1. There is deep anxiety throughout the world at the Illness of His Holiness Pope Pius XII, and I should like to express the respectful wish for his full and speedy recovery.
2. This Assembly is gathered again at a moment when the talk is of peace while our hearts are heavy with the fear of war. Only a few weeks ago an emergency special session of the Assembly was called to consider a very grave situation in the Middle East, and now, almost without any respite, our attention centres on the dangerous developments in the Far East.
3. The tempo of these happenings has made it tragically clear how tenuous is the balance on which the peace of the world hangs. The character of these events has also demonstrated unmistakably that world peace may be imperilled by situations developing in small as well as in large States. Not only the great Powers with their ultimate weapons hold our fate in their hands. No State, large or small, can escape the realization that the world today is indivisible. We are Inextricably joined for good, and perhaps even more so for evil. Upon our full, unqualified acceptance of this truth depends the tranquillity of the world community. This awareness places a grave responsibility on every State, the small as well as the great, the weak as well as the powerful. Unless each individual State freely faces the implications of this responsibility, all will be forced to endure a common doom. Such is the teaching of our time.
4. One of the potent forces of our age affecting the international situation. has been that of emergent nationalism. The desire of peoples and States for the unhampered right to develop their own institutions of government and to shape their own destinies free from foreign domination has 6een responsible for great creative achievements. Under the banner of self- determination we have in our day witnessed the political and cultural liberation of millions in Africa and Asia.
5. The upsurge of Arab nationalism, of which we have heard so much recently, would, I am sure, be unhesitatingly welcomed by this Organization in so far as it is a manifestation of a legitimate desire for progress and national well-being. None of us can object to a nationalism which is constructive and wholesome. The world is enriched by a nationalism only when that nationalism means that a people is achieving awareness of its unique national character; endeavours to give expression to its cultural heritage; strives for economic and social progress; seeks ways and means of broadening and deepening the ties of friendship and co-operation with other peoples, and when that nationalism is accompanied by the realization that every country is itself a part of the community of nations and that other peoples are also entitled to their nationalism. Indeed the precondition for the acceptability of nationalism must be Its strict respect for, and observance of, the legitimate national aspirations of others. This, it seems to me, is the test — the borderline — between acceptable nationalism and national aggressiveness. For, in the exhilaration of newly-won freedoms nationalism has in some instances turned expansionist in its objectives and destructive in its methods. Such expansionism, even if it is that of a smaller Power, then becomes distinguishable from unbridled imperialism with its vaulting ambition for control over the territory, the regimes and the policies of other States. Such nationalism menaces, the objects of its belligerence and the peace of the world.
6. Two conflicting concepts, on the one hand the right of small States to independence, and on the other, the will of a single country determined by every method to impose its dictatorial authority on its neighbours, lay at the root of the clash which led to the third emergency special session of the General Assembly. It is a pattern which calls for vigilance on the part of all who value peace and the principles to which our Organization stands committed. No national cause can be worthy of support if it is not accompanied by full respect for the national existence of others.
7. We have heard the representative of Iraq, speaking for "the new free Republic of Iraq", announce that Iraq: "... can now be counted upon to play a more vigorous and constructive role in the work of this Organization." [760th meeting. para. 3.] However, as far as his remarks about Israel were concerned, they were neither more vigorous nor more constructive than those of previous representatives of Iraq before that country was "freed from the shackles of oppression". About Israel, the representative of Iraq had this to say: "... we are now ... convinced that Israel was not created solely for the purpose of finding a home for the Jews, but primarily to make Israel an instrument that can be used whenever it becomes necessary to impose the will of some big Powers against the rising nations of the Arab East." [Ibid..para.6.]
8. The representative of Iraq clearly lacks the most elementary knowledge of the history and aspirations of an ancient people nurtured for thousands of years on the hope of restoring its independence and its equality with other nations. Surely he must know from his own experience that the 130,000 Jews who fled from Iraq in 1950 and 1951 — with the recollection of persecution still vivid in their minds — came to us for no purpose save to live in peace and dignity and with firm dedication to the restored nation of Israel. The same holds good for the additional hundreds of thousands of our people who have joined us from other Arab-speaking countries of the Middle East and North Africa as well as for all those who. came to us from so many other parts of the world. Israel is not an "instrument" of anything excepting its people's own passionate will for freedom and peace.
