48. A year ago, from this very rostrum, I had the honour to outline for the benefit of the General Assembly [697th meeting] the principles on which the foreign policy of Poland is based. Those principles have remained unchanged, and I therefore feel that I can turn to the main conclusions to be drawn from the developments which have taken place in the international situation during the past year. I would sum them up by saying that the doctrine of power politics has reached a critical stage, and that the inescapable historical necessity of peaceful coexistence between peoples has been confirmed.
49. The past year has demonstrated quite clearly the rapid and inexorable growth of two processes characteristic of our times — the development of Socialism and the liberation of dependent peoples. We have witnessed the failure of all attempts to oppose those processes by force. During the year we have seen too that peaceful coexistence is becoming an indispensable factor in international life in our time.
50. Peaceful coexistence is one of the main principles of Polish foreign policy. Together with the other Socialist countries we are striving to ensure that this ideal will prevail. In so doing we find ourselves in company with many other countries which have carefully considered the interests of their peoples and the course of events, and have reached the same inescapable conclusions. On the basis of this principle of coexistence we are ready to work together with everyone, regardless of political convictions and sympathies, and constructive coexistence is the policy we follow in practice.
51. We have seen with deep satisfaction that our activity on the International scene has helped to confirm to the whole world that there is an unmistakable yearning for a relaxation of tension and for coexistence, which is shared by a very wide variety of people, in the West as elsewhere, I have particularly in mind the general stir caused by the proposal to set up a nuclear weapon-free zone in Europe. The rapid growth of this trend towards coexistence is one of the most important developments within Western communities at this moment of crisis in power politics. If that trend should become world-wide, it could be a factor of considerable importance in the general search for constructive solutions to the many difficult international problems.
52. But a process in the opposite direction is also going on, namely, an increasingly vigorous attempt to stifle all opposition to the system of power politics and to subject the nations to a further period of tension and a continuation of the armaments race — more and more by recourse to the fait accompli.
53. Such in our opinion is the general picture of developments on the international scene during the past year, one which has seen growing prospects of peace and coexistence side by side with dramatic tensions and conflicts.
54. At the third emergency special session, the Polish delegation outlined its attitude [740th meeting] towards the armed Intervention by the United States and the United Kingdom in the Middle East. We supported the resolution adopted by the General Assembly on the proposal of the Arab States [resolution 1237 (ES-III)], since we felt that it was essentially an expression of their common will to decide their own future themselves and to defend it together. We voted in favour of that resolution because we believed that it would lead to a speedy withdrawal of foreign troops from Lebanon and Jordan. Six weeks have passed since then. We have before us the Secretary-General’s report [A/3984/ Rev.1] with the declarations by the United States and by the United Kingdom annexed to it. Unfortunately, these documents give no assurance that the main objectives stated or implied in the resolution adopted by the Assembly will be speedily and unconditionally carried out.
55. It Is out of the question of the General Assembly to endorse declarations which make the implementation of one of its own resolutions dependent on conditions established arbitrarily. Accordingly, we support the position taken yesterday [764th meeting] by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Sudan and we consider that this question should be discussed in detail. The problem is one of the utmost importance for the maintenance of peace and one which vitally affects the conduct of international relations.
56. It is in the interest not only of the peoples directly concerned, but of all mankind, that colonialist methods) whether of the old type or brought up to date, should be rejected once and for all and replaced by relationships founded upon equality.
57. We share the general anxiety aroused by the situation in the Far East; and we too trust that fighting will come to an end in the Taiwan Strait and that the general situation in that area will cease to constitute a threat to peace. But there is only one possible solution to that problem — the United States must put a stop to its armed intervention in the internal affairs of China and cease fanning the flames of civil war on that front. For that is the source of the constant tension in the area in question.
58. To use pacts signed with Chiang Kai-shek as a pretext for keeping United States troops on Chinese territory is merely to justify one unlawful act on the grounds of invoking another. The legitimate Government of China, which enjoys the support of the people, is accused of "using force" against an aggressive, armed, internal foe. Yet, all the time arms are being supplied to that foe for rise against the Chinese Government. It is this use of force which is preventing the Chinese people from achieving the restoration of their country's territorial unity. It is owing to the use of force that the mainland of China is threatened with an invasion based on Taiwan and the off-shore islands. Efforts are being made, by intervention of foreign troops, to transform a purely internal Chinese problem into an international conflict. Had it not been for intervention by the United States, fighting in the Taiwan area would have come to an end years ago.
