I should like to begin my statement by extending to the President and to his delegation my congratulations on his election to the Presidency of this session of the General Assembly. I am sure the United Nations will benefit from his guidance.
2. I wish also to pay tribute to Mrs. Pandit, who presided so ably and so gracefully over the eighth session of the General Assembly. My country is also most appreciative of the honour done us by Mrs. Pandit by her recent visit to Indonesia in her capacity as President of the General Assembly. My people will long remember her visit as a great pleasure and privilege.
3. As we, the representatives of sixty Member nations, meet again at this ninth session of the General Assembly, I wish to reaffirm, on behalf of the people and the Government of Indonesia, our continuing belief and faith in the principles and purposes set forth in the Charter of the United Nations. There are, indeed evidences of very wide gaps which must be bridged if we are to reconcile the many different approaches towards carrying out the aims of this Organization in the preservation of international peace and in the promotion of greater international conation for the continued economic and social progress of mankind.
4. But these divergent national interests and attitudes, which arise in part from the varying historical development of our respective nations — in their economic and social aspects no less than in their systems of political organization— have been envisaged in the Charter, which provides that this Organization shall be “a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations”, and enjoins upon all Members “to practise tolerance” in their relations with all other nations. It is our hope, therefore, that this session of the General Assembly may approach the many problems with which we are faced in this spirit of forbearance and mutual respect as we jointly endeavour to find new means of harmonizing these divergent elements for the common interest of all mankind.
5. Many of the items on our agenda have been previously considered in this General Assembly and indicate recurrent problems, although several new sources of international friction have also developed. Casting a shadow over all our deliberations, however, is the continuing atmosphere of the cold war, originally arising out of the ideological conflict between the greater nations.
6. We have cause for satisfaction in the outcome of the Geneva Conference with the success of the negotiations for the cessation of hostilities in Indo-China; and the recognition of the right of national independence for a people long subjected to colonial domination. These negotiations have provided renewed hope for the relaxation of international tension and have demonstrated once again the universal desire for peace which underlies the purpose of the United Nations. But much still remains to be accomplished in the political settlement with regard to Viet-Nam, which can only be successful if all parties continue to exercise tolerance, understanding and recognition of the desires of the Viet-Namese people.
7. However, although there has been some evidence of the relaxation of tension in Indo-China as a result of continuing efforts of Member nations to reach agreement through negotiation, no course of further action has been agreed upon in Korea, which still remains a delicate problem for peace in Asia. The hope for unity in Korea when the armistice agreement was signed in July of last year has been clouded by the subsequent failure to reach a political settlement at the Geneva Conference.
8. An imminent danger to the cause of world peace and to the very existence of mankind itself is the continuous threat of an atomic world war. Therefore, Indonesia is strongly in favour of the international control of atomic energy, even the complete abolition of atomic and other ultra-modern weapons of mass destruction, and the development of peaceful uses of atomic energy. All efforts to this end should be welcomed and encouraged. We therefore heard with the greatest interest the proposal made by President Eisenhower in his speech in December of last year [470th meeting], and put forward again some days ago by the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Dulles, in his speech to this Assembly [475th meeting].
9. At the Colombo Conference between the Prime Ministers of Burma, Ceylon, India, Pakistan and Indonesia, held in May of this year, these five Prime Ministers, in a joint communique issued on 2 May, made the following statement, which I trust all of us may heartily endorse: “The Prime Ministers viewed with grave concern developments in regard to the hydrogen bomb and other weapons of mass destruction. They welcomed the current efforts of the United Nations Disarmaments Commission to bring about the elimination and prohibition of such weapons and they hoped that the Commission would be able to reach an agreed solution to this problem urgently.”
10. As we meet in this Assembly there are also conferences being held on a more restricted level, among the nations directly involved, such as the Colombo Plan Conference in Ottawa, in which Indonesia is participating, with regard to problems of major political and economic concern, the solutions of which will directly or indirectly affect the entire world. It is true that the primary responsibility for the solution of these problems remains technically outside the domain of the United Nations. At the same time, however, we have to bear in mind that we should always work in accordance with the principles and aims of the United Nations, since success or failure in reconciling these issues will seriously affect the pervading atmosphere in this Assembly and the tenor of our discussions on the issues which come before us.
