61. The agenda of the thirteenth session of the General Assembly includes problems of great importance to international relations. It reflects the Interest of mankind as a whole in disarmament (especially with a view to adverting the danger of an atomic disaster), in the relaxation of international tension, in recognition of the legitimate right of self- determination of the peoples of Cyprus and Algeria, in economic progress in the less developed countries, and in other major problems.
62. However, the Romanian delegation believes that the General Assembly should give special attention to those actions which are a direct and Immediate threat to international peace and security and which, by their unusual nature, face the United Nations with a grave choice. Within a period of only two months there have been assembled in two different parts of the world, in the Middle East and in the Pacific, enormous concentrations of naval and air forces, units fully equipped with modern weapons, including nuclear weapons and rockets. In both cases warships and strategic bombers, paratroop units and land forces were brought thousands of miles from military tones in four continents. No one can doubt that these military measures constitute the carrying out of the "brink of war" policy formulated some time ago by the Secretary of State of the United States. We have the right to ask where such large-scale military action is likely to lead, and how it should be viewed by the United Nations.
63. First, we must observe that both the exceptional military measures taken by the United States and the United Kingdom in the Middle East and those taken by the United States in the Far East run counter to the United Nations Charter. The authors of these exceptional military measures did not hesitate to invoke the Charter, in an attempt to legalize illegal acts and make black seem white and white black.
64. The lack of any basis or consistency in the attempts made to justify the armed intervention by the United States in Lebanon and by the United Kingdom in Jordan has been demonstrated both by the debates during the third emergency special session and by the events that have taken place in those two Arab countries.
65. As for the events in the Far East, not a day passes without comment from politicians and statesmen all over the world, and even in the United States, on the inconsistency and the lack of principle or veracity in the reasons advanced by the American leaders for their action.
66. The Secretary of State of the United States has stated before this Assembly the two political and legal arguments on which the United States position is based.
67. The first, according to Mr. Dulles, is that "the Chinese Communist régime has never during its nine years of existence exercised authority over Taiwan, the Penghus or the islands of Quemoy and Matsu" [749th meeting, para. 241. Although this argument is advanced as unanswerable, the whole world knows that it is only American intervention and the support given by the United States to its lackey Chiang Kai-shek which have prevented the reunification of the Chinese territory and the restoration of these islands to the People's Republic of China.
68. The former Secretary of State Mr. Acheson, Mr. Dulles' predecessor, has shown the inconsistency of this argument. On 6 September 1958 he said: "The important fact is that always, until the present civil war, the off-shore islands — Quemoy, Little Quemoy and Matsu — have been controlled by the same power which controlled the adjacent coast. These, whatever may be said of Formosa, are the coastal islands, as are Long Island, Staten Island and Martha's Vineyard. Their population is minimal. The only purpose of their being held by a force hostile to the mainland government is to block the mainland harbour of Amoy, and to offer a threat as an invasion base." The first argument advanced by the United States does not hold water. It is contested not only in all other parts of the world but even in the United States itself.
69. Mr. Dulles' second argument is that the Chinese Communist Government is seeking to extend its authority to this area by the use of force. It is claimed that to do so would be to violate the principles on which international order is based. That argument is equally weak because it is applied to an internal problem in which no outsider has the right to interfere. No one denied that the Indonesian Government had the right to put its own house in order when rebel forces gathered in one or other of the islands belonging to Indonesia and rose against the Government in power. The fact that certain foreign Powers supported these rebels did not change and cannot in any way change the basic facts of the problem, since this was a problem to be settled by the Indonesian people, and by them alone.
70. The history of the founding of modern States, including that of the United States of America, abounds with similar examples. They should be continually borne in mind, as there are some who are attempting to create confusion between the internal problems of States and problems that involve their international relations. The Charter of the United Nations and the rules of international law are clear or. this point. Thus it is no mere coincidence that those who have decided to flout those rules have preferred to by-pass the United Nations.
71. In spite of the differences which admittedly exist between the situation in the Strait of Taiwan and that in Lebanon and Jordan, it is necessary to stress that the real reasons behind the United States action in these two areas are the same in both cases. In both areas the United States has resorted to armed force in order to interfere in the internal affairs of certain States and to support Governments subservient to it, in defiance of the will of the people.
72. Denial of the right of peoples to organize their own life in accordance with their interests and aspirations, intervention by armed force in order to prevent them from enjoying their rights and to impose on them a subservient government — that is the essence of the doctrine underlying the activities of the United States in the Near East and in the Strait of Taiwan. Clearly the application of that doctrine would throw the door wide open to arbitrary and capricious behaviour in international relations.
