98. The Sudan question proved to be the great stumbling block, which had always wrecked successive Anglo-Egyptian conversations since 1920, and the new Egypt preferred to start by settling this delicate problem.
99. As soon as it had succeeded in this task with the conclusion of the agreement of February 1952, it turned its attention to the second point of dispute: the liberation of the Suez Canal Zone, the only part of Egyptian territory still occupied by United Kingdom forces.
100. After laborious negotiations, the United Kingdom and Egyptian Governments concluded the Cairo Agreement signed on 27 July 1954. This Agreement contained the principles on which were to be based the provisions of a Convention which the experts of both sides immediately began to draft.
101. I am glad to announce that this convention is about to be signed. In a few days it will be an accomplished fact, and twenty months after its signature no foreign soldier will be on Egyptian soil. The command of the Suez Canal base, in respect of which the Convention lays down the provisions for its transfer to Egypt will henceforth be entrusted to officers of the Egyptian General Staff. The Convention will be in force for the specific period of seven years.
102. This welcome event will have the most far-reaching repercussions, not only in Egypt but also in the Arab countries and throughout the Near East as a whole. For Egypt, a long-festering hostility will end and an era of mutual, equal and general understanding will begin.
103. The obstacles which Egypt has encountered in its political and economic relations with certain countries will be eliminated. Without being hampered by certain prejudices, Egypt will be in a position to play the international role to which she is entitled by her geographic position, her history and her contribution to the cultural and spiritual heritage of the world.
104. It will be able to honour its obligations under the United Nations Charter. Along with the States of the Arab League, Egypt will undertake its own defence. Through the Arab Pact for collective security, the only pact appropriate to assure the defence of the region, Egypt will stand guard over the security of this vulnerable part of the Near East. It is confident that in the achievement of its task it will receive encouragement from all countries which are devoted to the idea of international peace and security.
105. In the near future, the world will find itself engaged in an era of international activity which may result in the consolidation of peace or the failure of the hopes dimly felt at the outset of this session. At this crucial moment of history all eyes are turned to our Organization, whose creation evoked a wave of enthusiasm which has spread throughout the world. It is incumbent upon us to prove ourselves equal to the immense task entrusted to us of not disappointing the burning faith in the hearts of millions of human beings. Imbued with a sense of the importance of our task, let us turn our faces resolutely toward the future where, even now, we can discern the glimmerings of a dawn of peace and prosperity for mankind.