9. Iraq was one of the ten countries which sponsored the resolution unanimously adopted during the third emergency special session of the General Assembly [resolution 1237 (ES-III)] and which: "Calls upon all States Members of the United Nations to act strictly in accordance with the principles of mutual respect for each other's territorial integrity and sovereignty, of non-aggression, of strict non-interference in each other's internal affairs ... and to ensure that their conduct by word and deed conforms to these principles."
10. Is What we heard here from the representative of Iraq, who declared that the crux of the problem is the existence of Israel, in keeping with this noble declaration? The existence of Israel in a region where ten Arab States exercise their sovereignty over a vast area is not the crux of any problem whatsoever. Neither Iraq nor any other Arab State has any claims to independence or to sovereignty or to integrity which are in any degree superior to those of Israel. No problem arises from the existence of any State. Problems arise only from the refusal of some States to apply the United Nations Charter to their relations with all other States. There is no country in the Middle East which cannot well afford to live in peace with any other country, in mutual respect for the independence and integrity of each and all. It is difficult, when listening to such verbal assaults, not to feel regret at the manner in which an Organization consecrated to harmony and tolerance between all its Members finds its platform exploited for tirades full of sterile rancour and misguided hostility.
11. Recently [766th meeting] we were again treated, if that is the correct word, to the representative of Saudi Arabia's ludicrous proposal for the future of the State of Israel. Such fancies do not, of course, injure Israel. They may even serve the unwitting purpose of strengthening our resolve and reminding other delegations of the anti-Charter policies avowed and followed by some of our neighbours. Such speeches do, however, affront the dignity of the United Nations itself and prejudice its stature as the world's central forum of peace, justice and law.
12. Another statement with reference to Israel in the course of the debates, and one of a somewhat surprising character, calls for brief reference. The Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union, in the course of his speech last Thursday [768th meeting], saw fit to resurrect what in the third emergency special session he described as talk in the lobbies about possible action by Israel if British troops leave Jordan. The answer to this lobby gossip was given in unequivocal terms by Israel's representative at that session, who said: "Our policy, as I have just explained, has been and is based on mutual respect of all Middle East States for the integrity and independence of each other; on the need, in our view, to defend and guarantee the territorial integrity and political independence of States; and, under strict observance, on integral implementation of existing agreements on the basis of reciprocity. This is our policy". [744th meeting, para. 29.] This statement applies without change today. I can assure the Foreign Minister that despite his innuendoes Israel's policy is neither a dictated nor a subservient one. The policy of Israel, small State though it be, will continue as in the past to be determined by the Government of Israel and that Government alone.
13. My Government has studied with great care the report submitted by the Secretary-General on his mission to the Middle East [A/3934/Rev. 1], The resolution adopted unanimously on 21 August 1958 at the third emergency special session [resolution 1237 (ES-III)] contained certain clear and simple precepts. It called for the cessation of practices whereby some Governments in the area seek to overthrow and subvert the independence of their neighbours, to interfere with their internal regimes and to dictate their international policies. It also required all States to respect the integrity and independence of all other States, be they Arab or non-Arab, in the Middle East. If the will of the General Assembly had been genuinely carried out, there would not have been any blockades, any violent radio and press incitement in the Middle East since 21 August. The economic boycott practised for the past ten years by the Arab States against Israel would have terminated. Nor would there be anti-Charter incitement against Israel by Arab representatives from the very rostrum from which only six weeks ago they exhorted all Member States to full Charter observance. And Israel could afford to relax the concern for its security imposed by these menacing policies and actions. The fact that these practices have continued and still continue reveals how far some Governments have yet to go before they live up to the standards of international tolerance which they themselves profess and formulate.
14. We cannot ignore the disparity between the hopes expressed in the report of the Secretary-General and the realities. The Secretary-General refers to the need for a "good neighbour policy" amongst the States of the Middle East. The phrase is a felicitous one. It recalls the most familiar recent use of that phrase to designate the relations between the twenty-one republics of the Western Hemisphere. The good neighbour policy as thus understood embodies co-operation and peace between all States in an area, whether they are akin or divergent in their language and culture, regardless of any difference in outlook or historic origin. A good neighbour policy must be universal within the limits of the region to which it applies. In terms of the Middle East this means that principles of peace and harmony should prevail not only among the Arab States, but also equally between each of them and each of the non-Arab States in the region. In this connexion I should like to remind the Assembly again that the non-Arab population of the countries of the Middle East is substantially larger in number than the Arab population. History teaches that good neighbour policies are either applied to all or not at all. The truth is that the good neighbour policy is not being applied in the Middle East totaly; and this sombre fact should be frankly faced and recognized.
