Liberia

It is my pleasing duty to once again participate in this auspicious forum on behalf of Mr. Charles Ghankay Taylor, President of the Republic of Liberia, and to contribute to the debate of this General Assembly. 17 At the outset, I wish to congratulate Mr. Jan Kavan for his election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-seventh session and to assure him of the full cooperation and support of the Liberian delegation. I also seize this opportunity to commend the outgoing President, Mr. Han Seung-Soo of the Republic of Korea, for the efficient and capable manner in which he conducted the affairs of the fifty- sixth session of the General Assembly. It is my pleasing duty to congratulate the gallant people of East Timor on their relentless struggle for self-determination, leading to their independence this year. It is also a privilege for me and my Government to welcome and congratulate Switzerland on its admission to membership of the United Nations. A year ago, the world was plunged into deep sadness as a result of gruesome acts of terrorism committed right here in New York City and elsewhere in the United States of America. In the wake of these barbaric acts, we all entered a solemn collective pledge to battle terrorism wherever it may exist. Consequently, there was not only a strong condemnation of terrorism, but also firm support for the campaign against organized terrorist networks. We wish to reaffirm our support for Security Council resolution 1373 (2001) and the United Nations conventions and protocols aimed at combating terrorism. The Government of Liberia has forwarded those conventions not yet ratified to the Liberian National Legislature for ratification. The consolidated and coordinated response necessitated by terrorist attacks requires a firm commitment to ensuring the passage of comprehensive legislations to meet the new dimensions of terrorism, the adoption of strict financial control regulations to curtail funding for terrorism, the strengthening of customs and immigration controls, the strict enforcement of laws regulating arms traffic, and the liberalization of the extradition conditions for persons suspected of engaging in terrorism. In the global war against terrorism, we must further act to combat the root causes of terrorism. This means that there is a need to take concrete steps to combat deprivation, alienation, rejection, misery and poverty. Recent developments in the Middle East involving Israel and the Palestinians are a cause for grave concern, requiring urgent and concrete actions to halt violence in that region. Both the Israelis and Palestinians have justified claims, which must be resolved in a manner other than the use of excessive violence. Violence cannot produce peace, neither can it be an arbiter of claims. My Government is in full support of constructive efforts that will help both sides to return to political dialogue in their search for a negotiated settlement. We therefore urge all stakeholders and facilitators of the Middle East peace process to undertake meaningful actions that will reduce the current level of antagonism and violence in the region and to avoid any further aggravation of the situation in the Middle East. As we say in Liberia, “Let us not use fire to put out a fire.” At the formation of the United Nations 57 years ago, most of Africa was still under colonial rule and therefore Africa's participation in the creation of a global mechanism for collective security was limited to Liberia, Ethiopia, Egypt and apartheid South Africa. Today, Africa has formed itself into the African Union and represents over 25 per cent of the membership of the United Nations. Despite this fact, and considering that most of the conflicts under consideration by the Security Council are African conflicts, the continent's participation in the deliberations of the Security Council is grossly limited to non-permanent representation with no right of veto. In essence, Africa has no real voice in our world body even as it deliberates on issues affecting our very existence as a continent. This situation must change. Africa's contribution to collective security cannot be limited to participation in a debate that has no binding effect on decisions taken by the post-war Powers. Building upon the Organization of African Unity's Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution, the African Union has established a Peace and Security Council to promote peace, security and stability in Africa, anticipate and prevent conflict, develop a common defence policy, and promote and implement peace-building and post- conflict reconstruction activities. That organ will provide the capacity for the management of African conflicts by Africans and will thus form the initial basis for Africa's contribution to collective peace and security. 