125. Now more than ever man is facing the challenge of changing times. Through the concept of Heraclitus "all is flux, nothing is stationary is not a new one, it is a fact that the world is now moving faster than ever towards new forms of social, political and economic life. We are standing between the downfall of a passing era and the dawn of the atomic age.
126. In this predominantly transitional period, the international community is faced with problems of exceptional gravity and far-reaching implications. Some of these problems are related to the liquidation of the past. Others are concerned with the building-up of the future. In many cases these two aspects are interrelated and constitute two different facets of the same issue.
127. In dealing with such problems there are two ways of approach: the static way aims mainly at the preservation of the past and resists the pressures even for normal evolution and orderly change; the dynamic way brings the new forces into action in an effort to destroy the past and shape the future as envisioned by a great section of the peoples of the world.
128. It is clear that a synthesis of these two ways of approach offers the only possibility of dealing efficiently and constructively with this problem. As it will never be possible to save the past, it is important to save from destruction, to the benefit of all, the permanent values and the material accomplishments of the past. This can be achieved only if both the peoples and the Governments realize that they have to respond with understanding and good will to the claims and the expectations surging from the hearts of the peoples and to consent to make sacrifices to this end.
129. A great European statesman who lived some fifty years ago enunciated this fundamental truth when he sold that from the past we should keep the flame and throw away the ashes. It Is sad to see that on many occasions there Is a tendency to keep the ashes and to put out the flame. Such a tendency Is responsible, to a certain extent, for the existing tensions, and it prevents the risk that, should it persist, it might lead to major misunderstandings and even to conflicts.
130. In the present unstable and constantly changing predicament, it becomes even more necessary for the international community to spot all the existing points of friction and sores and to keep under close attention and control all the major unsettled problems. Those problems constitute potential dangers to the peace and security of the world, even when they are not in an eruptive state.
131. We all know that many very serious problems remain unsolved. The existing state of affairs creates, in many instances, a false impression of stability. Anything can break the precarious equilibrium and revitalize the underlying crisis. To mention but one example we may say that the present situation in the Formosa Strait could have been prevented had the Peking Government, instead of resorting to force, initiated the proper action to bring about a negotiated settlement of the problem. Now, an emergency treatment is always a more dangerous and complicated enterprise.
132. In this connexion I would like to refer to the valuable suggestion made by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Norway in his highly interesting statement from this rostrum a few days ago [765th meeting], Mr. Lange submitted the idea of affording the Powers directly concerned — should the present talks in Warsaw be inconclusive — the assistance of a small group pf nations acceptable to the parties or the assistance of our Secretary-General, with a view to bringing about a peaceful settlement. My delegation welcomes this suggestion and considers that under the circumstances it deserves to retain the attention of the Assembly.
133. There are many other, so to say, dormant problems. Who is not aware of the fact that without the reunification of Germany and the liquidation of the present abnormal situation it will not be possible to establish conditions of stable peace in Europe?
134. Against this rather dark background of anxiety and insecurity, enhanced by the accumulation of atomic and hydrogen weapons, the United Nations offers a brighter prospect. This world Organization makes it possible for the presence and the will of almost all the peoples of the earth to stand up against adventures and aggression. As each year goes by it becomes more evident that the United Nations constitutes, in the last analysis, the international instance before which are brought all the differences that may endanger peace. A universal conscience is gradually developing throughout the world. In all the case sunder dispute, and regardless of the geographical areas in which they may occur, this universal conscience weighs on the chances of war and peace and passes judgement on the good and the bad of the opposing theses. Despite its weaknesses and limitations, the United Nations offers the only means of expression of this universal conscience, which has thus come to be no longer an abstraction but a living political factor for peace.
135. As I have just said, the United Nations stands, to a certain degree, in the way of war, But the barrier is still frail. In this respect the possibilities of the United Nations are still limited. We must pursue our efforts with a view to ensuring peace and to reinforcing international security. Among these efforts disarmament — or, more properly said, the limitation of armaments — is by far the most Important, it la necessary to find means to reactivate the machinery for studies and negotiations. The United Nations must pull disarmament out of the quicksands in which it Is actually sinking. The Greek delegation is ready to place its modest contribution at the service of any initiative aiming at this goal.
136. It is encouraging to note that the Conference of Experts held in Geneva has yielded satisfactory results. We can now look forward with hope to an agreement on the suspension of experimental atomic explosions.
137. My delegation would earnestly like to see the question of the creation of a permanent United Nations police force studied without delay. The creation of such a force, ready to enter into action in any part of the world, would have a twofold effect: on the one hand, it would have a preventive function by discouraging the potential aggressors and the troublemakers; on the other hand, it would provide immediate and real help to those recognized by the United Nations as in need of this help. The idea of a "fire-brigade", not a fighting force, should be, in our opinion, at the root of any initial project for the creation of a permanent United Nations force.