15. At the same time we, join our voice to that of all those in this General Assembly who have expressed a sincere longing to see a peaceful atmosphere, based on the law of the Charter, prevail in the great region which first brought mankind the message of peace.
16. The year now drawing to a close, the tenth anniversary of Israel, has been a memorable one for the people of Israel. A single decade is but a fleeting moment in the history of nations, especially so perhaps in the context of the long eventful history of my own people. But the tenth anniversary of Israel's re-establishment as a State has in fact been more than just another milestone on the way and has been celebrated by friends far beyond the confines of its own territory.
17. In the course of these ten years one million people, most of them refugees from scores of countries of the world, have come to our shores and have found new homes in their ancient homeland. They have come from over fifty countries with scores of different languages, cultures and backgrounds, from Eastern and Western Europe, Asia and Africa, the Americas, and the Commonwealth countries. The integration of these diverse elements into a united, vigorous and democratic society has perhaps been our greatest single achievement. The problems — political, economic and social — have obviously been immense, some of them unique. But in the very magnitude of the task we have found stimulus and challenge.
18. The people of Israel look back with pride on the crowded events of the past ten years, the absorption of this mass immigration, the establishment of a democratic society, the development of the country! s neglected resources, the advancement made in the fields of education, learning and science, and not least the establishment of diplomatic relations with sixty- three other nations of the world. Moreover, the revived language of the Bible has replaced the many tongues formerly spoken by our people and has become a potent bond of union.
19. All this has received generous acknowledgement in the great volume of sympathy and congratulation which reached us during this anniversary year from governments, parliaments and peoples of so many countries in all the five continents. We approach the beginning of the second decade encouraged by these manifestations of friendship. The peoples and Government of Israel, however, are well aware that, whatever the accomplishments, formidable tasks still lie ahead which will tax all our resources and energies.
20. Israel, I believe, has honourably striven towards a nationalism Which is fruitful instead of sterile, creative instead of destructive. Though we have been obliged to defend ourselves against invasion and attack, our purposes since the establishment of our State have remained unaltered: to rebuild a poor, barren land, to enable the return of an ancient people to its source, to regain our independence and national self-expression, to live in peace with all peoples near and far and to take our place in the community of free nations.
21. Across the newly awakening continents there is a passionate thirst not only for the status of nationhood but also for the building of societies, economies and cultures in which men can express their renaissance in a corresponding dignity of individual creativeness. It has been my privilege to visit several countries in West Africa, and I can only express the sincere hope that individual Member States, as well as our Organization as a whole, will in every way possible help these peoples rapidly to develop their almost limitless natural resources and attain the goal which they have set for themselves — a progressive, dynamic society for the benefit of all. The same holds good for the newly established countries in Asia.
22. The question of economic aid to less developed areas is a matter of deep interest to this Organization. The Secretary of State of the United States has outlined [749th meeting] some major steps that his country would be prepared to support in the coming year. It is a programme which will encourage all those in need of help for the development of their economies. It constitutes a challenge to all countries able to provide technical or other aid. I wish to comment on point three of the United States proposal, which speaks of regional development in addition to the maintenance of existing bilateral programmes. Any truly regional development scheme must have as its basis the principle that no country in the region can be excluded at the behest of another country in the area.
23. We were deeply impressed by the plea from this rostrum of the representative of Burma [757th meeting]. The needs for economic development that he has enumerated are the needs of many new nations, and we support every word of what he had to say. We can only add our most earnest hopes to those expressed for many years in the United Nations and referred to three weeks ago by the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union [750th meeting] that expenditures for armaments be reduced and these resources used for development projects in new countries. But in addition it must be emphasized that these new countries need this aid now, immediately, and that they should not be compelled to postpone their progress because the big Powers cannot reach an agreement on disarmament as quickly as we would all wish. For the economic development and stabilization of such countries is not in their interest alone; the well-being of the entire world depends upon the pace of their progress and the degree of their agricultural and industrial advancement. There can be no real feeling of equality between the hungry and the satisfied; between the illiterate and the educated. This disparity is a curse to us all. It must be done away with. The children of the world cry out for equal opportunities. In this Organization, at least, their call must be heeded. Nor can the answer be merely in the form of aid for immediate relief. What is called for is a programme of development which will assure a better life for all, based on available resources, on new skills and the discoveries of modern technology.
