Germany

Only a few moments ago, we were informed of the crash of a commercial airliner not far from here, in Queens. At the moment, we do not know the cause of this disaster, but we are shocked and horrified. I would express to the bereaved families and to the American people our sincere condolences and sympathy. It has been only two months since thousands of innocent persons lost their lives in the World Trade Center here in New York. Today, we are seeing the extent to which the people here have been affected. In the entire history of the United Nations, there has never been a situation like this one. Throughout the world, people have expressed their sincere solidarity with and commiseration for the victims and their families. These horrific terrorist attacks struck not just Americans, but also innocent people from over 80 countries, members of all the major world religions and cultures. They targeted us all. It must therefore be a common concern of humanity to prevent a recurrence of this tragedy or indeed something even worse. The events of 11 September thrust a dangerous future upon the world. We now live in the terrible knowledge that no country in the globalized world is invulnerable and that enemies within, who are determined to kill and to die, can perpetrate mass murder at any time. This eerie, awful danger has at a stroke dramatically altered the foundations of security policy as we know it. The fight against internationally operative terrorist networks will require new responses from the community of States. International terrorism is a challenge above all for politics, the military, the police and the judiciary, as well as for the economy and — very importantly — for culture. At the dawn of the twenty-first century, the issue of peace and security has thus taken on an entirely new perspective. Humanity has rarely been as united as it was on that terrible day two months ago. This unity was born not only of horror and compassion, but also of the realization that we can successfully counter this new deadly threat only if we combine our full force and energy. The day of 11 September was a defining moment that altered the direction of world politics. A new alliance was created. It must now be strengthened and developed into a genuine partnership. If this is achieved, 11 September could go down in history not only as a horrific day for humanity, but also as the beginning of a new era of cooperation and multilateralism. What drives people to commit these inconceivable crimes and to blow up themselves and thousands of innocents? From where does such uncontrollable hatred come? How can it be curbed? How can it be conquered? It is certain that in any attempt to develop an effective counter-strategy we must, while waging the war on terrorism, analyse the full range of causes and circumstances that permit such hatred and violence to grow. The United Nations is uniquely suited to the task ahead. It provides the forum required for the creation 12 of a universal coalition. Only it can give international legitimacy to the response to terrorism. It has at its disposal the instruments to manage political conflicts and the underlying development problems that nurture hatred and despair. A comprehensive strategy against terrorism must concentrate primarily on prevention. Developing such a strategy means nothing less than drafting a policy for a cooperative world order for the twenty-first century, a policy that no longer tolerates areas characterized by a breakdown of order, a policy that has as its goal a world order under which all peoples can claim their full and equitable share. This includes making economic globalization more socially just for more people and supplementing it with the political globalization so urgently needed. The Security Council responded to 11 September with rare solidarity and, with resolutions 1368 (2001) and 1373 (2001), took decisions on concrete, internationally binding anti-terrorism measures that point the way ahead. The General Assembly, too, severely condemned the terrorist attacks and called for joint action against international terrorism. This path must now be rigorously pursued with the rapid and universal ratification and implementation of the 12 United Nations anti-terrorism conventions and the adoption of a comprehensive convention on international terrorism. We must endeavour anew to bring this project, on which we all place so much hope, to a successful conclusion. I therefore call upon all States that have not yet approved the present compromise to reconsider their position. The International Criminal Court can also become a valuable instrument in the fight against terrorism. Under article 7, paragraph 1, of its statute, it will have jurisdiction to try cases of murder “when committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population”. There can be no doubt that the attacks on New York, Washington and Pennsylvania fulfil this requirement. For this reason, I would like to ask you all once again to ratify the Rome Statute as quickly as possible. The attack on the World Trade Center was a wake-up call to the profound threat to world peace that can be posed by failing States. Areas where political and social order has collapsed offer terrorists a safe haven from which they can organize their murderous networks worldwide. The community of States urgently needs to take a closer and preventive look at the problem of failing States — but not just in Afghanistan, and not only after a catastrophe has occurred. No conflict prevention measures have ever been undertaken in Afghanistan. Far from it. This has proved to be a fatal error. For more than 20 years, a humanitarian catastrophe has been playing itself out before the eyes of the world, in which women and children, in particular, have suffered. Civil war, human rights violations and abject misery have also been the nourishing ground for the unprecedented symbiosis between the terrorists of the Al Qaeda group and the Taliban regime. From there the trail leads directly to the horrific attacks in the United States. As hard as this decision may be, without the use of military means, this threat cannot be averted. We must not forget that the suffering of the people in Afghanistan is above all the work of the Taliban. It was the Taliban that, long before 11 September, increasingly impeded effective humanitarian relief, robbed women and girls of all their rights and actively supported terrorism, also with the goal of destabilizing Arab and Muslim States. Not to react would indeed be to invite further terror and oppression and would be extremely dangerous for world peace. The dramatic nature of this threat is illustrated by Osama bin Laden’s statement that he will not shrink from using even nuclear weapons. Civilian means alone are unfortunately not always enough to put an end to violence and terror. This was the case in the Balkans. In Afghanistan, too, the root of the tragic conflict is profoundly political, and so the solution, too, can ultimately only be a political one. It must come from within, must reflect the diversity of peoples in Afghan society and must be accepted by the Afghan people. But a peaceful solution also requires assistance from the international community. Afghanistan must not be left alone with its problems yet again. A clear political and humanitarian perspective for