11. There still exists the tendency toward the alignment of nations between the two major blocs through military alliances and regional groupings. While respecting the right of each nation to decide what it deems to be in its own interest, my Government, in accordance with its actively independent policy and with world peace as the final goal, has on many occasions emphasized the dangers involved in the trend toward the polarization of nations. The growing reliance upon relative military strength and military alliances by the opposing forces in the so-called cold war has resulted in a precarious equilibrium which, in many instances, tends to obscure the fundamental principles of peace upon which this Organization was founded. The mobilization and threat of opposing military forces can lead only to increased anxiety and fear, which will in turn lead to the suppression of the exchange of ideas which alone can stimulate those dynamic forces required for world peace. And we are all only too keenly aware of the devastating consequence — material and psychological — of armed conflict with conventional weapons, not to speak of the grave risks to world civilization inherent in the destructive forces wrought by present technological development.
12. For all these reasons, Indonesia has decided to remain outside any such military alliances. At the same time, as a responsible member of the family of nations, it continues and furthers, through peaceful means, an active, positive policy aimed at making world peace more attainable.
13. Indonesia, with its positive good-neighbour policy inside and outside the United Nations — and, as regards all its neighbours, with its equally positive Afro-Asian policy — strengthened by the conclusion of several treaties of friendship, and by its participation in the Colombo Plan, is trying constantly and most conscientiously to contribute its share to progress and peace in Asia, especially in South-East Asia and the Pacific area in which we live.
14. Since, however, we must recognize that the outcome of all negotiations for the settlement of regional problems has an impact upon the broader scope of international relationships, Indonesia, in order to make our efforts more complete and effective, does not forget to strive ever more earnestly in this Assembly and other organs of the United Nations to carry out that common task dictated by our common responsibilities for the maintenance of peace and the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples!
15. Thus, by maintaining an actively independent — not merely neutral — foreign policy and by taking no sides in the cold war, we believe that we are able to develop and complete our independence and sovereignty more effectively, and that we are able also to discharge our responsibilities in terms of the basic principles of the United Nations, according equal rights to all nations, large and small. In so doing, we are convinced that Indonesia also may play an active role in co-operating with all nations, without exception, in a harmonious and friendly relationship for the promotion of economic and social progress throughout the world.
16. Such true international co-operation can be promoted only in a world at peace, which requires the peaceful coexistence of all nations and peoples. As stated by the President of Indonesia in his speech to Parliament on the occasion of the ninth anniversary of our national independence: “Every nation must live, and it has the right to live according to its particular convictions. It is entitled to a life according to its own conscience, and to act, work and trade in conformity with its convictions, so long as such actions do not harm other people or nations.”
17. In this sense, “coexistence” is not a negative term implying passive acquiescence to the policies practised by others. It means, rather, a positive effort to recognize the terms or values under which other peoples determine their own way of life, so long as this does not impinge upon the rights of others.
18. In this respect, I should like to quote point 9 of the Colombo Conference communique. It reads as follows: “[The Prime Ministers] were convinced that such interference” — interference in the affairs of their countries — “threatened the sovereignty, security and independence of their respective states and the right of each country to develop and progress in accordance with the conceptions and desires of its own people.” This is why we profoundly believe that, in the present period of strongly conflicting political ideologies among nations, it is only by the acceptance of such a positive concept of national independence and peaceful coexistence that the world can continue to make any significant economic or social progress through negotiations. But peaceful coexistence and negotiations also require mutual respect and reciprocal treatment on a basis of equality. This belief is in full agreement with Indonesia’s philosophy of life as embodied in our State ideology, the Pantja Sila or Five Principles; namely first, belief in God; second, humanity; third, nationalism; fourth, democracy; and fifth, social justice.
