118. Mr. President, allow me first of all to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. Your great personal qualities, as well as your past services to the United Nations, entitle you to this great honour.
119. I should also like to express the appreciation of my delegation for the splendid and constructive guidance which Sir Leslie Munro gave to the twelfth session of this General Assembly. My delegation wishes him every success in all his future endeavours.
120. In the brief span of thirteen years the United Nations has grown enormously both in membership and in scope of service. The multitude of activities which the United Nations and its specialized and affiliated agencies undertake is simply astounding. My delegation rejoices in the growth of this Organization, Undoubtedly in the years to come the United Nations will assume more tasks. This trend towards expansion is natural, inevitable and, on the whole, healthy.
121. In spite of all our multitudinous occupations and preoccupations the problem of world peace remains cur central concern. This year, because of the crisis in the Middle East in the early summer, and because of the serious situation in the Taiwan Strait since 23 August 1958, our thoughts turn more than ever to this big problem of peace. Although Communist guns are pounding the territory of free China every; hour, perhaps at this very hour, I am not a pessimist, and I refuse to be a defeatist.
122. If we survey the world as a whole, we still find some bright regions. The Western Hemisphere is one. Here we have twenty-two independent nations living together truly as good neighbours. Here we have not only the absence of war but the profound and universal conviction that war among the American States is impossible. The relations between the American States exemplify the type of world which the United Nations was created to bring about. Here we have peace as the Charter visualizes peace. This is all the more remarkable because in the Western Hemisphere the disparity in size and power among the States is as great as in any other part of the world.
123. Across the Atlantic we have another such peaceful region in western Europe. There from the northern tip of Scandinavia to the southern tip of Italy, the States enjoy profoundly peaceful and friendly relations among themselves. There, too, it is not only the absence of war that is remarkable; it is the universal conviction that no State in this region, however big or powerful, has any thought of aggression against its neighbours.
124. In Asia we have not yet developed a recognized pattern of international relations for the simple reason that most of the Asian States have become independent only in recent years. Nevertheless, it is obvious that the new States of Asia desire peace. Now that they are independent, many of them for the first time, they wish to be let alone to taste both the sweetness and perhaps a little bit of the bitterness of the new life. They want to have time to solve their problems, which are many and complicated.
125. In Asia and Africa, there remain certain countries where Western colonialism still casts dark shadows. However, an objective survey, keeping in mind both what has been achieved and what remains to be done, discloses a picture which is on the whole hopeful. My country, having in the past suffered from some forms of colonialism, naturally sympathizes with any people struggling for freedom. My delegation stands ready to co-operate with other delegations in working for peaceful and constructive solutions of such colonial problems as remain.
126. When we survey the world as a whole, we find that in regions where free Governments predominate, there is no threat of war or international tension; instead, we find peaceful and friendly relations among the States. Today there is really only one major cause for worry so far as the preservation of world peace is concerned. It is the menace of international communism.
127. International communism is menacing in two respects. In the first place, it denies the dignity and worth of the human being and tramples upon fundamental human rights. In this respect, communism is much worse than the old colonialism of the nineteenth century. In the second place, communism is menacing because it is the Instrument of Soviet imperialism. When communism expands, Soviet power, expands. Where Soviet power is in control, there communism is imposed. Present-day international communism is Inseparable from Soviet imperialism. We can call this menace imperialist-communism or communist-imperialism. The world has never before seen the like of this kind of menace.
128. Let us look at the fate of Hungary. In the nineteenth century it was a part of the Austro-Hungarian empire. Today it is a part of the Soviet empire. Hungary has tasted and tested both the old and the new imperialism! Unsatisfactory as Austrian domination of Hungary was, we have every reason to believe that the people of Hungary would prefer the former Austrian to the present-day Soviet domination. Whether in rebellion or in submission, Hungary has found its new masters more brutal than the old. It is indeed tragic that Hungary, having emancipated itself from the old imperialism, should have been enslaved by the new Communist imperialism, the tragedy of Hungary is a warning to all the newly independent States of Asia and Africa.
129. Unfortunately, we in China have been a target of Soviet imperialism more intensely and for a longer period of time than most of the other countries represented here. Unfortunately, China is situated next to the Soviet Union with the longest common frontier — between nations, Force of circumstance has placed us in the position of frontier guard against international communism. The same force of circumstance has made our leader, President Chiang Kai-shek, take a strong anti-Communist stand during the last thirty years. For this reason, international communism has singled him out for propagandists smearing and political and military attacks.
130. We Chinese are anti-Communists. How do we view the problem of communism? How have we proceeded to combat communism? As we have had more than thirty years of experience in this matter, our answers to these questions may deserve the consideration of the Assembly, Furthermore, since these questions have a bearing on the entire world situation, I will take a few minutes of the time of the General Assembly to answer them.