Afghanistan is now crucial. The United Nations should be the coordinating agency for all peace efforts. It is indispensable as the framework for the political process and as the guarantor of internal agreements within Afghanistan. Only a peace process under the auspices of the United Nations will succeed in excluding external involvement in the future and 13 ensuring a peaceful future for the country in harmony with its neighbours. Germany and the European Union are willing to play their part towards a political solution for Afghanistan and to participate in the long term in the economic and social reconstruction of Afghanistan. More than anything, the refugees and the civilian population must be helped. We cannot tolerate the fact that the Taliban is hindering humanitarian access and is using the civilian population as a shield. Especially because of the approaching winter, we must do everything in our power to provide the people with at least the most basic necessities and to alleviate their despair and hardship. Is it possible to establish humanitarian protected areas, to use the expulsion of the Taliban from Mazar-e-Sharif and other towns to improve the humanitarian situation, and to make a town like Kabul an open city? Of course this will be very difficult, but let us nevertheless think without taboos about absolutely all ways in which we could help the people. As chair of the Afghanistan Support Group, Germany has issued an invitation to a meeting in Berlin at the beginning of December. I appeal to all States to make a great humanitarian effort now and to come to the aid of the downtrodden Afghan people. Solving regional conflicts will be of critical importance in the fight against terrorism. The Middle East conflict is a top priority. Our hearts go out to the many innocent victims on all sides. Both the Israeli and Palestinian peoples have a right to live free of fear, in dignity and in peace. This is indivisible not only from Israel’s right of statehood, as recognized in Madrid — which is, in our view, inviolable — but also from its security. Germany bears a special responsibility towards Israel stemming from its past. Any policy that aims at destroying Israel by means of terrorism or otherwise will face determined opposition from Germany. However, we equally advocate the Palestinians’ right to self-determination and their right to their own State, Palestine. In the European Union Berlin Declaration of March 1999 we stated that “the creation of a democratic, viable and peaceful sovereign Palestinian State on the basis of existing agreements and through negotiations would be the best guarantee of Israel’s security”. This is truer today than ever before. Never before has there been broader international backing for a solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Mitchell recommendations still form the basis for the timetable accepted by all sides, and in their spirit we call on Israelis and Palestinians alike to put an immediate and lasting end to violence and confrontation, to resume the agreed direct talks without delay and to seriously implement the negotiated ceasefires. These talks must lead to genuine negotiations on a viable political solution. The real aim of the terrorists is to trigger a clash of civilizations and to inflame the situation in the Near and Middle East. Under no circumstances can we allow ourselves to be drawn into such a conflict. We are fighting international terrorism, not Islam. We must counter the terrorist strategy designed to bring about the clash of civilizations with a dialogue of cultures and religions. We need a spiritual debate based on mutual understanding that attempts to reach genuine agreement on the fundamental values that unite us. Such a dialogue presupposes the existence of shared values, but also respect for other traditions and differences between peoples. However, one thing must be clear: human rights are universal, not Western values. Consensus was reached on them by the international community of States in the Charter of the United Nations and the human rights conventions. Any dialogue must build on the universality of human rights. It must be conducted with respect for the dignity of all involved, in tolerance and openness. It must start at home, within cultures themselves. It can bear fruit only if it is pursued free of all constraint. And it has a purpose only if all participants are also ready to offer self-criticism. The insidious anthrax attacks since 11 September show that the threat from weapons of mass destruction in terrorist hands, which yesterday seemed abstract, is today a real and deadly danger. The community of States must do everything in its power to counter it with a new push for non-proliferation and global disarmament. The dangers of the dissemination of weapons to non-State groups and of regional arms races require new answers and effective, internationally enforceable criminal sanctions. In the nuclear field, the commitment contained in the Non-Proliferation Treaty to complete nuclear disarmament remains crucial. As regards biological weapons, in view of the acute threat, effective global control mechanisms must finally be created. The Chemical Weapons Convention must be more rigorously implemented. All States are called 14 upon to participate in the negotiation of an international code of conduct on ballistic missile proliferation. The fight now beginning against terrorism must build on the awareness that the first world cannot in the long term live secure and safe from the tensions and conflicts of the third world. Almost one quarter of the world population is starving. Ninety-five per cent of those infected with AIDS live in developing countries. Africa is particularly hard hit. At present only a minority of the world’s citizens profit from the opportunities for growth offered by globalization and from the use of the new information technologies. This state of affairs cannot be accepted, even by the rich countries — for moral reasons, but also because tensions and conflicts today spread much more quickly and widely than ever before. The battle against poverty cannot be won unless we take equally determined steps to preserve the natural resources on which life depends. At the coming World Summit in Johannesburg we must make a quantum leap forward towards sustainable development, improved poverty eradication and better management of our natural resources. The Kyoto Protocol must enter into force next year. And we must strengthen the sole advocate of the global environment, the United Nations Environment Programme, institutionally, operationally and financially. 11 September made it horrifyingly clear that the human race will not be able to live in peace and security in the absence of political order at the global and regional levels. Germany will continue to do its utmost to bring about the strengthening of the United Nations and its capacity to act, so that the world will be a more peaceful, just and humane place in the twenty-first century than it was in the twentieth century. The future belongs to responsible governance for one world, governance based not on hegemonic claims, but on cooperation, solidarity and multilateralism. If together we succeed in implementing such a policy, we will not just ultimately win the war against terrorism but will also be able to eradicate its roots forever.