59. The laws of history are inexorable; there is no other way to solve the problem of China but to bow at long last to the Inescapable changes which have taken place in that vast and powerful country and to draw the necessary political conclusions from that fact.
60. It is indeed unfortunate that the thirteenth session of the General Assembly has not brought that solution nearer, for it is the only possible one. It is deplorable that once again the majority of delegations have not considered it proper or feasible to give their votes in favour of restoring to the population of the People's Republic of China its right to be represented in our Organization. Meanwhile, the de facto situation, the debates in this Assembly, the change in the voting majority, everything in fact indicates that the day is near when China will resume its place in the United Nations.
61. The past year has seen great strides in science and technology; the barriers separating mankind from outer space have been crossed. And this fact has confronted us all more acutely than ever with the fundamental dilemma of our time — what use will man make of the power he has created? Will he use it to bring about universal well-being, or will he use it for universal destruction? It is an event which has had an impact on every mind. It has shown up the absurdity of the reasoning which sought to find justification for a policy based ultimately on military strength, the armaments race and faith in the atomic bomb — in short, the Atlantic policy.
62. A world which for years has had the technical and scientific superiority of the West drummed into it finds itself suddenly faced with the achievements of Soviet science, which open the door to a new era in the historical development of man.
63. For years, every effort has been made to set up a network of bases and a wall of economic restrictions around the Socialist camp. Suddenly, from one day to the next, all the artificial obstacles erected between peoples have been swept away and it has been realized that the policies of so-called "encirclement" or "containment" are but delusions.
64. For years, the peoples of the West have been adjured to make every effort to keep ahead of the Socialist camp in armed strength. And what has been the result? The balance of forces is today much more favourable to the Socialist countries than it was in the past.
65. More and more frequently, people in the West are asking what the world in general, and the West in particular, has gained from this armaments race. They ask where this increasingly dangerous game is leading them; for at the present stage of technical development in military matters, the very idea of superiority is open to question. People are saying "even If we are now able to kill our enemy five times over, while he can only kill us four times, what is the point? You can only die once".
66. That is why the system of power politics has reached a stage which is clearly critical; that is why the climate of opinion in the Western world is increasingly in favour of coexistence, and why the idea of a summit meeting has met with such wide popular support. That is why the whole world calls for an end to nuclear experiments. Lastly, that is why there is such widespread Interest in disarmament proposals especially where specific solutions, even partial or regional ones, are concerned. And, once again, there are lively discussions about all the matters which come under the general heading of freedom from commitment. The main problem of disarmament becomes increasingly urgent.
67. One of the great Powers, the Soviet Union, took the first step in March 1958 and unilaterally ceased making any further nuclear experiments. The Conference of Experts held in Geneva, in which Polish scientists played their part, reached the definite conclusion that the detection of test explosions was perfectly feasible. But all this did not prove sufficient to persuade the Western Powers to put a stop to their experiments, even six months after the Soviet Union's decision.
68. The world learned with new hope that discussions on this question would be taking place in a few weeks between the USSR and the United States. We consider that it is the duty of the United Nations to make its voice heard and to lend its weight to the final settlement of this most urgent of problems.
69. As regards disarmament, proposals have been put forward from many quarters and they should, at the very least, receive careful consideration. Thus, we have before us, in the first place, the memorandum by the Soviet Government [A/3929]. which deals in a very constructive way with the problem of disarmament as a whole. The conclusions it contains were examined by the Polish Government and received its full support. Again, the Soviet proposal [A/3925] for a reduction in the military budgets of the four great Powers was submitted to the General Assembly, and we should devote special attention to it. There is also agreement to hold a conference to work out means of protection against surprise attack.
70. Yet, in spite of certain favourable developments, the world in general and the United Nations in particular, have reached an impasse over disarmament and have not yet found a way out. The reasons for this seem clear enough to us and, indeed, we have already reviewed this in the General Assembly. I presume that there will be an opportunity during the present session to debate the matter in greater detail. At all events, we feel that the United Nations will never achieve any results in regard to the disarmament problem, which is one of its responsibilities, unless we can set up within the framework of the Organization the necessary conditions for genuine negotiations, instead of encouraging moves whereby one side foists its point of view on the other side by means of a majority vote.
71. For the people of Poland, the disarmament problem and indeed the whole question of a general easing of international tension is of particular importance, for the dividing line between the two opposing military groups runs through the heart of Europe and close to Poland.
