First of all I should like to welcome the Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement being signed today in Washington by Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin. This show of reconciliation should be an example to parties in various conflicts the world over. As the United Nations celebrates its fiftieth anniversary, it is time to look to the future. The world is different. The end of the cold war, the spread of democracy, economic globalization, and the explosive growth of communications have led to far-reaching changes. Distances between people are shorter, national boundaries are more open and global interdependence is increasingly apparent. Security is no longer primarily a military matter. Security also implies building confidence, justice and equal opportunities to achieve lasting and sustainable peace, both within countries and through closer cooperation between countries and peoples. Such cooperation is needed at the regional and global levels. Further enlargement of the European Union would be a step towards a pan-European community for peace and security. We have a historic opportunity to create a united Europe, ultimately developing integration and cooperation to a point where war becomes inconceivable anywhere on our continent. In my vision, the European Union must be a genuine peace project, opening itself towards the rest of Europe and the rest of the world. At the same time, major threats to human security are global. They must be met by global action. Thus, we must revitalize the United Nations system, and adapt the Organization to the new reality. We need an effective instrument for global cooperation — for peace and security, for sustainable development, for justice and for a life in dignity for all. We are more convinced than ever that, with 50 years of experience, the United Nations is an indispensable tool 8 for achieving these goals. Fifty years of experience have strengthened our support for the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. In pursuit of these goals, United Nations personnel all over the world are making major contributions. They merit our deep gratitude. We pay special tribute to those who have lost their lives in the service of the world community and we extend our sympathy to their families. Appalling pictures of human suffering in Somalia, Rwanda and former Yugoslavia force their way into our homes. We see the United Nations humiliated. The apparent shortcomings of the world Organization have sown doubts about the feasibility of multilateral global cooperation. But the problems of the United Nations are in fact those of its Member States. They result from a combination of growing needs and expectations, on the one hand, and insufficient resources and a lack of political will, on the other. Sweden’s former Prime Minister, Olof Palme, developed this theme in a speech he gave from this rostrum 10 years ago at the special commemorative session to mark the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations. He said: “Let us not make the United Nations the scapegoat for problems that reflect our own shortcomings. It is not the United Nations that has not lived up to us; it is we who have not lived up to the ideals of the United Nations. It is by improving ourselves and our policies that we can improve the United Nations.” (Official Records of the General Assembly, Fortieth Session, Plenary Meetings, 43rd meeting, p. 64) Let us not curse the dark but instead shed light. Let us draw lessons both from the more difficult United Nations operations of recent years, and the more successful ones — El Salvador, Namibia, Mozambique and Cambodia. We have learned that we must take action at an early stage, before the catastrophe is a fact, before the genie of violence has escaped from the bottle. The United Nations Charter offers plenty of scope for preventive efforts. Action must be undertaken with the consent of the States concerned and their sovereignty must be respected. We appeal to Governments: in an internal conflict accept the assistance offered by the United Nations or by a regional organization. Prevention is seldom glamorous. It does not make headlines. Long-term, often tedious, work, with the focus on the fundamental causes of conflicts, must be backed up by deliberate political support. More resources must be earmarked for preventive measures. This is an investment that is needed if we are to avoid new tragedies. The Swedish Government is currently studying how to improve the United Nations capacity for early-warning and preventive action. We have learned to focus on the security and needs of human beings. Our goal must always be human coexistence, irrespective of cultural, religious or ethnic differences. We must never confine ourselves to drawing up maps that reflect the realities of power politics. We must never accept the evil of “ethnic cleansing”. If we do, we will ultimately threaten ourselves and our future. We have also learned the importance of the principles of international law and respect for human rights. Humanitarian law must be defended and reinforced and war crimes investigated. For example, we must find out what happened to those who disappeared in Srebrenica and Zepa. By bringing war criminals to trial we will enhance respect for humanitarian law. Perpetrators of cruelty, rape and torture must be made to understand that they cannot act out their perversions with impunity. We support the international criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, and the Rwanda tribunal. We have learned that a democratic culture provides greater potential for prevention and conflict resolution. Continued democratization within individual countries