18 Many African States, including Liberia, have provided peacekeepers to United Nations-mandated peacekeeping missions around the world. Africa has come of age to contribute to international peace and security, not only because Africa has the capacity to do so, but also, more importantly, because Africa is a principal stakeholder in international peace and security. Liberia therefore calls for the permanent representation of Africa on the Security Council with the right of veto. This is the resolve of all Africans. The Government of Liberia considers the present sanctions regime imposed on Liberia through Security Council resolutions 1343 (2001) and 1408 (2002) as punitive and unjust. Not only are the sanctions unjust, but they have also created a grave humanitarian crisis throughout the country. Although the Government of Liberia has always regarded as unjust, unjustified and punitive the imposition of United Nations sanctions on the country, it has nevertheless consistently cooperated with the Security Council, thus upholding that organ's integrity. The Government of Liberia is in full compliance with the demands contained in paragraph 2(a) to (d) of Security Council resolution 1343 (2001). These demands constitute the only conditions for the lifting of the sanctions on Liberia, as provided for in paragraph 6 of resolution 1408 (2002). Essentially, these demands called for the cessation of support for the Revolutionary United Front (RUF), intended to lead to progress in the peace process in Sierra Leone. In order to ensure compliance with these demands, the resolution imposed several punitive sanctions on Liberia. No one can dispute the fact that peace has been restored to Sierra Leone and that the RUF no longer exists. The defunct RUF has been demobilized and disarmed by the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL). The RUF was transformed into a political party, the Revolutionary United Front Party (RUFP), which contested the elections in Sierra Leone on 14 April 2002. All Sierra Leoneans, including the RUFP, have accepted the results of the elections without any challenge to the democratically elected Government of Sierra Leone. The Government of Liberia was represented at the inauguration of the President of Sierra Leone and fully recognizes the Government of President Alhaji Ahmad Tejan Kabbah as the legitimate and democratically elected Government of Sierra Leone. Liberia is host to many Sierra Leonean refugees. The policy of the Government of Liberia has been to encourage the voluntary repatriation of all Sierra Leonean refugees, in keeping with relevant international conventions. To this end, the Government of Liberia has facilitated the repatriation of Sierra Leonean refugees by the Government of Sierra Leone and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), a process that is ongoing. Since February of this year, 12,500 Sierra Leonean refugees have been repatriated to Sierra Leone. Another 5,000 have registered for repatriation with the embassy of Sierra Leone in Monrovia and UNHCR. At present, there are 25,000 Sierra Leonean refugees still residing in Liberia under the care of UNHCR. How is it conceivable that Liberia can today continue to be punished by the Security Council on allegations of supporting a non-existent RUF in a non- existent war in Sierra Leone, while the Liberian Government provides protection for thousands of Sierra Leonean refugees in Liberia? It is conceivable because of the failure to differentiate between demands and punitive sanctions. The condition for the lifting of the sanctions, according to the resolution, is compliance with the demands. However, the sanctions have not been lifted because the focus is not on the condition precedent for its lifting, but on the sanctions themselves, as though punitive sanctions were ends in themselves. It is illogical to suggest that the condition required for lifting the sanctions is the sanctions themselves. To assert that would suggest that one would be rewarded with a privilege if one refrained from exercising that privilege. It is therefore confusing to speak in terms of alleged violations of the sanctions as though they were indicators of compliance with the demands, when, in fact, it is compliance with the specific demands of the Security Council resolution that constitutes the only condition for lifting the sanctions. In its last report on Liberia, the United Nations Panel of Experts rightfully raised the moral dilemma regarding the continuance of sanctions against Liberia when the war in Sierra Leone was over. However, that moral dilemma was not a dilemma for those subjecting Liberia to unjust punitive sanctions, as morality had no place in their political consideration. 19 If regional peace and security are the objectives of the victimization of Liberia, how, then, do we explain the conspiracy of silence surrounding the prevailing war in Liberia waged by externally supported armed non-State actors? Can one reasonably expect peace to be consolidated in Sierra Leone or maintained in the Mano River Union region when aggression against Liberia is left unchecked? What accounts for that conspiracy? Is it due to double standards or to malice? The current arms embargo imposed on Liberia in the midst of a war waged against Liberia by externally supported armed non-State actors has caused the displacement of a third of the population, resulting in a humanitarian crisis in the country. The arms embargo has encouraged the war against Liberia because of the perceived weakness of the Government to effectively defend its territory. Furthermore, it should be noted that the countries providing arms and ammunition to the non-State actors operating in Liberia are in violation of the arms embargo, and the Security Council cannot ignore