The Charter has wisely recognized the interdependence of the conditions for peace and security. It has proclaimed the interrelationship between political, economic and social conditions. Peace, like security, requires a degree of harmony between the three. In the political sector our world of today presents a picture full of dark, and sometimes threatening, shadows which we, the Members of the United Nations, must endeavour to dispel. But in the social and economic sector dangerous imbalances, resulting in equally dangerous tensions and insecurity, are also present. In our search for better conditions for a peaceful and secure world, we must in no way neglect them or push them back to a lower degree of priority. They are fully as important as the political problems because, together with the latter, they determine the chances for life or death of our human society as a whole.
2. It is on one of the most important aspects of these socio-economic problems that I wish at this moment to focus the attention of the General Assembly.
3. If I may venture to make a prognosis, I might say that history’s verdict on the success or failure of this ninth session of the Assembly will depend largely on the outcome of one particular item of the agenda now before us: the question whether we shall be able to find a solution for the problem of the financing of the economic development of the under-developed countries.
4. Never in the course of human history has a problem of world-wide significance — decisive for the fate of hundreds of millions of people — passed through such a rapid evolution of thought and action as the problem of raising the level of prosperity of the economically backward regions. It would indeed be unpardonable if we failed to recognize and shoulder our historical task.
5. During the last six years the problem of the underdeveloped countries has imposed itself upon our world as one of the most important which it has to face. Its significance is equal to the question of war or peace, of which in fact it forms a part. The low standard of living in these countries as compared to that in more highly developed countries has existed for a very long time, but lately a tendency to increasingly wider divergencies can be observed. Constantly and ever more rapidly the developed countries reach higher levels of productivity, while in many of the other countries a certain stagnation makes itself felt.
6. The evolution of national consciousness, as well as the influence of modem communications, tends to emphasize these differences, and, therefore, this problem in its wider implications has acquired a political significance of the first magnitude. For that reason, as much as the issues of security and peace, it deserves our constant consideration.
7. The President of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Mr. Eugene Black, bore witness to this fact at the seventeenth session of the Economic and Social Council [775th meeting] in an impressive account of his experiences in some forty countries, in which he noted the obvious manifestations of under-development; the misery and poverty of urban masses; the inefficiency of farm production and the inequity of land tenure systems; illiteracy; diseases; often sullen hopelessness. But Mr. Black also noted the manifold forces at present active in the under-developed areas of our world, and on this subject he stated that the current which those forces had created was not yet swift, but that it was deep and strong.
8. Today it is almost universally recognized that the only means of calling a halt to this divergence of the levels of development is to be found in large-scale investments.
9. The under-developed countries, however, cannot furnish the necessary funds for this purpose. It is up to the industrialized countries to see to it that a flow of capital is directed to the under-developed countries and maintained over a considerable period of time. In this connexion I may quote part of a statement made during the eighteenth session of the Economic and Social Council [801st meeting] by the present Chairman of the Second Committee, Sir Douglas Copland, who said that the greatest step forward for the international economy would be the construction of a bridge not merely of understanding, but also of material relationship, between the countries which had surplus capital and equipment and the countries which needed it. That would not only bless and assist those who received whatever assistance might be afforded them, but it would doubly bless those who gave, because it would be the foundation of an assured expansion of the world economy.
10. We trust that this step forward will be taken during the present session of the General Assembly. The Netherlands delegation, in expressing this hope, is aware of the fact that, as the Secretary-General writes in his report to the ninth session [A/2663, p. xiii] we have to be prepared to accept “a combination of measures of an order of magnitude far beyond what has so far been undertaken”.
11. I realize that, in recent years, important steps have been taken toward those ends. I may mention in this connexion the Point Four programme, the Colombo Plan and many bilateral agreements for assistance, which are producing gratifying results. But the problem before us is of a world-wide nature and, consequently, must be dealt with on a world-wide basis. We therefore believe that the overall significance of the problem should be reviewed by our world Organization, right here and now. For the same reason, we believe that the only available plan offering a sufficiently wide perspective for the future is the plan for the creation of a special United Nations fund for economic development, which, because of its initials, is doomed to carry the somewhat peculiar name of SUNFED.
12. The world situation, alas, has developed in such a way that large sums still have to be spent on armaments. The need for military expenditure is still, unfortunately, one aspect of the question of peace and security. The economic development of under-developed countries, however, constitutes an equally important and unavoidable aspect of the same question. The solution of this particular problem would by itself provide a major contribution to the peace of the world and, moreover, would remove many causes of political unrest.
13. With these considerations in mind, the Netherlands delegation earnestly hopes that it will be possible during this session to reach agreement on the establishment of SUNFED.