72. At the beginning of this year, the Bundestag of the Federal Republic of Germany took a decision which opened the way for equipping the West German army with atomic weapons. The delivery to Germany of American guided missiles of the "Matador" type, which can if necessary be equipped with nuclear warheads, is the first step towards giving effect to that decision. If the plan is carried through, not only Poland but — let us make no mistake about it — peace for every nation will be in peril. I have no desire to recall now the bitter experiences of the all too recent past, which must still be fresh in the memory of many representatives. All I will say is that what is implied is arming with atomic weapons the only European country which still has designs on the territory of other nations.
73. We do indeed realize that there are elements in West Germany which are anxious for peace and for the establishment of satisfactory relations with neighbouring countries. But it is not the peaceful elements that are supported by the NATO policy of remilitarization and equipment of the Bundeswehr with atomic weapons, a policy which tries to evade the definite recognition of the present frontier between Germany and Poland, though every realistically-minded statesmen knows that that frontier is final. On the contrary, this policy plays into the hands of revisionist and militarist elements within the Federal Republic of Germany and strengthens the special position of Germany in NATO.
74. The decision by the Bundestag came not long after Poland had delivered to the Governments concerned a memorandum which contained definite proposals previously approved by the Governments of Czechoslovakia and the German Democratic Republic. As you are aware, the suggestion made in those proposals was that a nuclear weapon-free zone should be set up covering Germany, Poland and Czechoslovakia. It will be remembered that the proposals met with a favourable reception in many Western countries, including the Federal Republic of Germany itself.
75. Various objections were put forward against them, though the Polish Government had shown clearly in its memorandum that it was open to constructive observations and opinions, and also appreciated the special difficulties of its partners. Nevertheless, it is difficult to accept the arguments most commonly used against the Polish proposals. So far as the military side of the question is concerned, it was never our intention that any change should be made in the existing balance between the forces of the two groups. Our proposal implies nothing of the kind. Certain statesmen who set themselves up — not always sincerely — as champions of the reunification of Germany, express the fear that that cause might be impaired by the creation of a nuclear weapon-free zone in Europe. It is hard indeed to follow the argument that atomic disarmament would make the reunification of Germany more difficult, whereas atomic armament would make it easier. The arguments against the proposal for creating a nuclear weapon-free zone in Europe are in our opinion neither convincing nor decisive. So far as we are concerned, the discussion is still open and we propose to return to the matter.
76. It is common knowledge that during the same period certain political circles in the West have made other proposals with a view to lessening the tension in Europe. We are giving those proposals the careful attention they deserve.
77. The foreign policy of Poland is based on friendship and solidarity with the Socialist countries and on constructive coexistence and co-operation with other countries. Close and cordial relations link us to all our neighbours. We shall strengthen and develop our relations with them as with all the Socialist countries. We feel that this offers the best guarantee for our security and for the protection of the fundamental interests of the Polish people.
78. Consistently with our policy, we shall continue our efforts to maintain our relations with the German people on the basis of mutual security and good neighbourliness. Our close friendship with the German Democratic Republic, we feel, constitutes a distinct achievement in this respect.
79. The constant improvement in our relations with many Western countries, and more especially with our near neighbours across the Baltic, is a source of satisfaction to us, and we hope that these relations will continue to develop in a favourable manner.
80. Despite the distance which separates us, we have established, and are anxious to extend, friendly cooperation with most of the countries of Asia and Africa, to which we are linked by a common tradition of fighting in the cause of freedom and by common views on the basic principles governing international relations.
81. Following as it does a policy of constructive coexistence and co-operation with countries belonging to different systems and ideologies, Poland considers it to be self-evident that such co-operation should not in any way involve attempts to bring about a deterioration in good relations between either side and other nations. We consider that the strengthening of cooperation, solely on the basis of common interests, between countries belonging to different political systems is a contribution to the cause of peace, relaxation of tension and coexistence throughout the world. We shall continue to foster such co-operation by stressing, in our relations with other countries, all that we have in common, more especially economic interests, historical traditions and cultural contacts.
82. I have endeavoured to set before you the point of view of Poland on current international questions. I know that opinions represented in this Assembly differ considerably on these matters. Nevertheless, I am fully convinced that ways must be found for us to reach agreement on those problems on which the peace and well-being of all our peoples depend. It is our opinion that this should be the aim of the general debate and of all the work of the United Nations.