must be encouraged, underpinning a democratic international community. Sweden is honoured to be the host country of the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), which supports democratization processes throughout the world. The work of IDEA will be a valuable complement to the efforts of the United Nations and non-governmental organizations in this area. We have learned that troops must be made available for rapid-reaction operations when non-military measures have failed. As a conflict begins to escalate, every hour is precious. The lack of well-trained and well-equipped peace-keeping forces, ready to be deployed at short notice, may preclude successful action. Failure to achieve the proper execution of Security Council decisions due to lack of troops undermines respect for the United Nations. We welcome the efforts made — by Canada and Denmark for example — to improve the United Nations 9 stand-by capacity. Sweden will contribute an international force to achieve this objective. We have also learned that the Security Council mandates for United Nations peace operations must be more precisely formulated. Clear messages to the parties concerned are necessary. Unclear mandates may lead to ambiguous perceptions of the United Nations role in a conflict. We have learned the need to strengthen the United Nations ability to command and control peace operations. We welcome the reinforcements of the Secretariat that have taken place. Confusion occurs when troop-contributing countries intervene in the field through direct contacts with their own contingents. An effective forum for consultations with troop contributors could add to more effective management of peace operations. Such a forum should be established under the Security Council, preferably in accordance with Article 29 of the United Nations Charter. We have also learned that coordination of diplomatic, humanitarian and military efforts must be improved. Those who are to do the work in the field — humanitarian organizations and potential troop-contributing countries — should participate at an early stage in discussions on the implementation of mandates for complex United Nations peace operations. In this context, I would like to underline the importance of the United Nations Department of Humanitarian Affairs. Further, we have learned the need to involve non-governmental organizations in such humanitarian operations. We have learned the value of comprehensive United Nations efforts in which humanitarian assistance, peacemaking, peace-keeping and long-term peace-building are carried out simultaneously, thus mutually reinforcing each other. We have learned that monitoring respect for human rights can build confidence, thus allaying fears and preventing the use of force. We have learned the vital importance of regional organizations for peace and security, as foreseen in Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) is already playing a prominent role in conflict management in Europe. In other parts of the world — in Africa, Asia and the Americas — regional and subregional organizations are in a position to fulfil similar tasks, if necessary with the support of the United Nations. Military operations should be based on decisions taken by the United Nations, the OSCE or corresponding organizations in other regions. Other regional arrangements may have a role in organizing and executing such operations, but the bodies I have just mentioned should assume overall political and strategic responsibility. As we approach the twenty-first century, the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations offers an opportunity to establish a solid basis for improved global cooperation. Sweden welcomes the reform process now under way in the United Nations. To embrace multilateralism we must all rise above short-sighted interests and focus on what is best for global cooperation. We need political leadership from Governments if we are to make progress. Adapting the United Nations to the demands of the new era will involve hard work and difficult negotiations. We must not miss the opportunity provided by this anniversary. We need speedy progress. A clear timetable and a comprehensive framework are required for necessary change. The Commission on Global Governance, under the chairmanship of Sir Shridath Ramphal and the Prime Minister of Sweden, Ingvar Carlsson, offers several proposals for a stronger, more efficient and more democratic United Nations. The Commission’s report is a valuable contribution and a source of inspiration for United Nations reform. In order to be effective and more representative, the Security Council requires enlargement. We would welcome Germany and Japan as permanent members. At the same time, the need for geographical balance must be met. We want a more transparent Security Council. We want a composition and a decision-making process which prevent the division of the world into spheres of interest. The reform of the Security Council should be reviewed after 15 to 20 years with a view to maintaining its legitimacy and to achieving optimum flexibility. We meet at a time when the financial situation of the United Nations is critical. Last Monday the Nordic Foreign Ministers, in a joint statement, highlighted the threat to multilateralism caused by the present financial crisis. Nowhere is the crisis in multilateralism seen more clearly than in the unwillingness of some Member States to pay their assessed contributions to the United Nations in full, without conditions and on time. It is unacceptable that so far only one third of the Member States have paid 10 their regular-budget contributions for this year. Countries constantly demand more from the