138. There is so little freedom and justice in the world and so much talk about them. This might well shake the faith which the peoples have placed in these two great human values. It could even destroy their illusions about them. Yet, in the rather dim picture of today's world there are some bright points.
139. We particularly rejoice at the great progress accomplished by the peoples of Africa. Something great and constructive is at present going on in that continent. As everywhere else in the world, in the continent of Africa too, which is both old and young, economic development and political emancipation go hand in hand. This is why it is our most fervent hope that the economic measures taken by our Organization for the well-being of the African peoples, and particularly the Economic Commission for Africa, will bear all the fruits we expect of them. We also hope that racial discrimination, which is still a factor troubling international relations on that continent, will soon disappear.
140. There is no longer any doubt that colonialism has now entered the phase of its final liquidation. In many parts of the world the regime of colonial domination is on its way out. Everywhere the peoples are waking up and, in spite of the obstacles and delays, they are well on the way to national emancipation. In certain areas the change is manifest. The negative attitudes of yesterday are being succeeded by Initiatives full of light and courage. To quote but one example — an example, however, which is particularly significant — I must say that it is with gratification that we note the Initiative of the French Government regarding the Non-Self-Governing Territories administered by France. Only yesterday France was still hesitating. It gave evasive replies. Today France has granted the peoples of its colonies the possibility of exercising their right to determine freely their destiny.
141. It is true that the solution of the Algerian crisis, which Is causing so much bloodshed, is still not in sight. However, we consider that the prospects are more hopeful now. The Algerian people has the right to determine freely its own future, France cannot but acquiesce to the demand for freedom of the Algerians. Both the French and the Algerians will then find their way to the substitution of friendship and co-operation for strife and bloodshed.
142. We fervently hope that Indonesia and the Netherlands, friends of my country, will find a settlement for their conflicting views regarding the question of West Irian.
143. The situation in the Middle East and the difficulties arising in that region derive mainly from the liquidation of the past. For what gives rise in the Middle East to the successive crises, through which we all live, is less the existence of irretrievable differences between the Arab States than the fear of the offensive return of- colonialism, which exasperates the nationalism of the Arab countries and leads them to reactions which are perfectly understandable. The day when the methods of the past are abavidoned, the day when the interests and the freedom of the Arabs are given treatment equal to that which we grant to our own Interests and freedom, then will the Middle East enter into a period of stability and peace, a peace which could be no other than that of the consolidation of the Arab positions within the frame of the Arab world. This world, such as we know it, will remain staunchly independent and completely Impenetrable to foreign interferences and political influences, but it will always recognize the legitimate interests of ail. It is mainly in this sense that we value the resolution [1237 (ES-III)] adopted by the General Assembly at its third emergency special session, a resolution which goes to the credit of the United Nations as one of its positive accomplishments; for the unanimous agreement of all the Arab States in the political field and the hopeful and constructive message of President Eisenhower in the economic field are, in our opinion, valuable achievements of that session.
144. Much has been said in the course of this general debate about the necessity of promoting international co-operation by the display of a greater sense of understanding and tolerance in international relations. We do believe that nothing can stand in the way of friendly co-operation between nations if such co-operation is based on mutual respect and confidence. In the course of its long history, Greece has experienced and tested the soundness of this principle.
145. During the Second World War, the day when Italy, rejecting the fascist yoke, joined the free nations in their struggle against totalitarianism, the Greek people, which was one of the first victims of fascist aggression, Initiated, in co-operation with the Italian people, a new era in the field of Greco-Italian relations. Since then, the two peoples have been living in close and sincere friendship.
146. Another example, conveying indications of a more general character and Interest, is contained in the present state of relations between Greece and Yugoslavia. While the world is divided in two camps and the cold war goes on between the communist countries and the liberal ones, ties of close friendship and fruitful co-operation link Greece and Yugoslavia in spite of the fact that they belong to radically different social systems and regimes, The concept of sincere mutual respect and the principle of non-interference constitute the foundations of such an achievement, which is beneficial both to Greece and to Yugoslavia. The observance of such a concept is necessary for the maintenance of good and friendly relations, even in the case of countries with identical social and political regimes. Whenever principles are not upheld and mutual respect is not properly shown, it is only natural to see the relations between nations strained to the detriment of peace.
