The era inaugurated by the creation of the United Nations has been one of critical tension in international relations. The atmosphere of uncertainty and insecurity in which our Organization has had to thrive has put the United Nations to a continual test, which has become more arduous with every passing year. That is why, at the opening of each session of the General Assembly, we should take a sincere account of ourselves, examine our conscience, and try to establish, with as much precision as possible, whether, and to what extent, the United Nations has been effective and successful in solving the problems entrusted to it. We must at the same time look forward with courage and determine in good faith the course to be followed.
43. At the beginning of the fifth session of the General Assembly we are faced with the most crucial test we have yet gone through. Yet at this moment of grave concern for the peace of the world, some rays of hope and encouragement are also visible. Important steps have been taken for the creation of conditions of stability and well-being which are necessary for peaceful and friendly relations among nations. Indeed, the progress achieved by the United Nations in dealing with the problem of the economic and social development of economically under-developed countries deserves particular mention. Specifically, the fund which was set up as a result of the conference which met in June last for the first period of eighteen months for the expanded programme of technical assistance for the economic development of under-developed countries, is a promising beginning. Such programmes of technical assistance on a larger scale for several consecutive periods will, we hope, follow.
44. Although my delegation is convinced that it would be essential to explore the field further without waiting for the results to be obtained from these programmes and to try to find more concrete ways of assistance to nations, such as private and public investment in economically under-developed countries simultaneously with technical assistance, we must still mention the results obtained by the Economic and Social Council this year as progress in this direction. In our opinion, although this is a satisfactory beginning, great efforts are still needed in this field, and when the question of the economic development of under-developed countries is taken up in committee, we hope to be able to make detailed observations and comments on this extremely Important subject.
45. Along with the creation of conditions essential for strengthening peace, we must survey the activities and potentialities of the United Nations from the point of view of the steps to be taken in cases of threats to the peace and breaches of the peace. In this direction we observe that the spirit of the United Nations has, during the course of this year, manifested itself as a reality. Its existence can no longer be doubted, nor can its disappearance be feared. It has already become part of the dignity of civilized humanity, to have and to hold and to be proud of. This spirit must be made the perpetual guiding spirit of the United Nations.
46. But the mechanism required for the most effective manifestation of this spirit in actual practice, for the maintenance of world peace within the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, still leaves much to be desired. For, unfortunately, this mechanism has either not been set up at all, or the skeleton machinery which has been set up in certain cases does not function properly.
47. To illustrate these observations I shall mention the situation in Korea, which is a most striking example. Aggressive elements in Korea have, by an actual breach of the peace, threatened the peace and security of the world, and challenged not only the decisions and actions of this august Assembly, but also the very principles of our Charter. In the face of this challenge, the nigh sense of responsibility and solidarity demonstrated to the world by the overwhelming majority of the Members of the United Nations was an expression of the high responsibility of the United Nations, and a living proof of the reality of a fundamental principle of this Organization, that is, that the peace and security of the world is one and indivisible and that all should join hands in co-operation and devotion in order to safeguard this sacred treasure. The action taken in Korea clearly showed that this principle was not only a theory destined to remain in the pages of the Charter, but the expression of a living spirit.
48. My country, Turkey, although thousands of miles away from Korea, and although it had had to strive for years, under considerable economic strain, to maintain the forces necessary for its own defence and existence, has shown a typical example of this moral sense of responsibility of the spirit of the United Nations, in participating in the common effort by making available to the United Nations a combat force of 4,500 men.
49. The collective action taken in Korea, the supreme manifestation of international solidarity, seen for the first time in the history of mankind, was not the result of sporadic enthusiasm but an indication of the maturity of the consciousness of civilized nations.
50. This is the spirit of the United Nations. Let us now look at the organization and mechanism provided in the Charter of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace and security. Let us consider how far this mechanism is able to respond to the spirit of the United Nations.
51. We must admit frankly that the present mechanism is as yet far from satisfactory. We have, unfortunately, not yet been able to create the necessary mechanism to meet our requirements and to give the desirable prompt and effective expression to the spirit of the United Nations, and to convert it into action in the material and practical field.
52. The complete mechanism provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter has not yet been set up. The veto — to which the Turkish delegation as far back as the San Francisco Conference had registered its objection — has been made a tool of obstruction.
53. We have said before, and I shall repeat it now, that in dealing with matters of vital importance to the world, we consider it improper to take advantage of an expedient — designed to serve otherwise — to nullify the will of the overwhelming majority.