14. The Netherlands Government has already on previous occasions expressed its readiness to contribute to such a fund on a basis corresponding to the participation of the Netherlands in other important activities within the framework of the United Nations. This pledge is still valid. We are, however, even prepared to take to heart the Secretary-General’s words and to emphasize that the measures to be taken must be of an order of magnitude surpassing what has so far been planned. The Netherlands, therefore, is ready to contribute on an order of magnitude beyond what we have envisaged up to the present time, if others will act in the same way.
15. Another item on our agenda which calls for immediate action concerns the report [A/2648] of the United Nations High Commissioned for Refugees. In 1950, the International Refugee Organization was liquidated. Far too long have we cherished the fiction that, in so doing, we solved the refugee problem. Far too long have we shut our eyes to the fact that many hundreds of thousands of refugees are still dependent upon international support for their care and maintenance and for their final settlement. Far too long have we imagined that it would be sufficient to finance an administrative body in Geneva, equipped with the necessary know-how and a large amount of goodwill, but deprived of the means to alleviate want where want existed and to solve a vexing problem which we had far too long chosen to ignore.
16. During its eighteenth session, the Economic and Social Council adopted resolution 549 (XVIII) requesting the General Assembly to pronounce itself on two proposals of the High Commissioner. These proposals relate to the raising of 5 million dollars for emergency aid and 12 million dollars for permanent solutions. In view of the magnitude of the problem, these are indeed modest requests, and it must be possible for us to meet them together.
17. The Netherlands Government has proposed in the Council of Europe that the European countries should meet the expenditure resulting from the European part of the international refugee problem through a contribution for that purpose to the High Commissioner’s funds. I may express the hope that the European countries will make this effort. The Netherlands Government will carry its share. We are, however, concerned with a problem which is not exclusively European: in the Middle East, in Shanghai, and in many other places there are refugees who are cared for by nobody and who, in their want, wait for this Assembly’s action.
18. Let us be grateful that there are large fields where the United Nations can achieve much and where there can be no substitution for our Organization. We have great responsibilities in the development of underdeveloped countries, in the solution of the tragic problem of refugees and in many other problems of a social and humanitarian nature. The United Nations and its specialized agencies are the appropriate bodies to discharge these historic responsibilities, and here all of us have a clear duty.
19. The United Nations would be better advised to concentrate on those fields where it is indispensable, rather than to take up, time and again, matters which cannot be solved and whose ends are frequently not served by international intervention. If, nevertheless, Members continue to present doubtful claims that are not likely to get anywhere, if prominent Powers are forced to stay away from some of our meetings because, from their elementary sense of justice and law, they consider themselves hurt, if these interventions by the United Nations occur in situations where international peace is in no way endangered and international law in no way trespassed upon, then we are obviously on the wrong track and we shall have to think twice before we continue in that direction.
20. The Netherlands Government holds the view that the item concerning Netherlands New Guinea, submitted by Indonesia, is one of those harmful items. There is no reason why the Organization should take up the matter. We deny the propriety of discussing this question here, and we do not admit that the future of New Guinea is served by international discussion. The Netherlands delegation will have more to say on this matter in the First Committee. In the context of these general remarks, I only wish again to caution against bringing up matters that lead to vexation rather than to improvement of mutual relations. The Netherlands Government will in due time explain why it considers that the item submitted by Indonesia is inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations. But, however much we deplore the Indonesian initiative, we have no intention of letting our relations with Indonesia be affected by this case.
21. My delegation always welcomes communications from administering Powers concerning the cessation of information on Non-Self-Governing Territories falling under Chapter XI of the Charter. They prove that the territory has emerged from its non-self-governing status. A communication of this kind was made some time ago by the Netherlands Government in relation to Surinam and the Netherlands Antilles [A/2177]. In 1950 these territories achieved autonomy in internal affairs. At that moment continued reporting under Chapter XI therefore became impossible and unconstitutional. Additional provisions still had to be made to regulate the constitutional relationship between the three territories as equal partners in the Kingdom of the Netherlands. For this purpose a round table conference I Was held earlier this year at The Hague.
22. The General Assembly at its eighth session showed interest in this constitutional development and in resolution 747 (VIII) requested the Netherlands Government to communicate the results of the conference to the Secretary-General. I am happy to inform the Assembly that the conference has resulted in complete agreement on the statute regulating mutual relations. The parliaments of the two parts of the Kingdom situated in the western hemisphere have already unanimously approved the statute. Once parliamentary approval in the Netherlands has been obtained this constitutional process will have been consummated. The Netherlands Government will at that time not fail to furnish such information on the status of the territories as has been requested by the eighth session of the Assembly. It will demonstrate conclusively and finally that the new parts of the Kingdom no longer can be classified as Non-Self-Governing Territories under Chapter XI of the Charter.
