Poland

I convey my congratulations to Mr. Jan Kavan on his election to the presidency of this body. I should also like to express once again to Secretary-General Kofi Annan my highest appreciation and to assure him of my support. It is with satisfaction that Poland welcomes in our midst the newest Member of the United Nations, Switzerland, and looks forward to welcoming soon the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste. Wisława Szymborska, the Polish poet and Nobel Prize winner, wrote the following words dedicated to the victims of 11 September: “They plunged down from heights ablaze ... For them, I can do but two things — depict their flight and leave the last sentence unfinished ...” I believe that every one of us travelling to this brave city shared similar thoughts. All of us must have asked ourselves what is being expected of us, where we are today and what obligations we are to fulfil to ensure that such horror never happens again. No doubt, 11 September was a wake-up call for all of us. It may have not changed the world, but it certainly has fundamentally changed the way we perceive it. History has yet again given us the responsibility to face the challenge and to leave a better and safer world for future generations. But then, after all, is that not what we are really here for? Many of my colleague representatives touched upon that issue in recent days. The messages delivered here just four days ago by Secretary-General Kofi Annan and President George W. Bush are especially significant. In that regard, we also share the opinions expressed by a number of other speakers, in particular by the Prime Minister of Denmark, Mr. Anders Fogh Rasmussen, speaking in his capacity as the President of the European Union. Today the United Nations stands at a crossroads, facing a choice that needs to be made. Either we will find internal strength to stand up to the challenge and prove that the United Nations is more than a mere discussion forum or we will lose credibility forever. Once again, as was the case at the inception of the Organization over half a century ago, we must take the issue of security seriously, especially as terrorism has given it a new dimension. As a founding Member of the United Nations, Poland will continue to support all efforts aimed at preserving the Organization's unique position. We fully agree with what the Secretary-General said, that we can only succeed if we make full use of multilateral 21 institutions. We share the position of President Bush that the United Nations must be effective and successful and that its resolutions must be enforced. We are convinced that the Security Council must find enough strength in the nearest future to set the course for a decision-making process in the United Nations aimed at concrete action. This time, we are left with a very small margin. This is a test that international community has to pass. Failure would undermine both the integrity of the United Nations and the security of the whole world. I think the most appropriate motto for my further reflections on the future of the United Nations is contained in the Secretary-General's millennium report. He wrote that “If the international community were to create a new United Nations tomorrow, its make- up would surely be different from the one we have.” (A/54/2000, para. 352) It would be highly unfortunate if the millennium report, and especially its conclusions relating to the role of the United Nations and the reform of the Organization, were to fade into oblivion. Only the United Nations, given its exceptional legitimacy stemming from the universal character of both its membership and its mandate can — and, indeed, ought to — rise to the challenges posed to the international community. But for that to happen its prerogatives, rules and instruments would have to be geared to the needs of today and the threats of tomorrow. We should consider the elaboration of a document that would be neither a draft revision of the Charter nor a supplement to it. What I would like to suggest is that we make an attempt to acknowledge the new reality and try a new road. I am by no means being original or precedent-setting in calling for this. The Atlantic Charter and the New Atlantic Charter, the 1975 Helsinki Final Act and the 1990 Charter of Paris for a New Europe have all been there before. In other words, adapting an organization's mandate to make it relevant to new needs without actually revising its founding act has already been tested. There is a widespread sense that some provisions of the United Nations Charter having actually become a dead letter. That applies to both the substance of those provisions and to the procedural solutions they offer. Some of the Charter's provisions and organs have completed the tasks assigned to them and are now redundant. But the Organization does need new mechanisms to run peacekeeping operations. It is impossible to comprehend why we still keep in place clauses on “enemy States” while the United Nations has no regulations to properly address the problems related to its humanitarian interventions. There is a general acceptance of the need for clear lines to be drawn to mark new areas of responsibility for a number of important United Nations organs. The values, purposes and principles of the United Nations, enshrined in the Preamble and in Articles 1 and 2 of the Charter, have not lost their relevance. They have stood the test of time. A document that could be considered as a new act for the United Nations at the dawn of the twenty-first century could give fresh impetus to the principles, organs and mechanisms of the United Nations and make them more responsive to the needs and challenges that today dominate the life of the international community. Let me point out four groups of problems that should be tackled, starting with new threats to security. The Charter makes reference to threats traditionally raised by States. The Charter's provisions concerning the Security Council and its composition and instruments, as well as the other Chapters dealing with security, are now insufficient. That fact is borne out by the numerous developments of recent years, including the attack of 11 September and its consequences. Then there is acute poverty, which is evident in many parts of the world; chronic underdevelopment; pandemic disease; lack of education and medical care; and deepening differences in living conditions and developmental standards. All of these are unacceptable politically and morally. Human rights, the rule of law, democracy, good governance and civil society make up the third group of problems that I have been thinking about. The fourth group is made up of themes related to sustainable development. The focus on the protection of the human habitat, which is indispensable to the survival of the human race, and on the common heritage of mankind. Moreover, existing United Nations principles must be expanded, or new ones developed, in order for the Organization to pursue its actions along the following three dimensions, namely, in manifestations 22 of multilateralism in the work of the United Nations while reconciling broad representation and collectivism with effectiveness; in the subsidiarity of the Organization's work to better utilize the means and resources available to Member States, specifically with regard to United Nations regional arrangements; and, finally, in getting non-governmental entities, including private capital, involved in United Nations work in a way that will not detract from the democratic nature of the Organization nor erode its governmental character and efficiency while increasing its resources and effectiveness. I dare say that no country, group of countries or regional agencies meeting the Organization's criteria would be capable of taking up the totality of problems such an undertaking would have to address. Subject to appropriate consultations involving the membership of the Organization and the Secretary-General, we might wish to establish a “group of sages” made up of outstanding personalities. The group would draft an appropriate document that would then be reviewed and approved by Member States. That document should be politically binding in nature, which would make it complementary to the legal grounding contained in the Charter and provide a platform for the United Nations actions over the coming decades. We should think about the future and work on its foundations, but without losing sight of present-day achievements. The enactment of the Statute of the International Criminal Court is one such achievement. It turns a new page in both international relations and international law. It is Poland's desire for the treaty establishing the Court to become one of the most universal documents of its kind. We trust that the existing divergences between respective stands and views can be resolved through dialogue and compromise, according to international law. We have to act so as not to disappoint the hopes and expectations that the international community has placed in the Court. A year ago, the whole world joined together in an unprecedented demonstration of solidarity. Today we are more aware of the source and the character of the threat. We are also more capable of dealing with it. Poland has joined the ongoing anti-terrorist operation. Our soldiers are now deployed in Afghanistan, alongside their colleagues from other countries, and are doing their utmost to strengthen security there and to help raise the country from the rubble and ruin inflicted upon it by two decades of war and internal strife. For us that is natural, but we cannot avoid asking ourselves the question of whether we are any closer today to fulfilling the ideals towards which we set sail half a century ago. We now have another chance to revitalize solidarity and work together for values that are priceless both to us and to generations to come. Let us all create an axis of good that will bring back the proper meaning to the term we are so proud of, the United Nations.