147. I now turn to the problem of Cyprus. In his statement before this Assembly [758th meeting], the Foreign Minister of the United Kingdom, Mr. Selwyn Lloyd, presented the views and plans of his Government on Cyprus. We all know that, upon the conclusion of the Second World War, the United Kingdom responded to the wishes of many dependent peoples in Asia and Africa by granting them freedom and self-determination. It is, indeed, sad to see that the British Government is unreasonably still denying to the Cypriots these same rights to which they are no less entitled. What is more, the British Government persists in considering the question of Cyprus through the prism of aims and purposes alien to the people of the island.
148. The Cyprus problem is now reaching a critical point. For years the Cypriots have striven for their freedom. They now have to face the deadly threat of seeing their island carved into pieces, in order to satisfy unreasonable expansionist claims. This, seen in perspective, is the grim picture to which the so- called new British seven-year plan leads. The British Foreign Minister extolled what he claimed to be the virtues of this plan in a very able but unrevealing way. He was silent on the fact that in its essentials this divisive plan sets the cast for the partition of the island between three Governments. It calls upon two of these Governments to share in the administration of Cyprus by appointing government representatives.
148. The Greek Government, as was natural, refused to appoint such a representative. The appointment of a Turkish representative in the circumstances is a one-sided arrangement. Furthermore, any functions of any nature which he may be called upon to exercise in the affairs of the island would be contrary to Article 27 of the Treaty of Lausanne, which is specific on the point.
150. To this I wish to add that the British plan in effect puts on an equal footing the 80 per cent of the Greek majority and the 17 per cent of the Turkish minority. The British Foreign Minister's allegation that this solution is only temporary, leaving its final issue open, is contradicted by the plan itself which prejudges the future by preparing partition. The British thesis was and still is that there are three Governments having interests in Cyprus, the Governments of Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom Cyprus should therefore be used to satisfy the interests of these three Governments. On this point may I submit the following:
151. First, the Governments of Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom are not the only ones having interests related to Cyprus. If we had to consider the problem from the viewpoint of the interests of outside parties, we must admit that other Governments too, within the region, have in certain respects even greater interests which should be taken into account. This makes it clear that the thesis founded on the interests of foreign factors runs counter to reality and fact.
152. Secondly, if foreign factors have interests, it is the population of Cyprus alone that has the rights. These rights are established by the Charter. Neither the Cypriots nor any other population living in a Non-Self-Governing Territory can be dispossessed of them by the administering Power in the interest of any third party. The future of Cyprus is a matter for its own people. Any solution, any compromise or adjustment between the rights of the Greek majority and those of the Turkish minority which might be advisable: in a spirit of good will and co-operation should be worked out in Cyprus by its people without the interference of outside parties and the injection of foreign claims.
153. Thirdly, there is also another point of importance on which I wish to draw the particular attention of the Members of this Assembly. The British Foreign Minister contended that the Cyprus question is a tripartite problem. If it is so, logically a tripartite problem cannot be settled otherwise than by a tripartite agreement. Now, Mr. Selwyn Lloyd stated from this rostrum [758th meeting] that his Government intends to put into effect its seven-year plan in spite of the fact that Greece and the Greek Cypriots have rejected it and oppose its implementation. This makes it abundantly clear that Prime Minister Macmillan's "partnership" plan aims at imposing the will of two parties against that of the third and is inconsistent even with the thesis of tripartite agreement.
154. If the British Government persists in carrying out its seven-year plan without the consent of the Cypriots, it will have to rely for its implementation solely on repression and police action. This will make things even worse and will amount to a total disregard of the United Nations. It would have been only too natural for the United Kingdom to wait for the advice and recommendations of the General Assembly, as the item is already on its agenda.
155. As Mr. Selwyn Lloyd laid emphasis on the efforts made by the British Government to work out a solution acceptable to all, I would like to point out that the Cypriots, as well as the Greek Government, showed the greatest measure of moderation in order to facilitate agreement. Neither Mr. Macmillan, who came to Athens to discuss Cyprus, nor Mr. Selwyn Lloyd met with an uncompromising spirit from the Greek side.
156. The recent proposals made by Archbishop Makarios to the British Government for the independence of Cyprus, under, the guarantee of the United Nations, after a period of self-government, offer a fair, constructive and conciliatory way of solving the problem in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter. By these proposals, the people of Cyprus — both Greeks and Turks — are invited to work together as Cypriots for the progress and welfare of their island to their common benefit, while Mr. Macmillan's plan by enforcing division keeps differences and antagonism alive. The Greek Governement has signified its consent to the Makarios plan in a statement by the Prime Minister, Mr. Karamanlis, who said on 29 September 1958: "The Greek Government have never laid territorial claims to Cyprus. They did, however, claim freedom for the Cypriot people. It is in this spirit that the issue of self-determination for the people of Cyprus was raised by the Greek Government on the international level." Greece has repeatedly made it clear that it would willingly abide by any decision of the people of Cyprus. It promptly does so now.