Organization, yet some of them are not willing to pay their membership fees. They apparently want others to foot the bill. Unilateral withholding of payment cannot be justified. Unilateral measures undermine multilateralism, particularly when taken by the single most important contributor. It is humiliating to see the Secretary-General spend time and energy begging for funds when the world community is demanding that the United Nations concentrate fully on the tasks which it was designed for. The United Nations needs revised scales of assessment to better reflect Member States’ ability to pay. Together with the United Kingdom, my Government has presented concrete proposals to address this problem. In the longer term, the resource base of the United Nations must be strengthened. The possibility of additional sources of funding needs also to be considered. Poverty and social misery are the greatest long-term threats to international peace and security. Some of the poorest countries have been caught in vicious circles of debt management. The United Nations must be given a stronger and better-defined role in the economic and social fields. A clearer division of work is called for in development assistance. Better coordination, more distinct priorities and more effective management by the United Nations development agencies are required. The governing boards of these agencies must be in a better position to play their leading role in the implementation of development assistance. Furthermore, we need improved forms of financing, with a higher proportion of assistance levied and negotiated in advance. More long-term planning of assistance is required, and the flow of funds must become more predictable. Sweden continues to be one of the largest voluntary contributors to United Nations economic and social activities. We expect other donor countries to assume their responsibilities to the same degree. As regards total development assistance, it must be possible for most donor countries to reach the United Nations target of 0.7 per cent of gross national product. The United Nations is contemporary with the atomic bomb. Today we no longer accept living under a nuclear threat. The indefinite extension of the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) was an important step in the right direction. We urge those few States which have not yet acceded to the NPT to do so without further delay, thus making it clear to the world community that they renounce the nuclear-weapon option. In May of this year the 180 States which have acceded to the NPT confirmed that the ultimate goal is to abolish nuclear weapons. International bans on chemical and biological weapons are already in place. It should be possible, if there is political will, to achieve within 10 to 15 years an agreement prohibiting nuclear weapons, thus making this threat to human existence a brief interlude in our history. A comprehensive test-ban treaty must be achieved in 1996, banning all nuclear tests for all time. In the meantime, we urge the nuclear-weapon States to refrain from all nuclear testing in order to ensure that faith in a future free from fear of a nuclear holocaust can be sustained. Every day, every hour, around the world, anti-personnel mines indiscriminately maim innocent civilians, many of them children. The ongoing Conference in Vienna to review the 1980 weapons Convention should result in a strongly and concretely reinforced regime against anti-personnel mines. This is a fundamental, moral and humanitarian imperative, and it is one step on the road to a total international ban on the use of anti-personnel mines. Moreover, substantial resources need to be invested in efficient mine clearance. Sweden is ready to contribute expertise and assist in the development of more advanced technology in this field. Furthermore, at the Vienna Conference, Sweden has proposed an additional protocol on blinding weapons. For more than a decade we have worked for explicit prohibition of blinding as a method of warfare. We now hope that it will be universally accepted. Security is a broad concept in today’s world. We know that poverty, social injustice, environmental degradation, rapid population growth and massive refugee flows create fear, disruption and conflicts. The major United Nations conferences on environment and development, human rights, population, social issues, women and human settlement all involved crucial questions of survival. We welcome the outcome of these conferences, the most recent of which was the Fourth World Conference on Women, held in Beijing. We 11 need to address both the root causes and the consequences of social injustice. Sustainable social and economic development can be achieved only with the full participation of women. To Sweden, multilateral cooperation is the most important instrument for mastering the crucial issues of survival. For this reason, we will continue to be an active Member of the United Nations. For this reason, we believe wholeheartedly that multilateralism is not only a matter of solidarity, but, indeed, a question of enlightened self- interest. As an expression of our strong commitment to the United Nations and to international peace and security, Sweden is a candidate for a seat on the Security Council in 1997-98. Our candidacy is a matter of highest priority for the Swedish Government and the Swedish people. It has been launched with the full support of the other four Nordic countries. As a member of the Council, we will make a constructive contribution to its work. Our dedication will be consistent with our record as a United Nations Member. Our support for United Nations ideals and activities is concrete, substantial and unwavering.