73. In a period of history which is so characterized by th? national rebirth of many peoples, and by the creation and development of new independent States, encouragement of such a doctrine in the international sphere could only serve to create a source of increasinglygrave and ever-multiplying disputes, with disastrous consequences for mankind. The Romanian delegation believes that the General Assembly has a duty to reject this doctrine as being incompatible with the Purposes and Principles of the Charter.
74. In this connexion, it is a source of profound concern throughout the world that the terms of the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its third emergency special session [resolution 1237 (ES-III)] relating to the withdrawal of American and British troops from Lebanon and Jordan have not yet been carried out.
75. During the period that has elapsed since the third emergency special session, events in the Near East have shown once more that the reasons advanced by the United States and the United Kingdom to justify their military intervention are nothing but pretexts. The true cause of the tension in the Near East lies in Anglo-American interference in the Internal affairs of the Arab States, in the corruption which the United States and the United Kingdom have organized there, and in the discord and intrigues that they encourage there in order to ensure for themselves an influence in the public life of the Arab States that will give them a free hand in exploiting the oil resources of the area.
76. As regards the unceasing United States intervention in the Internal affairs of the Chinese people, and, in particular, the military measures taken recently and the provocation of the Chinese people by American militarists acting in league with their agent Chiang Kai-shek, the Romanian delegation wishes to stress the extremely dangerous nature of the situation brought about in the Taiwan Strait and the incalculable consequences which this may have. Any day and at any hour all these actions may kindle a conflagration in the Pacific that would have catastrophic consequences for mankind. The Pacific area in fact provides mankind with a vivid illustration of- the "brink of war" policy in action.
77. The Romanian delegation, like other delegations, is hopeful of the outcome of the Chinese-American discussions taking place at Warsaw. Nevertheless it cannot be overlooked that while, on the one hand, the People's Republic of China maintains a calm sense of responsibility and a truly exemplary patience, units of the Seventh Fleet and of the American Air Force are taking increasingly provocative action, the aggressive preparations on the Island of Taiwan are being intensified, and press reports emanating from American military commands indicate that an attack on the People's Republic of China is imminent.
78. There is at present much talk of the need for bringing about a cease-fire in the Strait of Taiwan. What cease-fire is being referred to, however, and between what parties? Soma say between the People's Republic of China and the United States. But the People's Republic of China is not at war with the United States, 06 how can the two countries agrees on a cease-fire? In China we have not two countries at war, but a conflict which is entirely and exclusively Chinese. No one has the right to Interfere in the internal affairs of China, not even the United Nations.
79. What then is the solution to this situation? The only possible solution is to put an end to all United States intervention in the internal affairs of China, and first of all to the intervention of American armed forces in Chinese territory, i.e., the American forces stationed on the coastal islands, the Pescadores and Taiwan, and to leave the Chinese themselves to settle their own affairs. That is the only solution in accordance with international morality and the provisions of the Charter.
80. In the circumstances, it is not surprising that the United States should have feared a large-scale debate in the General Assembly on the question of the representation of China. It is also significant that those who voted in favour of the United States proposal which aimed to prevent discussion at this session of the question of the representation of China have prudently avoided explaining their votes to the Assembly. There is a conscience of mankind which cannot be entirely disregarded,
81. This deliberate avoidance of any discussion re- fleets the flagrant contradiction which has arisen between the foreign policy of the United States and the United Nations, whose task it is to defend International peace and security. The contrast between the actions of the United States and the Charter of the United Nations is too blatant to be hidden, nor can the contrast between aggression and the interests of peace be concealed. To use the words of the Charter, we might say that the actions of the United States in the Pacific region are incompatible with those of a "peace-loving country".
82. The Romanian delegation shares the view of those representatives who emphasized that disarmament continues to be one of the chief problems before the General Assembly at this session.
83. Although the question of disarmament, at this session, must be discussed at a time when three of the great Powers — the United States, the United Kingdom and France — are engaged in military actions, the Romanian delegation believes that, in the period which has elapsed since the twelfth session, a groundwork has been laid which will make it possible to take this matter up within the United Nations in a more specific and effective manner.
84. First of all, it has become clear that our debates, as well as the talks on disarmament, can be fruitful only if the legitimate interests of all parties in their own security are taken into account, without one side seeking to obtain advantages at the expense of the other. This principle of justice should be reflected in the composition of the United Nations organs concerned with disarmament as well as in the composition of the delegations which take part in the meetings between statesmen, diplomats or experts.