19. We know, of course, that a nation’s real strength rests on its own ability to utilize its potential resources for the improvement of the economic and social welfare of its people. It is, therefore, our hope that the benefits of; modern technology may be utilized for the much-needed economic development and expansion of all nations, as they strive to raise their standards of living. The general interdependence of political and economic problems has long been recognized by all concerned with the development of stable international relations. This is a problem of primary concern to the many so-called under-developed countries of Asia and Africa, whose economic welfare, as a result of their recent history as colonial or semi-colonial peoples, has depended on the production of a few major commodities, mostly agrarian and for the greater part consisting of raw materials destined for the world market. But, at the same time, all of us must recognize and bear in mind that the industrial development of these countries, also, is a primary requisite for maintaining a stable world economy.
20. Although the United Nations technical assistance programme has been of inestimable value in the field of technical development, international economic programmes of a much broader scope are urgently required in order to increase production, investment and employment in the so-called under-developed areas. These problems have been under study and review by the General Assembly, as well as by the Economic and Social Council, for the past several years. In this connexion, it is of great significance that, although there was improvement in general world economic conditions during the past year, this improvement was shared only to a minor extent by the under-developed countries. The primary reason for this is the dependence of the countries in these areas on the export of a few primary commodities, which fluctuate widely in volume and price. The future development of the political as well as the economic stability of the world obviously cannot rest on a solid basis when so many areas of the world are unable to make more rapid progress in their economic and social life. Nations which have no sound economic base are vulnerable, both politically and militarily, if they are not able to satisfy their peoples’ basic needs and aspirations for the future.
21. My Government, therefore, considers the problem of economic development to be of the utmost importance. We strongly support the proposals which have now been made for accelerated economic development through international investment funds and the stabilization of international commodity prices as measures urgently required to promote greater economic stability.
22. In this connexion, I should like to draw the Assembly’s attention to an important means of stabilizing Markets and prices. I have in mind the liberalization of trade, the abolition of trade barriers. Trade barriers may be caused by economic necessity, in which case they have to be overcome by economic means. Unfortunately, there are also trade barriers which originate in non-economic causes, political tensions or even in political conflict. I shall refrain from commenting on these Political causes, which all of us deplore. I would only draw attention to the economic consequences of these barriers, which narrow the markets.
23. Western European countries have repeatedly insisted on the abolition or at least the mitigation of barriers of this kind in their traffic with the Eastern European countries. This appears to create a favourable climate for such efforts, especially if the motives for establishing these barriers are political, rather than economic.
24. If the highly-developed countries of Western Europe find their economic development hampered by trade barriers, it is clear that under-developed countries are still more affected by shrinking markets for their products. Their economies depend to a great extent on these exports, and the larger their markets, the greater the stability of their exports and, hence, of their economic situation generally.
25. Under-developed countries have been hampered in their effort to extend their markets by the embargo imposed by the United Nations — faithfully adhered to by my country — at a time when we and others urgently required an expansion of our trade. I am fully aware of the deplorable reasons which gave birth to this embargo. But since this Organization initiated this measure, it would do well to realize the economic consequences thereof for the so-called under-developed countries.
26. Political tension has led to restriction of economic activity and of trade expansion. This restriction has, in turn, created other political tensions in the so-called under-developed areas, where the raising of the standard of living is hindered, and where poverty remains too long a source of economic instability and, therefore, of social and political instability. These are the grave consequences of the measures taken a few years ago. I would, therefore, recommend to this Assembly that it explore ways and means to promote world trade in the widest sense of the word — especially now that the political climate is improving and thus favouring such an endeavour — as I am confident that, in a spirit of international economic co-operation, a method can be found to prevent, or at least to alleviate, the consequences of artificial restrictions on world trade.
27. The world is an economic unity; for commerce, no less than peace, is indivisible. Economic barriers can serve only to rend asunder the seamless web of economic relations which is strongest when it encompasses the widest possible interchange in the markets of the world.
28. We are confronted with another grave danger to international peace in the continued existence of colonialism in many parts of the world, including Indonesia. A major precept of the Indonesian Constitution, as stated in the Preamble, is this: “Since independence is the birthright of every nation and any form of colonialism in the world is contrary to humanity and justice, all colonialism must be eradicated.” This is a principle to which my Government firmly adheres, not only because of our own recent experiences but also because of universal moral concepts of human dignity and social justice. Wherever colonialism exists there is a denial of those basic human rights which are necessary for economic and social fulfilment, and without which only growing social discontent can prosper.