24. In the universal striving towards higher levels of living, Israel has been a recipient of economic and technical aid from larger and richer countries. Within the limits of our own modest means we in our turn have extended technical assistance to other States, both on a bilateral basis and through United Nations organs. We have provided experts and have trained students in various fields in which we are able to make a useful contribution, living in a very small country and one that is poor in natural resources, we have had to place the greatest emphasis on education and training, on scientific and technical skill and organization. And it is in these areas that we have also been able to extend some measure of assistance to other countries. Indeed, our own experience well Illustrates the fact that there is no clear dividing line between developed countries on one hand and under-developed countries on the other. Technical assistance in all its forms has proved a highly suitable framework for mobilizing constructive forces wherever they may be found for the benefit of all.
25. We may well ask ourselves whether we are wiser today in our search for peace than we were in 1945, when our Organization was founded and our Charter adopted. Is it a new formula that we need? If so, it continues to elude us.
26. The selfsame achievements of science which have brought power and light and unlimited possibilities of development to the farthest corners of the earth and which are now leading man to master the mysteries of outer space have linked us all in ever more intimate association, but at the same time have cast upon us the shadow of potential destruction.
27. The unresolved issue of disarmament is no academic one. The Israel delegation will again give careful attention to the discussion in the First Committee on that subject. Last year we expressed the view that the deadlock could be broken only if agreement were approached on the institution of a control system. We are encouraged in some measure by the decision of the nuclear Powers to consider a system for controlling an agreed suspension of nuclear tests. The report published by the United Nations Scientific Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation [A/3838] underlines the urgency of securing an agreement which would prevent radiation and fall-out from reaching a dangerous level even in time of peace. The question of tests is, however, but one element of the disarmament issue. Despite past disappointments, we hope that during this session we shall see further progress towards agreement on the limitation of nuclear and conventional weapons.
28. A significant development of international law was the successful United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, held this year at Geneva. The fact that one weighty issue was left unsettled at the Conference should not obscure the great measure of agreement on other issues of no less Importance which that Conference recorded.
29. Our Charter expresses our determination to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights and to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from international law can be maintained. Ten years ago the General Assembly passed one important milestone on its road to these goals when it adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in an effort to prevent the repetition of the most ghastly atrocity in human history. These events will be appropriately marked later in this session. Affirmations such as these afford encouragement to all who see in the United Nations a positive instrument for international cooperation in a common humanitarian endeavour.
30. We, the Members of the United Nations, have all undertaken certain basic obligation. We are all committed in our International relations to live in accordance with our Charter. Under this law which we ourselves have made, war and aggression and even the threat of war are outlawed. This Charter of ours has received the unqualified assent of countries with the most varying types of regime and ideology. By its adoption we are pledged to peaceful coexistence, we have undertaken to respect the territorial integrity and political Independence of all States, and we have given a solemn obligation to settle all our disputes by peaceful means.
31. The Charter must be applied simply and sincerely by each State individually and by the United Nations collectively. Just as death in war does not discriminate between man and man, so too the application of the Charter, which seeks to establish a world at peace, must be the same and equal for all.
32. If Charter violation is tolerated and condoned, if compromises with principle and conscience, for whatever reasons of expediency, are permitted in the case of some States at the expense of another, the Charter is weakened not only for the victim — it is undermined for all. In our age war, like peace, is indeed indivisible and the United Nations dare not be an accomplice in condoning the violation of its own constitution.
33. Is this solution — the complete and faithful implementation of the Charter — too simple? For years we have been in search of more complicated solutions and. have failed. Is it not possible that the time has come to turn to the simple one? The capacity for limitless destruction is too well distributed in the world of today to hold out hope of victory for any side. We can all either live together as we are, with our varying ideologies, philosophies of life and social order or face the uniformity of death — there is no other choice.
34. Let us therefore determine to live together in tolerance, hoping perhaps that by our example we may influence others to our own way of life. Let us rededicate ourselves to these principles in the most solemn and indeed grim realization that the alternative spells utter destruction. Let us in addition to impassioned pleas for peace determine to practise it whole-heartedly. Only if these things will indeed come about can we leave this Assembly in the knowledge that the cause of peace has been advanced.