157. Independence of Cyprus is a United Nations solution consistent with the spirit of our times. Such a solution surely ought to be acceptable to the British nation. The fact that it has been rejected shows a regrettable and unjustifiable intransigence by the British Government. To this I wish to add that so far, conciliatory initiatives undertaken by factors highly qualified and genuinely interested in finding a more reasonable and just course of action met with the same intransigent spirit by the Government of the United Kingdom. One wonders whether the British Government is actually interested in reaching a negotiated settlement, or whether it prefers to resort to force in order to impose a plan contrary to the will of the overwhelming majority of the people of Cyprus.
158. A few days ago the Foreign Minister of Turkey dwelt at some length from this rostrum on the Cyprus issue [756th meeting]. It is not astonishing that his views, specially those concerning the British seven-year plan, were parallel to those of his British colleague. Thus, by replying to the British contentions we are also replying to the Turkish ones.
159. I must, however, comment briefly on some additional specific points made by Mr. Zorlu. The Turkish Foreign Minister, hi presenting the case of the Turkish minority in Cyprus said: "Part of the population of Cyprus is composed of Greeks, whose leaders desire union with Greece. The other part of the population is composed of Turks, who wish to join Turkey and who do not accept to be placed under Greek rule." [756th meeting. para. 59] Mr. Zorlu, however, failed to mention that the Greek Cypriots constitute the 80 per cent majority of the population of the island and that the Turkish Cypriots are a minority of only 17 per cent. This is not a matter of detail. According to international law and practice, minorities are entitled to minority rights and guarantees. They cannot claim for themselves majority rights. Is there any State in the world which would agree to hand out majority rights to minorities? Is there any Government which would be disposed to share in the responsibility of creating any precedent in favour of such an extravagant claim?
160. May I quote, in this respect, what the representative of Ghana, Mr. Ako-Adjei, said in the general debate: "When we call for an end to colonialism, therefore, we are doing no more than stating our belief and our firm conviction that the fact of a vast African majority should be accepted as the only basis of Government in Africa." [757th meeting, para. 8]. "Minorities naturally fear majority rule, and we believe that safeguards and guarantees of minority rights are needed in Africa, just as they are needed in other parts of the world. "The Africans are themselves conscious of the fact that denial of safeguards and guarantees of minority rights will bring about difficulties that may affect their own economic and social progress. However, this should not be used as an excuse for suppressing majority rights in Africa." [Ibid., para. 9.]
161. A second point made by the representative of Turkey is that the Cypriots are not a nation and cannot, therefore, avail themselves of the natural course of self-government and independence provided by the Charter, May I submit that it would be improper for anyone to say when a population is a nation and when it is not. This is a matter for the population itself. We must, furthermore, not lose sight of the fact that the Charter guarantees self- government and independence for the population of every Non-Self-Governing Territory. In this respect, I must say that it was most surprising to hear the Foreign Minister of Turkey state: "the slogan of independence has been brought forth occasionally by Greek extremist elements." [756th meeting, para. 60.]
162. In the first place, the concept of independence is certainly not a slogan, but the ideal of all peoples for which the Charter adequately provides. As for the allegation that Greek extremists have brought out the idea, it is well known that independence for Cyprus was suggested as far back as 1954 by many delegations, and, in particular, by so prominent a personality as the representative of India, Mr. Krishna Menon, who, after all, is neither a Greek nor an extremist. On 4 October 1955, Mr. Menon said in this hall: "Our position with regard to Cyprus is that the Cypriot nation is entitled to its independence in the same way as we are." [533rd meeting, para. 105.]
163. In concluding on this point, I wish to say that we fully agree with the Foreign Minister of Turkey when he stresses the necessity for co-operation between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and between Greece and Turkey for the peaceful solution of the Cyprus issue. But I wish to point out that such cooperation should be of a constructive and not a disruptive nature. It should aim at uniting and not splitting. It should be unity and not partition, the unity that has always existed in the island. This unity has been disturbed recently for political reasons and certainly not by the fault of the Greek Cypriots. These are facts that can be easily ascertained by an objective international investigation.
164. Within the boundaries of their island, independently of their respective origin and without any intention to dominate each other, the Cypriots should he called to work out, in freedom, the betterment of their lot and the progress of their common Cypriot community.
165. Concurrently Greece and Turkey, by avoiding any selfish interference and by reactivating their co operation, could create an atmosphere propitious to the co-operation of the Cypriots. It is in this way they will prove that they have no selfish aims but are genuinely interested in the welfare of the island. Any other course of action risks to further envenom the already very tense situation and will serve neither the interests of Cyprus, nor those of Greece and Turkey, nor the cause of peace.