their actions. The arms embargo imposed on Liberia is a flagrant violation of Liberia's inherent right under Article 51 of the Charter to defend itself against armed attacks. That violation has not only led to impairment of the Government's capacity to defend the nation; it has also contributed to the resulting humanitarian crisis that is the cause of immense human suffering in Liberia. The combined impact of the sanctions and the ongoing war in Liberia is telling on every aspect of life in the country. The sanctions have exacerbated the problem of a fragile economy and have imposed suffering on an already vulnerable population. According to statistics of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the unemployment rate in Liberia is estimated at 85 per cent, while 80 per cent of the population lives below the poverty line. Donor assistance to United Nations specialized agencies and non-governmental organizations operating in Liberia has substantially declined since the imposition of sanctions. The education and health sectors have suffered serious disruptions since the imposition of sanctions. Over 60 per cent of the children between the ages of 5 and 14 years were in school in 2000, compared with about 45 per cent today. Infant mortality and life expectancy rates have significantly deteriorated. Infant mortality, which was 117 per 1,000 births in the year 2000, is now estimated at over 130, while life expectancy has declined from 54 to 47. Of the 16 functioning hospitals and 25 health centres that were operating in the country in 2000, only 11 hospitals and 15 health centres are still operating. At present, there are 59,370 persons per doctor. Prior to the sanctions, over 100,000 Liberians were engaged in artisanal mining of diamonds, either as operators or labourers. Taking into consideration the average size of the extended family, which is 7, that brings the number of Liberians directly or indirectly impacted by the Security Council ban on Liberian diamonds to more than 700,000. A student at the University of Liberia wrote the following in an assignment paper: “The United Nations euphemism ‘selective sanctions' is a laughable oxymoron, if not a myth. The attempt to strangulate and destroy the Liberian Government can in no way provide a foolproof assurance that will guarantee the immunity of ordinary Liberians from such strangulation ... To regard the sanctions as selective, one should, firstly, bury his conscience to the plight of Liberians in their everyday living. Sanctions are not selective when Liberians are denied income and employment opportunities, or when primeval darkness cannot become obsolete in the face of modernity ... It is time, high time, that the United Nations abandon its destruction of the Liberian nation State.” I join my compatriot in calling on the Security Council to bring an end to the suffering and victimization of Liberians by acting urgently to lift all sanctions imposed on our vulnerable country. Despite the current state of emergency and critical conditions created as a result of United Nations sanctions and the war waged by externally supported armed non-State actors, the Government of Liberia remains committed to democracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights, national reconciliation and national unity. To that end, a national reconciliation conference has been organized by a steering committee comprised of persons representing a cross section of Liberian society. The first national plenary of the conference was launched on 24 August 2002. The conference was divided into five thematic subgroups: 20 finance and management, culture and history, good governance, education and communication, and national security. Current diplomatic initiatives undertaken to bring about peace in Liberia are proceeding at two levels, that of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and that of Mano River Union, which are parallel processes. At the ECOWAS level, the objective of the process is the facilitation of a peace process, especially with regard to bringing an end to the activities of armed non-State actors, leading to an end to the ongoing war inside Liberia. At the Mano River Union level, the objective of the process is to build confidence among member States of the Mano River Union, the development of political will to ensure good neighbourliness and the consequent implementation of all decisions and protocols of the Mano River Union, including those decisions taken subsequent to the Moroccan initiative. His Majesty the King of Morocco, who has maintained consultations with the United Nations and major Powers, currently facilitates that process. Those parallel initiatives complement each other and are not mutually exclusive. Settlement of the internal conflict requires the cooperation of neighbouring States. The destabilization of Liberia by armed non-State actors and the resultant humanitarian crisis have been and continue to be sustained by external support, and no internal settlement can be sustained in the absence of the cooperation of the neighbouring States of the Mano River Union and ECOWAS. It is therefore important to encourage the Moroccan and ECOWAS initiatives as complementary efforts and not to perceive those efforts as working at cross purposes. The restoration of