131. President Chiang Kai-shek has stated again and again that the menace of communism can be and should be met 70 per cent by political measures and 30 per cent by military measures. That has been his message to the Chinese peopleduringalltheseyears.il is more than a message; it is a programme of action. We have practised what we have preached.
132. An important political measure against communism is economic development. The Chinese people, like many other people in that part of the world, desire more and better food, clothing and housing. This is what we have striven to do on the Island of Taiwan. When we first took over the island in the winter of 1945, the rice crop of that year was below 700,000 tons. Now the annual crop is 1,700,000 tons. We have obtained this result by helping the farmer to use better seeds and to fertilize and Irrigate his land better than he usually does. We have given him, through land reform, more incentive to produce. Today we have not only enough rice for ourselves; we export considerable quantities abroad.
133. Thirteen years ago, there was no textile industry on Taiwan. All clothing was imported. In the past thirteen years we have built up a textile industry which makes the island today completely self-sufficient in clothing.
134. Before the war the island Imported all its chemical fertilizers from Japan, about 600,000 tons a year. Toddy we make more than half of this quantity. We may achieve self-sufficiency in a few more years.
135. At the end of the Second World War, three- fourths of the electric generating capacity on Taiwan had been damaged as a result of the war. We have not only rehabilitated all the pre-war power stations; we have added new generators so as to double the pre-war capacity. Electric power is the key to Industrialization on the island. Today Taiwan is one of the most electrified regions in all Asia.
136. On the island we grow huge quantities of bananas and pineapples, partly for domestic consumption and partly for export. We have made ourselves also a great sugar producer. In the world market Taiwan is the second largest sugar exporter, the first being Cuba. Last year we earned $100 million through the export of sugar. We have established several new industries, such as cement, oil refining and aluminium. These industries not only satisfy the domestic demand; they are in a position to export.
137. It might be noted that, in the economic development of Taiwan, our emphasis has been on consumers' goods. The military value of the industries, it must be acknowledged, is small and indirect. We have not sacrificed rice to guns. To summarize: The economic programme of my Government has shown that we Chinese can raise the standard of living of our people under conditions, of freedom better and faster than under the Communist system.
138. The Chinese people, like peoples in many other countries, have suffered from social injustices. The problem of social justice in an agricultural country is generally related to the problem of land ownership. The burden of land rent was heavy on the shoulders of the Chinese tenant farmer. My Government carried out an agrarian reform in two stages. The first stage was the reduction of rent from 50 per cent to 37 per cent of the main crop. The second stage was to help the farmer to buy and own the land he cultivated. My Government did this by giving the farmer credit so that he could pay for the land in a series of annual Instalment payments. My Government also helped the farmer by enacting a law which compelled the large landowners to sell. Today the land reform is complete. Today the farmer in Taiwan owes the land he farms; he does not have to pay rent. This reform was carried out peacefully, by legal means. It did not liquidate any class. It did not confiscate any property. Now we have on the island prosperous and contented farmers.
139. Education is also an important measure in the fight against communism. When we recovered the island from Japan, we found a good elementary educational system, enabling about 70 per cent of the children of school age to go to school. We have built on the Japanese foundation. Today the percentage of children going to school is 52. In higher education the Japanese foundation was more meagre. There was on the island only one university, with a total student body of 800, half of whom were Japanese. Today Taiwan University has an enrolment of approximately 6,000. In addition, we have an engineering college, an agricultural college and a teachers' college, each of which has an enrolment of between 1,500 and 2,000.
140.These are some of the political measures which we have taken. In the realization of this programme the generous economic aid given to us by the United States has been an important factor. By intelligent planning and hard work on the part of my Government and my people, we have, I can confidently assert, made good use of United States economic aid. The benefits of economic development in Taiwan not only are substantial but are spread to all classes of the people.
141. These economic, social and educational programmes and other measures of a similar kind constitute 70 per cent of President Chiang Kai-shek's programme; the other 30 per cent is military. Let me say at once that we are realists. In the first place, we know we must defend every inch of our territory. We do not choose to live at the tender mercies of our enemy. In this respect we are not peculiar. We claim and exercise the same inherent right of self-defence as all the other States of the world.
142. In addition to defence, our programme calls for preparedness to give aid to our brethren on the mainland in their struggle for freedom. Let me say again that we are realists. We love peace as much as anybody else. We have our spark of common sense. It is not our thought that the 10 million people on Taiwan should be pitted against the 500 or 600 million on the mainland. We have no reason to fight against our brethren on the mainland. However, when our own people on the mainland rise in revolt, as the Hungarian people did two years ago, and call for our help, we will fight side by side with them for their freedom. This is our programme for the recovery of the mainland, no more and no less.