29. We have, therefore, again, as in the past two years, joined with other nations in proposing the questions of Tunisia and Morocco for the consideration of this Assembly. The situation in Tunisia has not changed substantially since this item was last discussed by this Assembly, although there are some faint hopes for negotiations with the true representatives of the Tunisian people towards the realization of sovereignty and independence. We shall certainly watch any such developments closely until concrete results have been achieved. The situation in Morocco has, unfortunately, deteriorated considerably. It is for this reason that Indonesia hopes that this session of the General Assembly will take positive steps on the Tunisian and Moroccan questions, so that they may finally be settled in the interest of the people of Tunisia and Morocco, as well as in the interest of the world at large.
30. An important step towards the solution of world problems — including the questions of Indo-China, the threat of hydrogen bombs and other weapons of mass destruction, the representation of the People’s Republic of China, and the Tunisian, Moroccan and other colonial questions — was made at the recent five-Power Colombo Conference. The effect of this Conference for the future of Asia at least is considerable and should not be underestimated.
31. The Powers participating in the Colombo Conference have felt the urgent need, particularly in these crucial times, for close co-operation in the political, economic and cultural fields. And it is in the way pointed out by the Colombo Conference decisions on colonialism, as well as by the anti-colonial resolution adopted at the Inter-American Conference at Bogota in 1948 and in Caracas in 1954, that the colonial danger in the world should properly be met by common action and with mutual understanding. In particular, a significant outcome of this Conference was the initiation of preparations to hold, in the near future, a wider conference of African and Asian nations in order to discuss further world problems still pending, especially those which directly affect these countries.
32. It is with regret that my Government has found it necessary to bring to the attention of this Assembly an unsolved problem remaining as a legacy of our struggle for independence, achieved in 1945. In spite of the agreements reached with the Netherlands in 1949 concerning further negotiations to determine the political status of West Irian, and despite repeated efforts on the part of Indonesia to enter into such negotiations — the most recent effort having been made at the The Hague Conference where the unworkable Union between Indonesia and the Netherlands was dissolved — this integral part of Indonesia, West Irian, still remains in dispute. Since the transfer of sovereignty at the end of 1949, this issue has become ever more serious and explosive, as a result both of the continuous refusal of the Netherlands to resume the negotiations broken off in 1952 and of the increase in Dutch occupation forces in West Irian. My Government will continue, as in the past, to exert all its efforts for a peaceful settlement of this question. But we also feel that it is necessary to bring this problem — representing both another instance of colonialism and a territorial dispute between two sovereign countries — to the attention of this Assembly as a matter of vital concern threatening the peace and security of South-East Asia. We were, therefore, heartened by the Assembly’s decision to place this item on the agenda, and highly appreciative of the unstinting support given to us by so many delegations.
33. The Indonesian delegation was, however, taken aback by the tone of the remarks made to this Assembly on the question of West Irian by the representative of Australia, the more so in view of the moderate tone employed by the representative of the Netherlands. Our amazement stems, in the first place, from the fact that we have no dispute with the Australian Government or people on this issue. We face a tense situation with regard to West Irian, but our disagreement is with the Netherlands, and not with Australia. We cannot understand why the Australian delegation is so concerned, even violent, over this matter. We recognize that, as the Administering Authority of East Irian, Australia has a natural and understandable interest in what happens in a contiguous territory, but the intensity of the Australian representative’s reaction on this question seemed to us disproportionately great.
34. My Government has never made any claim and has no claim to East Irian. We are concerned solely with the territory of the former Netherlands East Indies: the area which constitutes our national boundaries and the area we struggle to set free. In raising this matter before the United Nations, we are attempting to complete the deliverance of our countrymen from colonial rule; we are attempting to resolve the last issue of this nature arising out of our fight for independence. We have no expansionist intentions or any design on territory beyond our national boundaries. Our only desire is to live in peace as good neighbours with Australia and with the other States near-by in a friendly community of nations. Surely this must be clear to the Government of Australia.