peace and security to Liberia can only be facilitated by ending the activities of armed non-State actors, who sustain their activities through external support. That would, therefore, require, as an essential beginning, the cutting off of all external support to armed non-State actors. The achievement of that objective will require that the Mano River Union member States adhere to the Non-Aggression and Security Cooperation Treaty of the Mano River Union, implement the 15th protocol to the Declaration of the Mano River Union and implement all Mano River Union decisions pursuant to the provisions of the 15th protocol and those arising from the Moroccan initiative. Fundamental among those decisions is the decision of the Joint Security Committee, taken in Conakry, Republic of Guinea, on 10 September 2001, regarding the endemic problems of dissidents. That decision called for the apprehension and repatriation to their country of origin of all individuals, armed groups and other paramilitary forces involved in the destabilization of member States. The ongoing war waged by externally supported armed non-State actors against the democratically elected Government of Liberia is a result of the total disregard and violation of the agreements and decisions of the Mano River Union. That war must be brought to an end. The decision of the Mano River Union on the endemic problems of dissidents was antecedent to the end of the war in Sierra Leone and intended to put an end to the destabilization of the region by armed non- State actors and to create a mechanism for sustainable peace and security within the Mano River Union region. It is, therefore, imperative that no ambiguous signals are sent to the armed non-State actors who are currently destabilizing Liberia; otherwise, the efforts of the Mano River Union, the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone and the international community as a whole to consolidate peace and security would be futile, and would thus undermine the security of the entire region. It is, therefore, imperative that all armed non-State actors be fully disarmed as an integral part of the efforts of the international community to restore peace to the Mano River Union region. The consistent denial of the United Nations to admit the Republic of China on Taiwan into this world body is a violation of Article 4 of the Charter, which specifically states that “Membership in the United Nations is open to all other peace-loving States which accept the obligations contained in the present Charter and, in the judgement of the Organization, are able and willing to carry out these obligations.” The 23 million peace-loving people of the Republic of China deserve to be represented in the United Nations. They have demonstrated their capacity and willingness fully to live up to the obligations of States Members of the United Nations, as they have demonstrated in other world bodies. It is therefore the conviction of the Liberian Government that the Republic of China should be allowed representation and participation in this world body. The Liberian Government continues to hold the view that it is the 21 Chinese people themselves, under the principles of democracy and of respect for human rights, who will one day resolve the question of Chinese reunification. Liberia encourages the continuation of the cross-straits dialogue in the interest of the greater good of the Chinese people. Some scholars are of the view that the calculated objective of some sanctions is the achievement of a threshold of domestic suffering that will cause the people to rise up and overthrow their Government. If this is true, then it is also true that some sanctions are not intended to achieve compliance with United Nations demands, but to precipitate regime change through rebellion against internal conditions of suffering caused by sanctions. This may also explain the indifference and insensitivity to the suffering of people living in States under sanctions. In the case of Liberia, the call for a study of the potential impact of sanctions took effect only after the imposition of sanctions, which gave an appearance of some humanitarian concern for the people of Liberia. Nevertheless, after 16 months of the application of punitive sanctions against Liberia, the Security Council is still trying to determine the impact of its sanctions on our people. Will death represent an impact sufficient to bring about some form of moral consternation and restraint? But for every day that a Liberian must face the agony of sanctions, the integrity of the United Nations is undermined and its conscience put to the test. The Liberian people consider their current suffering at the hands of the Security Council a betrayal of the dream and aspiration which inspired their forefathers to join in the formation of the United Nations. With the benefit of hindsight, the Government would have toiled in anguish as it participated in the San Francisco Conference in 1945; not in doubt of the principles we ascribed to, but in fear of the potential to distort those sacred principles. Yet we remain resolute and true to the ideals and principles enshrined in the Charter, and we commit ourselves to working with unrelenting perseverance for the realization of peace, freedom, liberty and justice for all peoples.