85. It is an accepted fact that certain measures can be dissociated from the general question of disarmament measures and can be discussed and adopted separately, if they are immediately applicable and if the method does not entail insuperable practical difficulties. Experience has shown that any other course is tantamount to deliberately preventing the adoption of any measure of disarmament. On the other hand, the acceptance of only a partial measure of disarmament opens the way for wider agreement, contributes to the relaxation of international tension and answers the unanimous wishes of the people.
86. In this connexion, the Romanian delegation considers that the fact that the USSR has put forward three separate items on this matter offers the Assembly a concrete and positive basis for discussion and for the reaching of practical conclusions,
87. First, the time is ripe for the adoption of a decision on the question of the discontinuance of nuclear tests.
88. Secondly, the reduction of the military budgets of the great Powers by 10 to 15 per cent and the use of the funds thus set free for peaceful economic purposes will answer the unanimous desire of the peoples of the world,
89. Thirdly, the banning of the use of cosmic space for military purposes, the elimination of foreign military bases on the territories of other countries and international co-operation in the study of cosmic space are measures of the highest importance for the security of all States and would give new impetus to cosmic research.
90. Romania, as a State which has American bases close to Its territory, is particularly Interested in the adoption of such measures, and accordingly its delegation will support the adoption of specific recommendations on all these points.
91. Lastly, we believe that in the highly controversial question of control, a new and extremely significant fact has come into play. The Conference of Experts on the question of the control of nuclear tests has shown that even in such a complicated field as this, effective means and methods of control can be established, thus obviously shattering one of the chief screens behind which the opponents of disarmament were accustomed to hide their real intentions.
92. In the opinion of the Romanian delegation, the disarmament question offers a real opportunity to pass from words to deeds. The main prerequisite for this is that all the great Powers should demonstrate a desire to take this decisive step. We believe that the General Assembly can play an active role in this connexion.
93. The Romanian delegation greets with satisfaction the Czechoslovak delegation's proposal [A/3847 and Add.1] to have the present session discuss practical measures aimed at implementation of the principle of peaceful coexistence among States, regardless of their political or social systems.
94. Romania, as a European State, is deeply Interested In seeing established, first of all, conditions which will lead to a relaxation of international tension and to peaceful coexistence in Europe. Although the attention of the United Nations is now concentrated upon the situation in the Far East and in the Near and Middle East, we believe that this is no reason for regarding the problem of European security as having ceased to be one of the most important questions in the present world situation. The only rational method, of guaranteeing European security is the adoption of measures which will lead gradually to the reduction of armed forces and armaments and their withdrawal behind national frontiers and the organization of general co-operation among European States in accordance with the principles of peaceful coexistence. Proof that this method corresponds to the real aspirations of the European people may be found in the wide support secured by the recent decisions of those countries which signed the Warsaw Treaty regarding the reduction of military forces and the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Romania, and the proposal for a non-aggression pact between the Warsaw Treaty countries and those belonging to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
95. The Romanian Government supports the new proposals of the German Democratic Republic on the unification of Germany, and considers that the arming of the revengeful West Germans is a serious threat to the peace of Europe.
96. In our view, the Soviet Union's proposal on the conclusion of a treaty of friendship and co-operation among the European States represents a synthesis of the constructive ideas recently put forward with a view to guaranteeing European security. The Romanian Government has declared itself in favour of the conclusion of such a treaty and will continue to do all that it can to bring about the adoption of measures whereby European security will be guaranteed,
97. The Romanian Government attaches particular importance to the questions of the normalization of economic relations between States and the free flow of international trade. This normalization would make it possible to create optimum conditions for the economic and social advancement of the people and for raising their well-being to the level made feasible by the discoveries of science and modern technology. This would be in line with the interest of States as well as that of all peoples and would help to improve the International atmosphere. This goal would be more easily attained if all States could agree on a certain number of principles to govern their economic relations.
98. The Romanian delegation's actions at the twelfth session were governed by this principle and we believe that the favourable reception given by the General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council to the proposal that such a set of rules should be drawn up confirms the usefulness and timeliness of such a suggestion. The Romanian delegation will continue, during the present session, to support any appropriate steps which may help to bring this about.
99. Lastly, may I express the hope that an awareness of the grave danger which the pursuit of a policy of force contrary to the Charter represents for all mankind, a proper appreciation of the process of establishment and consolidation of new States, and a reaffirmation of the principles of peaceful coexistence will allow this present session, through the joint efforts of all Member States, to reach a successful conclusion.