35. We were still more surprised to hear the representative of Australia raise before this Assembly the rather worn argument that West Irian cannot rightfully constitute a part of the Republic of Indonesia because of an alleged difference in ethnic and racial origins between the Irianese and the rest of the Indonesian people. As I stand here before the representatives of 59 other Member nations, I cannot help wondering which, if any, delegation — including the Netherlands and Australia delegation — represents a nation whose citizenry is solely and exclusively descended from a single racial or ethnic group. In this connexion, the publications of UNESCO on the question of race are most instructive. But, as we all know, the criteria by which to determine the political affiliations of the people of a given territory are not based on an examination of racial origins or anthropological characteristics, unless we wish to fall into the obsolete and fatal Blut und Boden (blood and soil) theory.
36. And I must confess that we are even more surprised to hear this issue of racial origin raised in this connexion after this myth was so thoroughly destroyed in the course of the Indonesian revolution. Throughout the discussion of the Indonesian case from 1947 to 1950, we heard dire warnings from several delegations about the supposed lack of a common tie between the people of Indonesia, about the absence of a genuine unity or true national feeling. Yet, the genuine character of Indonesian nationalist feeling was proved beyond any possible doubt through the willingness of its people, whatever their ethnic origins or racial characteristics, to shed its blood in a common effort to achieve the national unity and independence it desired. And I might recall that the fact that the people of Indonesia trace their origins from a variety of ethnic groups and have a series of local tongues, in addition to their national language did not prevent the Australian Government from being one of our earliest and warmest supporters in our struggle for independence — an independence which extended to West Irian as well as to the rest of Indonesia.
37. It is strange that the representative of Australia claimed before this Assembly [479th meeting] that there was and is no genuine movement for Indonesian independence in West Irian since it was Australian troops which, as the first Allied forces to enter that area in 1945, were greeted by strong demonstrations from the Irianese people proclaiming their adherence to the newly-established Republic of Indonesia.
38. Mr. Casey apparently shares with the representative of the Netherlands the fear that an airing of the question of West Irian will provoke tension in South-East Asia. This, too, is an argument which the experience of the United Nations with the Indonesian conflict — let alone with numerous other issues — has disproved. Refusing to bring an issue out into the open, refusing to face the facts where disagreement exists and has persisted for five years, is hardly the way to achieve stability or to ease tensions. The Indonesian Government is not creating an issue by bringing this matter before the General Assembly; rather we are presenting to this body for peaceful deliberation a situation which might become explosive, so that we feel constrained to seek the quickest and best possible means of easing it. Trying to stifle this issue, trying to pretend that no problems exist, will merely exacerbate an already unsettling state of affairs.
39. Mr. Casey stressed the importance, in his view, of continuity of administration. My delegation must be forgiven if we seem somewhat sceptical about the advantages of continuity of administration, the more so when the administration referred to is a colonial one. My people, after all, are quite well versed in the relative benefits to be acquired by uninterrupted colonial rule, and our verdict on this point has been clearly stated in the history of the past ten years. The representative of Australia apparently fears that my Government would not be able to meet the needs of the people of West Irian. Casting modesty aside for the moment, I must say that the record of the Indonesian Government in coping with the tremendous problems of illiteracy, basic and higher education, communications, improved health conditions and numerous other aspects of social progress — all these problems a legacy of continuous Dutch colonial administration — is really noteworthy for its enormous accomplishments in the brief period of time since the formal transfer of sovereignty in December 1949. The vast strides forward that my people have taken along the path toward literacy, education and a higher standard of living are in the most striking contrast to the conditions which prevailed under colonial rule when the accrued benefits of 350 years of colonial rule had culminated in a literacy rate of 7 per cent of the population. It is only natural, then, that, far from Approving the continuation of an administration that has left the vast majority of the people of West Irian in such a primitive state, we feel confident that the record of my Government in these matters gives much greater assurance of serving the interests of the Irianese.
40. The continued intransigence of the Netherlands on the West Irian issue is the more distressing to my People because we have before us the example of the United States which, in granting freedom to the Philippines, did not attempt to withhold independence from any area on the ground of difference in levels of development, or on any other ground. Nor did the United Kingdom lessen the statesmanship it displayed in relinquishing authority over India, Pakistan, Burma and Ceylon by attempting to withhold freedom from a section of that vast area.