23. I wish at this stage to make a few remarks on the significant initiative of the United States in the field of international co-operation in developing the peaceful uses of atomic energy.
24. We welcome this initiative, which was already foreshadowed in the speech which President Eisenhower made to the eighth session of the General Assembly on 8 December of last year [470th plenary meeting]. I can assure the Assembly that my Government will give its fullest co-operation to the successful development of these plans for the constructive application of atomic energy. In close co-operation with the Norwegian Government, the Netherlands is already actively engaged in this field. And we, therefore, are interested in any plans to organize constructively and peacefully these tremendous new forces.
25. Nuclear energy can contribute immensely to conditions for peace and prosperity. To this end it is our duty to pool our efforts. I repeat, therefore, that we warmly welcome the new item on our agenda.
26. I note with satisfaction, as others have done before me, that at the beginning of the autumn of 1954 there is no longer large-scale fighting in our world. The war in Korea ended in 1953; some months ago a cease-fire came into force in Indo-China. However, our satisfaction that the guns have been silenced would indeed be deeper if, in all sincerity, we could declare that peace reigns in the world. It would be foolish to deceive ourselves. It is more realistic to admit that the end of the cold war is still as far removed as ever. The profound discord, which for many years now has divided the world into opposing factions, continues unabated. One can only say that, at least for the moment, parties are showing a salutary restraint. Let us appreciate the fact that the patient is having a quiet day.
27. Real peace requires more. Together we must try to create the conditions for it. Let me venture to indicate the more important ones.
28. Real peace is not a short-term problem. Its solution requires, first, the creation of the climate in which peaceful forces can grow and prosper until they span the world, and in which the free way of life, now stifled in large areas of our globe, will be accepted everywhere.
29. The free way of life is the democratic conception of society, the vital conception of human dignity at present denied to millions of people. Those who, like the people of my country, have a deep-rooted faith in the concept of democracy as the only guarantee for peace, are prepared to make sacrifices for the maintenance and growth of that concept. We are willing to do our part to stimulate the growth of the forces of freedom. The strengthening of these forces by uniting like-minded nations of the free world does not constitute a menace to peace but may well be a condition for it. The only alliances, military or otherwise, which should be rejected are those impeding evolution towards a free world. There is a tendency to attribute a higher ethical value to neutrality than to the alliance of those who prefer the free way of life. This is a view we do not share.
30. Neutrality and neutralism as such and by themselves have no merits; they are valuable only if they advance the cause of peace. They must be rejected, however, if they tend to endanger large parts of the world and if, in fact, they facilitate the spreading of totalitarian doctrines and result in the creation of a political no man’s land. Fifty years of political history have demonstrated that the cause of peace is not served if we fool ourselves on this point.
31. What I said just now with regard to neutrality applies equally to disarmament: it has no merits in itself. It is a condition for peace when it is balanced, realistic and controlled. It is an incentive to war when it disturbs equilibrium and thereby undermines freedom and democracy.
32. The free way of life is founded on a sound and vigorous ideology; it appeals to everybody. In the interest of peace everybody should be given freedom to choose it. As long as nations which in the past have proved their ability to look after themselves are denied the right to decide on their own fate, there remains a source of continuous unrest and danger to peace. Therefore foreign troops in countries now occupied against the will of their people should withdraw. This would indeed be a practical application of the principle of self-determination. The United Nations would greatly benefit if those of its Members who are particularly fond of invoking this principle were to apply it themselves and cease misusing it against others.
33. Real self-determination and a free life are likewise non-existent, however, in large areas not under foreign military occupation. Conditions for peace and security are also absent wherever people are beset by material want and social weakness. In the interest of peace these countries should receive the moral and material aid for raising their standard of life. This aid, in the form of transfer of knowledge and capital, should have no other aim than to speed up the evolution towards freedom and peace. In the country I represent this is deeply and clearly realized, as I tried to explain earlier in my speech.
34. It goes without saying that the great Powers bear the prime responsibility for solving many of the issues I have touched upon, especially those of war and peace. But this does not mean that smaller nations are less able to appraise the course to follow. And, above all, it does not mean that they may feel absolved from assuming their responsibility. Their yearning for a world of tolerance and peace is certainly no less sincere or less profound.
35. I sincerely hope that the views I have just set forth will be shared by all here assembled, and that the practical suggestions made at the beginning of my speech will call forth general response. This might contribute to making this Assembly a fruitful gathering, bearing witness to God’s blessing.