143. When our people on the mainland rise in revolt and call for our help, we cannot sit idly by and turn a deaf ear to them. Under that circumstance we cannot entrust the fate of our people on the mainland to debates in the United Nations or to special committees or special representatives of the Assembly, as was done here two years ago with the fate of the Hungarian nation. Under that circumstance of a national uprising, we are morally bound to rush to the aid of our brethren with all that we have and are.
144. The Chinese people are generally law-abiding and long-suffering. However, when driven to desperation, they can and will fight bravely against oppression and tyranny. In the 3,000-year history of China, the people have overthrown many long-established dynasties, as well as some that were newly established and strong.
145. Under modern conditions, tyrants have more means of oppression than in earlier ages. The people on the mainland know this; we in Taiwan also know it. The Communists can brain-wash the people. They control everything on the mainland, from food and clothing to bocks, newspapers and public meetings. A popular revolt on the continent cannot be created artificially from the outside. When it comes, it will only be after the people have searched their hearts and their souls and have found that they have no alternative to armed revolt.
146. Last year, Dr. Hu Shih, speaking here on behalf of my delegation in the general debate [689th meeting]. portrayed the conditions on the mainland, particularly among the Chinese intellectuals and students, after the Hungarian uprising. One week ago, in the debate on the question of representation of China, I gave the Assembly [753rd meeting] some information on the general conditions on the mainland. I will not now cover the same ground again. I recommend highly to representatives a recent publication called Black Book on Red China written by the noted author, Mr. Edward Hunter. The Communists are piling man-made famine on top of nature-made famine. In addition, they are forcing the people to trample upon China's own spiritual heritage. Knowing our own people as well as we do, we believe that they will face that choice between death and freedom courageously as they have always done through the three thousand years of Chinese history. When their choice is made, we of free China will have no choice, for their choice must also be ours.
147. The present occasion for general concern is connected with the off-shore islands. I note that a number of speakers who have preceded me in this debate both condemn the use of force and appeal for restraint and moderation on the part of all parties directly concerned. I understand and appreciate the motives of those speakers; they are animated truly by charity towards all and malice towards none. My Government, true to Chinese tradition, has practised and will continue to practise the virtues which we admire, namely, love of peace, moderation and reasonableness. Indeed, we have been moderate even in self-defence. Large numbers of my fellow-countrymen criticize my Government for this moderation; they say that restraint in self-defence is a vice and not a virtue. The Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom and the Foreign Minister of the Philippines can get an estimate of Chinese public opinion by examining the Chinese papers published in Hong Kong and Manila respectively.
148. In connexion with the serious situation in the Taiwan Strait, I do not wish to say anything provocative because I do not wish to jeopardize the efforts being made by the United States in the interest of peace. I world, However, like to call the attention of the Assembly to certain simple facts. In the first place, we have always been in possession of these islands; we did not seize them by force from anybody. Secondly, these islands have considerable strategic value; they can be used to our great harm if they should be occupied by the Communists. Thirdly, the political meaning of these islands is of the utmost importance. They are to us what Berlin is to West Germany. Finally, these islands have been regarded by my Government as outposts, not as military bases. The garrisons on the islands have been increased through these long years. Every time the Communists bombarded them, we have found it necessary to increase the number of defenders. But it should be noted, and noted carefully, that no soldier of the garrisons on these island ever attempted to land on the opposite shore. No gun mounted on these islands has ever been fired except to return the fire from the opposite side. Before 23 August 1958 the Taiwan Strait had been quiet. The bombardments that began on 23 August came to us as a complete surprise.
149. Some people say to us: "You had better give up the islands for the sake of peace". Four years ago in a similar crisis a similar suggestion was made to us. Then the islands at stake were the Tachen Islands. We did evacuate the Tachen Islands for the sake of peace. Today it is Quemoy, Matsu and Taiwan. We have found that the policy of yielding does not work. The enemy's appetite grows with eating. We will defend all territory under our jurisdiction.
150. International communism operates according to a concerted plan. When the Soviet Union demanded the withdrawal of United States troops from Lebanon and British troops from Jordan, the Chinese Communists strongly supported that demand. Today when the Chinese Communists demand the off-shore islands and Taiwan itself, the Soviet Union likewise supports that demand. Indeed, the unity of the Communists in relation to both the Near East and the Far East in recent years stands in clear contrast to the disunity among the free nations. The time has come when the free world should also manage to achieve some measure of unity. Let us heed the wise words of former President Harry S, Truman as reported in The New York Times of 14 September 1958: "The situation in Quemoy and Matsu cannot be Isolated into a local issue. It is part of a world crisis and should be treated as a major element in a global struggle for survival."
151. All free nations are prospective victims of international communism. The difference between us is only in relation to time. If free China is weakened; South- East Asia will be weakened, and the whole free world -will be weakened to that extent. To buy peace at the expense of some other free country's territory is surely short-sighted. To buy peace at the expense of principle is also short-sighted. In this hour of trial my delegation appeals to the whole free world for support. The unity of the free world is the key to international peace.