41. Turning to other problems before this session of the Assembly, the Burmese question still awaits a final solution. We hope that one may be found at this ninth session before this tragic problem becomes another one of those items which perennially finds itself inscribed in our agenda. Certainly the incursions visited upon the Government of Burma by foreign forces are of immediate and continuing concern to all its neighbour countries, which not only deeply sympathize with its unfortunate plight, but also desperately desire — in fact need — a restoration of peace and stability in South-East Asia.
42. Similarly, the question of the Arab refugees, which has been before this body now for many years, is one which should be of the gravest concern to all Member nations. The elimination of this problem, of this human misery, is not only a matter to be dealt with by the countries most directly concerned, but a matter of the greatest urgency to this Assembly as a whole, and one requiring our common efforts.
43. Finally, we are also painfully aware of the continuing danger presented by the racial policies of the Union of South Africa. It is a sad fact that this problem should reappear year after year on our agenda. Certainly, it is not beyond the wit and the capacity of this Assembly to find the ways and means to ease the social tensions in the Union of South Africa, both in the interests of the people there and in the interests of human relations in general.
44. As we consider these and many other problems affecting the welfare of all nations and peoples, we share a heavy responsibility and an obligation to all mankind. But such responsibility also implies a privilege of contributing to an enlightened world order based on mutual assistance and conciliation. It seems regrettable to my Government, therefore, that we have made no progress toward achieving universal membership in the United Nations, which concerns so many pending applicant States with which Indonesia has the best relations, and that we are thus deprived of the benefit of wider representative viewpoints. It is an unrealistic and anomalous situation, created by the seemingly irreconcilable attitudes of the major Powers to exclude governments representing hundreds of millions of peoples from an organization established on the principles of equal fights and international justice.
45. It is also our firm conviction that each nation should be represented by that government which has established actual and effective control within its national boundaries. We therefore continue to support the representation of the People’s Republic of China as the established Government of that nation. In the present period of instability in Asia, as a result of the emergence of new and independent nations with all their problems of political, economic and social adjustment, the representation of this major Power in the United Nations will certainly promote stability in Asia, and assist in the solution of problems affecting the entire world.
46. In the few years since the birth of this Organization, there has been a steady growth in international activities, both voluntary and governmental, which have enlightened the people of the world. For our part, we wish to express our deep appreciation for the tremendous work done in Indonesia by the various agencies of the United Nations, such as the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the World Health Organization (WHO), the United Nations Technical Assistance Mission to Indonesia (UNTAMI), the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), and others. This constantly widening horizon, extending far beyond the boundaries of each nation, has, I am sure, acted as a catalytic agent in the growth of international understanding and co-operation. In spite of the serious conflict in political ideologies, which has had at times a disproportionate effect upon our deliberations, there has developed a very large reservoir of goodwill and sympathetic understanding of the varying concepts which shape the life of individuals and nations throughout the world. As we preserve this diversity of concepts as a stimulating force toward progress, let us also search, in a spirit of understanding and co-operation, for ever new means of preserving peace and promoting the welfare of all mankind.
47. In this respect, an important phenomenon is the repeatedly expressed desire to re-establish the United Nations on a firmer basis through a revision of the United Nations Charter. Indeed, some of the defects of the Charter and its interpretations are strongly felt by many of us, including Indonesia, particularly with regard to the solution of colonial problems and the representation of Asian nations in the various organs of the United Nations. In today’s world of transition, in which the re-emergence of the people of Asia and Africa is perhaps the most significant event, the United Nations has to be flexible in order to function properly, and perhaps even in order to survive. This means, for example, that the countries of Asia should be better represented in the Security Council. Equally, we urge the Members of the United Nations to consider earnestly the need for a better representation of Asian countries in the Economic and Social Council, as well as in the other organs of the United Nations. It is the sincere wish of Indonesia that these suggestions may be taken into consideration, so that the United Nations may more firmly and surely meet the exigencies of a rapidly changing world.