54. The procedure of voting in the Security Council which allows the veto, coupled with obstructionist tactics, has made it impossible to put the provisions of Chapter VII into effect. But even assuming that these provisions had been given effect, it is unfortunately not difficult to foresee that the mechanism to be set up would be doomed to inaction and paralysis, again on account of the veto.
55. The historic resolutions of the Security Council of 25 and 27 June, respectively determining the existence of a breach of the peace in Korea and providing for United Nations action, are in complete harmony with the letter and spirit of the Charter. As has already been pointed out by several speakers before me, the action which was taken by the Security Council in that instance and which was made possible only through particular circumstances, has provided a most striking example of how the Security Council could function if the veto were to be eliminated.
56. But the elimination of the veto is possible only through a modification of the Charter, and it has become clear that any attempt in this direction would be doomed to failure in the present circumstances. On the other hand, world events are pressing and leave no further room for delay. The setting up of a mechanism of security, able to function effectively and promptly, is imperative and the occasion urgent.
57. In Korea, in the face of a premeditated action by the aggressor, the United Nations had to improvise measures to safeguard the peace and security of the world and, consequently, was at a disadvantage. That is why the sanctions taken in Korea, in spite of the brilliant direction and leadership, did not produce results with the expected rapidity. Today it is gratifying note that the situation in Korea is developing favourably for the United Nations, and I pay tribute to the heroic men who have achieved that.
58. But we may be faced with a new act of aggression in some other part of the world; the United Nations may have to renew its action to safeguard peace by repelling another armed attack. In such an eventuality, which we pray will never confront us, the time lost at the beginning may be disastrous for the United Nations and mankind. We may not be able to afford improvisation a second time.
59. It is therefore incumbent upon the General Assembly to consider means which will enable the United Nations to meet such situations and to perform its task as guardian of the peace of the world.
60. The United States Secretary of State, on 20 September [279th meeting], outlined from this rostrum a four-point plan designed to “increase the effectiveness of the United Nations action against aggression".
61. Changing the order of these four points, and emphasizing particularly the means of implementation to be considered if this plan is to be put into effect, I should like to dwell on the third point first. I was very much pleased to note that the representative of Bolivia, who spoke a few minutes ago, stressed the same point. I do not think we can consider that as a mere coincidence. It is an indication of the prevailing opinion in the General Assembly.
62. In our view, the third point of the programme should be considered first, for that is the point to which all the others lead. The means to be determined under the fourth point, the observation to be carried out under the second and, finally, an emergency session of the General Assembly under the first, would all lead to eventual action, and action can be taken only by the forces to be provided under the third point. In our opinion, that is the key point of the whole programme.
63. The truth is that none of the countries in the world today, including the most powerful among them, is in a position all alone to take adequate and sufficient effective measures to safeguard the peace of the world. That is why an international police force to suppress aggression is one of the essentials for the peace and security of the world. The first, second and fourth points of the programme outlined by Mr. Acheson are also parts of a mechanism of security. It would be necessary to consider whether a threat might lead to a breach of the peace or to an act of aggression, to determine if such a situation actually exists, to take appropriate steps in order to prevent it and, eventually, to decide to put into action the international police force proposed in the third point.
64. It is in view of these considerations that my delegation will wholeheartedly support, in its main lines, the programme outlined here a few days ago by the United States Secretary of State. We believe that this proposal could be the basis for a mechanism which would help the United Nations to take immediate and effective action if and when it is faced by a new act of aggression.
65. The overwhelming majority of the Members of the United Nations have actually brought forth irrefutable evidence, in the attitude they have taken on the question of Korea, that they have achieved a remarkable maturity in their sense of responsibility in matters connected with safeguarding the peace. On the other hand, the Charter already embodies the provisions required to translate this will of the majority into action. But we are being deprived of the benefits of the Charter through the abuse and exploitation of some procedural possibilities which are equally open under the Charter. Our Organization is thus being paralysed in this respect. But possibilities for preventing this paralysis also are open to us under the Charter. We have only to act, to act with courage, to act now. World events make it incumbent upon this session of the General Assembly to take this decision.
66. If at the close of this fifth session we leave the Assembly hall without having set up an effective and smoothly running mechanism for the preservation of world peace, we shall have been false to the ideal of the United Nations and failed to promote the cause of universal peace. For it is highly disturbing for us to note — and gratifying, on the other hand — that world public opinion is far ahead of us, and the peoples of the United Nations now expect positive achievements of their Organization.